Foreign Aid and Development

In the past decade an increasing number of adolescent girls in Ethiopia have moved from villages and rural towns to Addis Ababa to improve their own lives and those of their families. While girls' migration is in a way a 'normality', with historically girls migrating for domestic work, the dominant discourse in Ethiopia describes the migration of girls mainly in terms of trafficking and exploitation, in particular when they are doing sex work. As a result, adolescent migrant girls are reduced to passive victims. In this paper we analyse the agency of adolescent migrant sex workers in three 'phases' of their migration process, namely in the decision to migrate, in their lives in the city, and in their future aspirations. We argue that the decisions of adolescent girls to migrate to Addis Ababa is a way of asserting their agency in moving forward with life, yet this agency is taking place in highly constrained circumstances which are strongly related to the gendered ideologies that affect their position in the household, their educational opportunities and their labour market perspectives. The paper is based on a qualitative study conducted in Ethiopia in 2014.

Myanmar's current transition involves a concerted international effort to promote the rule of law. Legal education is integral to promoting the rule of law, and so calls for development aid that works to improve a country's legal education system. The nature of development aid, however, calls for some analysis of its efficacy. This paper contributes to this call by taking as a case study the state of transnational aid efforts to improve legal education in Burma/Myanmar, and finds issues that threaten the efficacy of international aid efforts to reform legal education in developing countries. The analysis concludes with recommendations to mitigate such issues.

Evidence of ineffective foreign assistance is widespread in Africa. The debate on how aid can be effective and contribute to Africa’s development is, however, still ongoing without any clear way forward. This paper adopts a deductive approach to explaining aid and development in Africa. There is a high volume of literature on the impact of foreign aid on development in Africa, yet not many of them recognize all the factors that contribute to aid (in) effectiveness. The focus is often on macro-economic indicators which do not fairly represent the realities of poverty and suffering in many African countries. We offer an analysis of the theories that have been propounded to explain the relationship between aid and (under) development in Africa. In this paper, we critically examine such findings and test their validity against the backdrop that socio-cultural factors have not been given adequate consideration.

The effectiveness of foreign aid to reduce poverty in poor countries like Nepal is being increasingly questioned because in spite of its major significance in support of development expenditure, poverty appears to be worsening. A number of problems have been identified regarding the conditionality of aid, poor donor coordination resulting in duplication and even competition among the donors, unpredictability of aid, weak monitoring of aid impact and a number of other factors. The World Bank and the IMF have provided the leadership in influencing development approaches, the underlying conditions and the resources that would be made available. The other major donors have also accepted the recommendations of these two multilateral organizations and based their support decisions accordingly. During the mid eighties most of the developing countries seeking support from these multilaterals were introduced to the concept and a rigorous programme of Structural Adjustments focusing on growth based on liberalization, privatization, deregulation and control on domestic borrowing. Poverty reduction was expected to follow from the above changes.
Foreign aid for Nepal has increased rapidly over the years. If it was Rs. 386.76 million in 1974/75, ten years later it was Rs. 2676.4 million in 1984/85. In 1994/95 it was Rs. 11249.4 million, in 2002/03 it was Rs. 15885.6 million and in 2007/08 it had reached Rs. 34060.8 million. The peak was in 2007/08 when it reached Rs. 34060.8 million. The significance of these figures is quite apparent in the context of Nepal's development expenditure. For the entire decade of the nineties, foreign aid's share in development expenditure has been more than 50% when in 2007/08 it exceeded even 60%. With such a large role in the development budget, foreign aid is clearly very significant in all aspects of development in Nepal, including poverty reduction and agricultural development.
Another important characteristic of foreign aid is that the share of multilateral loans has increased quite markedly over the years. According to the fiscal year 2007/08, the breakdown between grants and loans was about 66.75 percent and 33.25 percent respectively. The external debt has also increased over the years because of the increasing loans. In 1975/76 the debt outstanding to GDP ratio was only 2.74 percent. In 1997/96 this had increased to 50.25 percent and it 2001/02 this was 52.25 percent. Another important dimension of foreign aid has been the lack of improvement in aid absorption. As more than one-third of aid commitment has remained un-utilized even after so much of efforts, there is no rational for seeking more aid without first improving the aid absorptive capacity of the economy.

In this dissertation all data have been used from secondary sources collected from different government organizations and international donor agencies. The objective of the study is to find out the trend and structure of foreign aid and its contribution and impact in agricultural development of Nepal. It has been significant improvements in agriculture sector and increase in production capacity as well. So the foreign aid has played a vital role for the development of agriculture sector. The regression results also show that the contribution of total foreign aid has played significant role in the growth of total GDP while it has less impact in agriculture sector thorough the agriculture aid because the higher proportion of total foreign aid is diverting on the power and communication sector. After FY 2004/05 the ratio of aid inflow is increasing significantly on the social service sector while at the same period the aid inflow in agriculture sector is significantly decreasing.

In fact foreign aid has played a remarkable role for the development of the agriculture sector. However, the total aid inflow is increasing along with decreasing in agriculture aid, the over all impact and outcome is not satisfactory. Before FY 2001/02, the flow of aid in agriculture sector is significantly higher but the outcome is very less remarkable so today in Nepal the problems such as malnutrition and starvation due to lack of proper foods supply is increasing. So it's necessary to review the foreign aid policy which really works in benefits of Nepalese people. And it's necessary to change the expenditure patterns and implementation strategies.

The widespread belief across the globe and across religions that the rich
should help the poor through Aids makes aid beneficiaries to
undermine its consequences. Rather than being the cure for the ailment
of poverty, Foreign aid is indeed the disease that plagues third world
countries and developing nations of the world and which plunges them
into more poverty. This is made possible through the conditions
attached to the Aids and Grants given to these countries. The benefiting
nations feel they are benefitting from a great favour, but the donor
nations know what they want. These grants, more often than not,
weaken the bargaining power of receiving nations; hence the principle
of collective bargaining is, in most cases, violated. Foreign aids are
mostly “Greek gifts”, which benefiting nations take for granted. This
paper x-rays the benefits or otherwise of the different aids and grants
given to third world countries, especially African countries. The paper
concludes that rather than developing the economies of the third world,
aid has been and will continue to be a clog in the wheel of progress of
developing economies and indeed a monumental humanitarian disaster
for most part of the developing world

The emotional dimensions of witnessing human hardship and suffering through images are key to ensuing humanitarianism.  Yet while images of suffering have historically evoked a range of ‘humanitarian emotions’, contemporary commentators lament that a ‘politics of pity’ now commonly fuels western humanitarian practices.  While this is often highlighted as a more recent phenomenon, emotions evoked in response to suffering have deeply historical origins.  Scholars speak, for instance, of the guilt, sympathy, ‘irresistible compassion’ and again pity, which so moved people in the 17-18th century to act and alleviate other’s pain.  This chapter therefore seeks to explore these historical linkages.  It examines the historical emergence of humanitarian emotions and sensibilities through tracing how early humanitarian representations bear out in those in the present day.  Analyzing early modern and contemporary media images of suffering, the chapter focuses on how the history of representing distant suffering has contributed the proliferation of a ‘politics of pity’ through which humanitarian actions are performed and practiced.  Exposing the historical and cultural contingency of such emotions, the chapter concludes by emphasizing how bodily feelings and affects hold immanent possibilities for political - and humanitarian - transformations.

This study was undertaken to provide some clarity and guidance on community-based development in conflict-affected areas. By drawing evidence from a wide set of programs and community experiences, this research aims to inform future programs, and stimulate new thinking and dialogue how community-based development programs can most effectively address the problems of prolonged armed conflicts in the Philippines.  The study also provides a theoretical and operational
framework to understand local conflict and security conditions, and adapt programs on a community by community basis so that they can respond more effectively and reduce risk.

“Africa is the richest continent in the world, in terms of natural and mineral resources. It has nearly 600 million hectares of uncultivated-arable land, about 60% of the global total. We spend a lot of time talking about this wealth, but mostly doing nothing with it. Look, nearly 90% of containers that bring goods to East Africa go back empty… the world won’t, can’t just sit by and watch if we don’t put our resources to productive use. Global players will come, take and do something with them. It’s the cold reality. It’s the way the world works.” Eriya Kategaya; Former First Deputy Prime Minister in Uganda and Former Minister of East African Community Affairs. Kategaya, sums up the elephant in the room in regards to African Development, while we are busy blaming everyone other than ourselves for our under development, the world continues to develop.

Sejak 20 tahun terakhir, status Indonesia sudah berkembang dari negara berpendapatan rendah menjadi negara berpendapatan menengah dalam kategori peringkat negara resmi yang dikeluarkan Bank Dunia.  Pada tahun 2020, posisi tersebut meningkat lebih baik menjadi negara berpendapatan menengah atas.  Meski demikian, kemajuan tersebut juga membawa beberapa implikasi, terutama pada pendekatan dan besaran bantuan pembangunan.  Indonesia perlu memulai mendanai barang publik sendiri, termasuk memperkuat ekosistem, peran dan keberlanjutan Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat (LSM) Indonesia.

Dokumen ini disusun dengan dukungan dari Ford Foundation. Isi dari dokumen ini sepenuhnya menjadi tanggung jawab dari Tim Penulis, dan tidak sepenuhnya mencerminkan pendapat dari Ford Foundation.

Cet article s'intéresse aux relations entre gouvernement et marché dans les politiques de développement. Il montre que l'essor des mécanismes marchands dans la mise en oeuvre de l'aide internationale est un phénomène institutionnel lié aux nouvelles stratégies d'intervention des Etats bailleurs du développement. Nous avançons tout d'abord l'idée que l'intégration des arènes de gouvernement et des espaces du marché a été largement encouragée par les réformes de gouvernance impulsées par les Etats au nom d'une meilleure efficacité de l'aide. Nous montrons ensuite que la prolifération des normes privées internationales utilisées dans les pratiques de développement renvoie, pour partie, à un processus de délégation d'autorité par lesquels des États confient à des organismes privés un pouvoir d'édicter des normes, tout en conservant des moyens d'en contrôler la pleine effectivité. Au final, le marché constitue, pour les Etats bailleurs, une nouvelle modalité de conduite de leur politique internationale, transférant une partie de la charge de l'aide au développement aux acteurs privés, tout en leur offrant, en retour, l'ouverture de nouveaux marchés rémunérateurs.

Mots clés : politiques de développement – coopération internationale – gouvernance de l'aide – gouvernement et marché – acteurs privés – normes privées – réforme des administrations internationales – financement du développement

Summary: This article focuses on the relationship between governments and markets in development aid policies. It argues that the spread of market-oriented mechanisms in international assistance is an institutional process that is linked to the changing foreign policy of main donor countries. First, this article shows that the integration of government and market spheres mostly results from donor countries' efforts to reform the existing global aid architecture in the name of development effectiveness. Second, it argues that the proliferation of international private norms used in development practices partly reflects a process of delegation of authority through which states transfer regulatory powers to private organizations, while preserving a capacity to influence the implementation of norms. Eventually, this article demonstrates that the market is a way for donor countries to steer their international aid policy, transferring part of the burden of development aid to private actors and, in return, giving them access to new gainful markets.

There has been considerable attention within the academic communities, by both theorist and practitioners in the field of foreign aid and development studies towards the development of emerging donors for the past few decades. Many of these emerging countries, such as China, India and Taiwan has transformed from aid recipient to aid donor. The approach of these new donors may have challenged the rules and norms maintained by major donors by overlooking criteria in aid giving and emphasizing more on their own interest. Some scholars has pointed out the irony of the emerging donors that eventhough these emerging donors has experienced various forms of tied aid under certain particular motives by traditional DAC donors, they might have not learned to use these experiences to detach their own aid from their diplomatic and economic interest. Indonesia, one of the country that going towards becoming an emerging donor herself, has been critisized for showing the same attitude by her aid in the South Pacific countries. This essay attempts to compare the motives of several emerging donors mentioned above. It puts forward an argument that instead of putting development and humatarian motives at forefront, these new donors' aid is still dominated with geopolitics and commercial motives. The essay adopts Therein's Left and Right perpective as general point of view in looking at the case studies. It also uses Anderson's aid allocation motives to categorize the donors' interest. The essay finally suggests that emerging donors should work with major donors to mould a better form of aid with its core purpose of poverty reduction and sustainable development.

'The Contested Areas of Myanmar: Subnational Conflict, Aid, and Development' is released at a pivotal moment amid longstanding conflicts in many parts of Myanmar, political dialogue to address the concerns of numerous ethnic groups, and a desire among international donors and aid agencies to support the peacebuilding process and the country’s political transition.

Findings from the year-long study reveal the intimate connections between subnational conflicts and national politics in Myanmar, instances where development interventions have contributed to uneven power dynamics and fueled armed resistance, and ways in which international aid can sometimes damage prospects for peace when initiatives are not sensitive to conflict. The study underscores a critical need to continue the ongoing political and economic reforms while building a system of government that is widely recognized as legitimate by people of all ethnic nationalities.

Key findings:
- Myanmar’s subnational conflicts are not a peripheral issue and directly affect much of the country: In 2016, areas affected by active or latent subnational conflict were found in at least 11 of Myanmar’s 14 states and regions. One hundred and eighteen of 330 townships, containing almost one-quarter of Myanmar’s population, currently demonstrate live or latent characteristics of conflict.
- Myanmar’s conflicts are not caused by underdevelopment: There is no simple correlation between human development, economic growth, and conflict in Myanmar, and subnational conflicts will not be resolved by measures to improve development outcomes. Conflict townships are on average only marginally less developed than non-conflict townships, particularly when Yangon is excluded. Some conflict townships exceed national averages, while others have the lowest development indicators in the country.
- Tackling underdevelopment alone will not create peace: Development interventions alone can never lead to peace. Myanmar’s conflicts are inherently political and connect to the structure of the state. Political solutions are, therefore, required to solve subnational conflict. Given the complex nature of Myanmar’s armed conflicts, interventions and policies should be strengthened to address the underlying drivers of conflict and be more responsive to the power inequities that have driven conflict over years, especially during transitional political periods.
- Development policies can drive subnational conflict: In many contested areas, economic changes and increased natural resource exploitation have ratcheted up tensions, engendered rivalries, fueled grievances, and provided funds that have sustained conflict. Foreign assistance can sometimes be manipulated to serve security objectives, particularly where government officials or leaders of ethnic armed organizations are able to decide project locations. In short, development interventions are never neutral.
- Aid can build momentum for peace as well as damage the prospects for peace: Projects that serve the security aims of one side can damage the confidence of ethnic groups in the country’s transition, while programs that support political reforms, such as decentralization, can help build momentum. Closer alignment of donors with government offers advantages in coverage, cost effectiveness, and sustainability, but it also poses risks for peace.

Education began to be included as a component of foreign assistance in the early 1960s as it is a principal ingredient of development. A number of multilateral and bilateral agencies were established around this time to implement various types of aid programmes; however their effectiveness is constantly questioned and challenged due to a variety of problems. This paper reviews the past and current activities of bilateral, multilateral organizations and private donors in education aid, examines their effectiveness, discusses major problems in implementing educational programmes and suggests ways to improve aid in education.

This research focuses on US and Brazilian international cooperation regarding food security. The study takes into account, as a starting point, the traditional division into North-South and South-South to verify how international cooperation varies according to the donor and which elements remain similar. The research aims to investigate the distinctive approaches of the United States and Brazil to offer aid and assess if there are notable differences in terms of perception or effectiveness in improving food security. International assistance provided by the US and other developed countries has been claimed to differ from horizontal cooperation among developing nations, which is supposedly not conditional and said to bring about better results. However, the increasing complexity of international and domestic realities, as well as the efforts to bring convergence in foreign aid practices, are turning outdated these divisions between horizontal and vertical approaches.
This Dissertation uses a comparative analysis to scrutinize US and Brazilian international cooperation practices in food security through five main variables: budget, institutions, laws, discourse and impact. These variables will allow us to estimate what is the real importance of aid provided in this area, how it is done, by which institutions, under which legal framework, and how it is presented and justified by official sources. Finally, a broad survey will show how aid donors are perceived in their main African beneficiaries. Mapping the perception of the main recipients in relation to their donors will help to consider if the Brazilian horizontal approach is met with a more positive review than the traditional vertical assistance given by the US.
This Dissertation comprises four chapters. Chapter 1 builds the theoretical background for the Dissertation and present the methodological framework for the cases studied and the comparison of the North-South and South-South cooperation. Chapter 2 assesses the US participation in the global aid regime in the field of agriculture and food security. Chapter 3 analyses the Brazilian international cooperation in the same area. Chapter 4 establishes a comparison among the cases presented and provides an assessment of how the main beneficiaries view the assistance received. Finally, the conclusion draws final observations on aid practices, as well as recommendations to improve aid policy and make these initiatives more effective.

Both experts and the US Government Accountability Office (GAO) have agreed that efficiency, transparency, a diversification of implementers, and an impact-oriented approach is necessary to improve the foreign assistance of the United States Government (USG). This article shows the importance of the correlation of rent-seeking and program impact in terms of democracy and development aid. There are limited publications regarding the Negotiated Indirect Cost Rate Agreement (NICRA) and other operational costs that nonprofit organizations or implementers have been charging to projects funded by US taxpayers. This article also exposes the poorly studied practice of providing a negotiated overhead that is applied to all projects by a given organization without major oversight or transparency. Thanks to the deep knowledge in the field after three decades of implementing USG projects, the author of the article provides recommendations to improve the effectiveness and transparency of international assistance programs, and it opens discussion of an area that may need to be reformed to address such as rent-seeking programs.

This research study has analyzed the effects of foreign aid in promoting economic growth in Zambia. The study used available data in Zambia from 1986 – 2018. The study adopted the ARDL model for investigating the short and long time relationship between foreign aid and Gross Domestic Product GDP. The hypothesis of foreign aid having an effect on economic growth was explored and examined. This study sought to archive the following objectives: To establish whether there is a connection between foreign aid and economic growth in Zambia and determine whether foreign aid significantly contributed to Zambia’s economic growth in the period under review. 

For policy implications, this study also analyzed the determinant of economic growth in Zambia over the same period. The results clearly revealed a positive relationship between foreign aid and Zambia’s economic growth in a given period that was under investigation.

The findings in this study affirm that foreign aid may be important in promoting economic growth. This study also asserts that foreign aid may be effective in improving the quality and lives of people if used effectively. Thus, the outcome of this study recommends that foreign aid be directed towards the promotion of investment because its proper use can promote and boots the country’s economic growth. 

For policy implications, this study also found that independent variables such as Foreign Direct Investment FDI, Population Growth, Government Expenditure and  Consumer Price Index as important and determinants of economic growth in Zambia over the same period. 

Thus, this study found that important drivers of economic growth included foreign aid inflow, population growth, investment whilst government expenditure and inflation affected GDP negatively, thus their impact was insignificant and negligible.

This study furthers found efficiency and effectiveness of programs by government supported by foreign aid being effective to promote growth, hence, the reason why it is important for traditional donors to support government in many sectors.

This article compares the evolution of China’s and Japan’s foreign policies to Lusophone Africa, focusing on the period post-2000. The lack of analysis on Beijing’s and Tokyo’s respective aid policies to- wards Portuguese-speaking African countries (Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa, PALOP) makes this study relevant. Arguably, Japan’s development “edge” over China in terms of the “aid model” approach towards PALOP countries is under threat. This raises questions about China’s changing pattern of aid, characterised by an increasing amount of “soft” aid towards PALOP states outside of trade and investment rela- tions, which is much in line with Japan’s aid philosophy and, according to observers, less neocolonialist than Japan’s previous aid practices. This paper asks which model of cooperation is morally better and which is more effective, as both donors have interests in PALOP countries be- yond development assistance. It finds complementarities in the two countries’ aid allocation to PALOP states, such as poverty eradication given the sectoral diversity of Chinese aid, and the empowerment of local communities fostered by Japanese aid’s emphasis on grassroots and human-security projects.

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : The decision of African leaders on the creation of an African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in 2018 was not merely a political decision with economic implications. It has significant and complex ethical dimensions too. This, not only concerning a possible trade-off between economic growth and well-being, employment, the depletion of natural resources and related ecological and gender problems. AfCFTA will also impact on growing xenophobia, nationalism and populism, the likely outcome of growing capital and labour mobility -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ : La décision des dirigeants africains de créer une zone de libre-échange continentale africaine (ZLECA) en 2018 n'était pas une simple décision politique ayant des implications économiques. Il comporte également des dimensions éthiques importantes et complexes. Cela ne concerne pas seulement un éventuel compromis entre croissance économique et bien-être, emploi, épuisement des ressources naturelles et problèmes écologiques et de genre connexes. Le ZLECA aura également un impact sur la xénophobie, le nationalisme et le populisme, conséquence probable de la croissance des capitaux et de la mobilité de la main-d'œuvre. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG : Die Entscheidung der afrikanischen Staats- und Regierungschefs zur Schaffung einer Pan-Afrikanischen Freihandelszone (AfCFTA) im Jahr 2018 war nicht nur eine politische Entscheidung mit wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen. Sie hat auch bedeutende ethische Dimensionen. Dies betrifft nicht nur einen möglichen Kompromiß zwischen Wirtschaftswachstum und Wohlergehen, Beschäftigung, Erschöpfung der natürlichen Ressourcen und damit verbundenen ökologischen und geschlechtsspezifischen Problemen. Die AfCFTA wird sich auch auf die Ausbreitung von Fremdenfeindlichkeit, Nationalismus und Populismus auswirken, die sich wahrscheinlich aus der Zunahme der Kapital- und Arbeitskräftemobilität ergibt.

This book explores the nexus between foreign aid and corruption in post-conflict settings. It particularly focuses on the experiences of some of the countries that have received foreign aid in order to initiate or accelerate their economic  reconstruction and state building efforts after experiencing a violent conflict during the post-Cold War period.

Bangladesh as a developing country has infrastructural problem, lack of skilled personnel and all these are often linked to the shortage of Capital. Hence we have to take financial assistance from external sources i.e foreign government, agencies & multi-lateral institutions. This  paper aims at exploring historical context as well as present condition of foreign aid with its positive & negative side with special reference to Bangladesh.

How should the aid financial burden be distributed across donor Governments? This article discusses the ‘distributive justice’ of the current aid-financing pattern, and advocates a progressive rationale in which citizens from donor countries with higher living standards contribute proportionally more than citizens from countries with lower living standards. For this purpose, we conceive public foreign aid as a tax mechanism for redistributing income on a worldwide scale. The progressivity analysis for 45 bilateral donors (28 DAC countries and 17 non-DAC donors) using concentration curves and Suits indexes between 2000 and 2012 shows that the current distribution of the aid burden is insufficiently progressive (mainly due to the scarce contributions of the richer donors). Finally, we argue that a progressive exaction scheme will improve the distributive justice of the aid system.

This paper argues that CARICOM’s main plank of relationship-building for economic development – securing market access through preferential trade agreements and quotas, increased foreign investment in vertically-integrated multinational industries, and development assistance through aid and soft loans for governments – continues to perpetuate underdevelopment and poverty in the Caribbean. Thirty years of pursuing this strategy has not changed the region’s peripheral position in the world economy. This failure, it is argued, arises from a flawed diagnosis. To remedy this, an empirical analysis of the Trinidad and Tobago economy is offered as a model for diagnosing CARICOM’s economic problems. It is found that the dual economy has facilitated a lopsided development of the offshore sector and Government dominance in the economy and society, at the expense of the onshore sector, citizen autonomy and well-being, and overall growth and development. A prescription for the development of an innovative-entrepreneurial onshore economy is offered, and a series of concrete recommendations are made to leverage CARICOM’s relationship-building accordingly.

Officially known as the European Recovery Program (ERP), the Marshall Plan is generally considered to have laid the foundations of the current international aid architecture. Most analyses of the Marshall Plan focus on its unique success and the inspiration that it provided as a “success story” for the subsequent aid programs. This study offers a reinterpretation of the Marshall Plan. It argues that the Marshall Plan was by no means confined to rebuilding the physical environment, but also, and more importantly, it was aimed at providing political stability within and between Western European states and incorporating them into the US-led capitalist international order. Accordingly, the Marshall Plan is evaluated not simply in terms of the immediate impact of the material and financial aid that it provided, but rather in terms of its role in the construction of a US-led multilateral international economy.

Abstrak Jurnal ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan peran dari Bank Dunia dni USAID dalam kaitanya dengan pembangunan pendidikan di Indonesia periode 2008-2014. Di dalam jurnal ini juga disuguhkan data-data yang akurat mengenai pembangunan pendidikan di Indonesia pada periode tersebut. Di sini juga di jelaskan bahwa Bank Dunia dan USAID menggunakan instrumen program pemerintah maupun membuat instrumen program sendiri untuk menciptakan pembangunan pendidikan bagi anak Indonesia yang berkualitas. Misalnya, Bank Dunia mendukung program pemerintah Indonesia untuk mengoptimalkan kebijakan 'Wajib Belajar 9 Tahun' dengan cara memprakarsai proyek BOS-KITA (Bantuan Operasional Sekolah Knowledge Improvement for Transparency and Accountability). Sedangkan USAID, memilih untuk membuat program sendiri, yakini USAID PRIORITAS (Prioritizing Reform, Innovation and Opportunities for Reaching Indonesia's Teachers, Administrators, and Students). Jurnal ini akan menjelaskan kedua program tersebut dan pengaruhnya terhadap pembangunan pendidikan di Indonesia. Abstract This journal aims to examine the role of the World Bank in the USAID in relation to the development of education in Indonesia period 2008-2014. In this journal also presented accurate data regarding the development of education in Indonesia in the period. Here also 1 explained that the World Bank and USAID to use the instrument of government programs or create their own instruments to create a program of education development for the quality of Indonesian children. For example, the World Bank supports the Indonesian government's program to optimize the policy 'Wajib Belajar 9 Tahun' by way of initiating the project BOS-KITA (School Operational Assistance Knowledge Improvement for Transparency and Accountability). While USAID, chose to make its own program, believed USAID PRIORITAS (prioritizing Reform, Innovation and Opportunities for Reaching Indonesia's Teachers, Administrators, and Students). This journal will explain both the program and its influence on the development of education in Indonesia. PENDAHULUAN Bank Dunia dan USAID Bank Dunia sangat berpengaruh dalam membentuk arah kebijakan pembangunan suatu negara sejak pertengahan abad ke-20. Terutama sejak berakhirnya Perang Dunia II (PD II), para pemimpin dunia meliahat bahwa dibutukan sebuah institusi kerjasama internasional untuk membangun kembali negara-negara yang hancur karena perang di Eropa. Pada 1944 di Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, Grup Bank Dunia didirikan untuk mendanai rekonstruksi Eropa, dan kemudian, untuk membantu negara berkembang. Di dalam terdiri dari lima institusi, dua di antaranya yang merepresentasikan Bank Dunia, yakini International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) dan International Development Association (IDA) 1 . 1Tesis Tanpa Judul dan Tanpa Nama. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-04272002-135235/unrestricted/SA.Final.pdf. Diunduh Pada 25 Desember 2015. Hal. 7 2 Gagasan tentang perlunya keberadaan sebuah institusi internasional dalam bidang keuangan sebenarnya sudah mulai dirintis sejak Perang Dunia II bergulir 2 . Dalam kaitannya dengan dengan hal tersebut diatas, mendekati musim panas 1944, diadakanlah Konferensi Moneter dan keuangan PBB (United Nations Monetary and Financial Conferences) yang dihadiri oleh 730 orang policy-makers dan para pakar keuangan internasional yang berkedudukan sebagai delegasi dari 45 negara 3 . Konferensi tersebut mengambil tempat di Hotel Mount Washington, Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, Amerika Serikat, sehingga kelak dikenal dengan sebutan Konferensi Bretton Woods. Tujuan dari Konferensi Bretton Woods adalah untuk menulis kembali aturan system keuangan internasional sehingga dampak Perang Dunia II tidak akan mengulangi perdagangan dan kebijakan moneter yang buruk pasca PD I 4 . 43 Konferensi Bretton Woods ini diakhiri dengan keberhasilan meletakkan dasar-dasar bagi pendirian dua lembaga keuangan internasional sekaligus, yakni Bank Dunia dan IMF. 44 Bank Dunia Semula didirikan terutama untik mendanai rekontruksi pasca-Perang Dunia II tetapi segera berali tugas ke pembangunan ekonomi.

This Country Study on Collaborative Partner-Donor Evaluation Work (CPDEW) builds on the previous Country Study on the Evaluation of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness and the Accra Agenda that was completed in 2010. This study draws on the
experience and lessons learned in a disaster recovery context.
The study examines the Samoan experience of the CPDEW that is
charting future directions for aid effectiveness in the context of disaster recovery.

This article adopts a poststructural approach to examine the relationship between the news media and international relations. It compares 15 years of international aid coverage from two donor nations, the United States and Britain, and two recipient nations, India and Pakistan, to understand the types of identities news media construct for a nation in relation to other nations. Despite their differences, the news discourse in all four nations has a neoliberal orientation. Moreover, neoliberalism underpins a hierarchical structure of relations that privileges some nations as superior and makes other nations willing participants in their own subordination. While scholars of press-state relations regard newsmaking as epiphenomenal to foreign policymaking, this article argues that newsmaking and policymaking are mutually constitutive social phenomena: both draw from and, in turn, reproduce a shared conception of national identity vis-à-vis other nations. In doing so, the article illustrates the productive power of news media in international relations.

This concept paper /proposal highlights some of the answers and solutions to inclusive growth and sustainable development as pathway to that mostly preferred conventional development aiming at helping Nakuru County Government in translating its vision and Mission into reality. It highlights some of County sectors to put much focus on and hold them as of priority. It also showcases catalytic and forward looking projects, transformations and ideas that can underpin a transition towards achieving an inclusive Economic Growth of Nakuru County's Economy. The Action plan (way Forward) for a successful transition of the County's economy characterized by positive progress maps out how challenges could arise during implementation and Execution of County programs. With the developing world being in the process of rapid, yet uneven development, its geography, Diversity and weak central governance all factor an environment where acute and sober governance becomes a valuable need in achieving progress.

The Australia Awards are the largest and longest running international scholarship program in Indonesia. Scholarships to Indonesian PhD awardees are estimated to cost in excess of AUD$250,000 (£172,000) each and in 2012 the Australian aid program provided for forty PhD-level scholarships.

In order to assess the development effectiveness of these programs, policy makers, program managers and educational institutions must be assured that program awardees, mandated to return home after study, can successfully renegotiate their cultural identity in such a way that enables them to contribute to home country development. To date, Australian aid-funded higher education programs have assumed the successful repatriation of completed awardees and not taken into account challenges arising from cultural identity change.

Educational and professional sojourners experience changes to their cultural identity during the process of acculturation and especially at the time of re-acculturation, following repatriation to their home country. This study examines the lived experience of Indonesian PhD Australian Development Scholarship (ADS) awardees who completed studies in Australia and were mandated to return home to Indonesia. In particular, the re-acculturation experience of these awardees is under-researched in terms of changes to their cultural identity and yet the program assumes that graduates will repatriate successfully and contribute to home country development.

The exploratory case study and qualitative approach to this study has allowed for an exploration of the lived experiences of twenty-eight returned PhD Australian Award Scholarship awardees. The study seeks to contribute empirical findings about changes to cultural identity in the context of this aid-funded scholarship program. Aims of the study are to build knowledge of cultural identity theory, assess the impact of the program and generate practical recommendations to guide public sector managers and enhance program effectiveness.

Tsarist Russia, the USSR and modern Russia have had unique perspectives on Africa and aid, due to geographical location, changing ideologies, non-colonial history with Africa, the Cold War, alternating aid status of recipient and donor, and a historic view of Africa in a tripartite relationship with the West. Western development discourse evolved to produce a large aid apparatus, accompanied by depoliticised discourse on Africa. The USSR's discourse on Africa was political. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) and a postcolonial approach, with a structural analysis of 262 pages of Soviet newspaper Pravda and discourse analysis of 54 articles, this thesis relates findings to the Russian, Soviet and Western contexts in which the discourses arose. It shows that Pravda used Africa and aid as discursive tools to establish the USSR's position in the international hierarchy, used Africa as a rhetorical proxy, and carried a theme of "freedom as development". Similarities between Soviet, Russian and Western representations of Africa, development and aid (for example Africa's low status) were built on different motivations and assumptions, and used different tools. The USSR's Cold War rhetoric conveyed a partial and incomplete construction of Africa, aid and development. Pravda conveyed assumptions that all countries, including the USSR, are developing, that the USSR and Africa are comparable and in some ways similar, and that freedom is an overriding aspiration. Constructing development as natural, Pravda constructed a weak link between development and aid, and in general Pravda presented aid as harmful Western aid. Russia's legacy is an ideology in which Africa is still eternally "developing" but shares this activity with all countries, Africa is weak and yet is Russia's friend and ally, competition continues between Russia and the West over Africa's friendship, and aid has mainly humanitarian rather than development value. Socialist ideological discourse of equal nations remains in today's Communist Pravda. В желтой жаркой Африке в центральной ее части Как-то вдруг вне графика случилося несчастье... Песенка ни про что или «Что случилось в Африке», Высоцкий В. 1 In hot, yellow Africa, in its central part, Somehow suddenly, unscheduled, there was an accident... Song about Nothing or What Happened in Africa (Vysotsky) This thesis concerns the evolution of the official Soviet portrayal of Africa and international development, including aid, and its legacy for Russia's post-Soviet conception of these topics. Western discourse generally presents Africa as problematic and needing development, perhaps to be facilitated by the West, or the North. In Western discourse, Africa, development and aid are connected. Discourse determines action, and Western discourse on Africa and development has resulted in a large aid industry with many institutions dedicated to global poverty reduction or "international development". Scholars debate whether aid has benefited or harmed Africa, as I discuss in Chapter 4. Western public discourse on these topics has been much researched, including through a postcolonial approach. Soviet and Russian discourse on them is less researched, a serious gap, given how important Russian, then Soviet and now post-Soviet Russian influences have been in Africa. Almost all Russians and some Africans know that they have a joint history, but Western policy-makers often ignore this. I elaborate on Russian and Soviet relationships with Africa and aid in Chapters 1 and 5. My substantive analytical contribution to the literatures on development discourse, aid, Cold War Africa and modern Russia thus concerns Soviet perceptions of Africa, on which little has yet been written, and the evolution of Soviet and Russian discourse on development and aid, on which even less has been written. Using a postcolonial approach, I examine Soviet and Russian relationships and encounters with Africa, linguistic tools and strategies employed in Soviet and post-Soviet newspaper Pravda to construct Africa, development and aid, the trajectory of changes in these strategies, and legitimisation of Soviet relations with Africa, all in the context of the It is within language itself, exactly in that fold of words where analysis and space meet, that the first but endless possibility of progress arises. In its root, progress, as defined in the eighteenth century, is not a movement within history, but the result of a fundamental relation between space and language. Chapter 4. Evolution of Aid; Analysis of Media Discourse on Africa is to Europe as the picture is to Dorian Gray-a carrier onto whom the master unloads his physical & moral deformities .

Expanding on earlier research in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, this publication includes findings on the perceptions of democracy assistance by civil society recipients in Serbia. The new research is the product of extensive fieldwork undertaken in Serbia since 2006, as well as a survey conducted in spring 2011. Initial research on Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo was conducted in 2009 in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the European Regional Master’s Degree (ERMA) in Democracy and Human Rights in South East Europe, jointly awarded by the University of Sarajevo and University of Bologna. The original master’s thesis titled “Mistakes Donors Make: Civil Society and Democracy Assistance in the Balkans” was published by the Center for Interdisciplinary Postgraduate Studies (CIPS) of the University of Sarajevo in the collection of best ERMA theses for the academic year 2008/09.

Adaptasi dan mitigasi perubahan iklim diperlukan untuk mengurangi dampak-dampak perubahan iklim, baik dalam aspek ekonomi, lingkungan, maupun sosial. Salah satu pendekatan dalam mengurangi emisi karbon sekaligus menanggulangi dampak perubahan iklim dan mengembangkan perekonomian yang ramah lingkungan adalah Strategi Pembangunan Rendah Karbon (Low Carbon Growth Strategies). Di Indonesia Strategi Pembangunan Rendah Karbon telah dikembangkan setidaknya di tiga provinsi, yakni Jambi, Kalimantan Tengah dan Kalimantan Timur. Provinsi Kalimantan Timur termasuk yang paling giat dalam melaksanakan dan mengembangkan berbagai program berkaitan dengan strategi tersebut dan Kabupaten Berau adalah salah satu kabupaten yang telah mengimplementasikan Strategi Pembangunan Rendah Karbon dalam Program Karbon Hutan Berau (PKHB). Program ini dirancang untuk mengembangkan pengelolaan sumberdaya hutan dan sumber daya alam yang berkelanjutan. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis bagaimana implementasi Program Karbon Hutan Berau (PKHB) sebagai salah satu upaya Strategi Pembangunan Rendah Karbon di Indonesia dan bagaimana keterlibatan berbagai pemangku kepentingan, baik pemerintah, LSM, swasta, dan komunitas masyarakat. Dalam paper ini penulis menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif melalui studi literatur.

Kata kunci: Strategi Pembangunan Rendah Karbon, Program Karbon Hutan Berau, Berau, Kalimantan Timur

This survey essay reviews close to 200 papers in arguing that in order to achieve sustainable and inclusive development, foreign aid should not orient developing countries toward industrialization in the perspective of Kuznets but in the view of Piketty. Abandoning the former's view that inequality will fall with progress in industrialization and placing more emphasis on inequality in foreign aid policy will lead to more sustainable development outcomes. Inter alia: mitigate short-term poverty, address concerns of burgeoning population growth, train recipient governments on inclusive development, fight corruption and mismanagement and avoid the shortfalls of celebrated Kuznets' conjectures. We discuss how the essay addresses post-2015 development challenges and provide foreign aid policy instruments with which discussed objectives can be achieved. In summary, the essay provides useful policy measures to avoid past pitfalls. 'Output may be growing, and yet the mass of the people may be becoming poorer' (Lewis). 'Lewis led all developing countries to water, proverbially speaking, some African countries have so far chosen not to drink' (Amavilah). Piketty has led all developing countries to the stream again and a challenging policy syndrome of our time is how foreign aid can help them to drink.

Self-reliance was a cornerstone of Ujamaa socialism -the ideology of Tanzania from 1967 till mid-1980s. In the post-Cold-War time the socialist ideology has actually been abandoned, together with the really valuable concept of self-reliance. At present, Tanzania is crucially dependent on foreign aid. We argue that aid can play a positive part for the country, but only if it will promote her self-development which, in its turn, is possible only if the nation strives to become self-reliant. However, in contemporary Tanzania the culture of self-reliance has almost disappeared since national ideology has virtually changed, and many people rely on foreign aid and national government, not on their own hard work. At the same time, the union of foreign donors and corrupted national bureaucracy results for Tanzania in aid without development that, as in the case of mosquito bed nets aid, cannot promote self-reliance and, hence, socio-economic progress. The paper is based on fieldwork conducted under the papergiver's guidance in two Tanzania's regions -Dar es Salaam (three urban municipalities, 67 filled out questionnaires and 18 structured interviews) and Morogoro (two rural districts, 58 questionnaires and 12 structured interviews).

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This aim of this study is to explore the development assistance system and its multiple challenges in the global economy: an obstacle for assisted countries. Development aid is one of the instruments of international cooperation whose primary objective is to facilitate trade in the context of globalization. It deserves to be approached systemically to understand the different monetary and human flows and to build networks of actors developing reciprocal interdependencies. For example, development aid to poor countries can be broken down into four main variants: “budget assistance,” “technical assistance,” “project assistance” and “emergency assistance.” According to the authors, development aid must be analyzed in relation to the overall socio-economic and political context (on the donor country side) and local (in the assisted country), acting on the networking links developed by the actors involved. It is thus asserted in the asymmetry of the power relations between the players in...

In the political and academic debates on development aid in the post-Cold War years, there is often reference to a “new aid architecture.” This study explores what is new about this “new architecture of aid” and traces change and continuity by comparing the form and essence of aid architecture in the Cold War and the post-Cold War years. It discusses to what extent development aid can be interrogated within the intersystemic competition during the Cold War period. After having located aid into a systemic framework, it seeks to understand the emergence of the “new aid architecture” in the post-Cold War years. To this end, it first analyses the relevance of aid to the hegemonic
project that pursues the proletarianization of the world’s poor. It then focuses on aid’s role in transforming social and industrial relations to promote capitalist competitiveness at the global level. In this respect, it pays particular attention to “global value chains.” This study argues that “new aid architecture” is nothing more than an attempt to set a new framework for the role and contribution of aid in expanding and deepening the hegemony of capital over labor on a global scale in the absence of the Soviet factor.

This aim of this study is to explore the development assistance system and its multiple challenges in the global economy: an obstacle for assisted countries. Development aid is one of the instruments of international cooperation whose primary objective is to facilitate trade in the context of globalization. It deserves to be approached systemically to understand the different monetary and human flows and to build networks of actors developing reciprocal interdependencies. For example, development aid to poor countries can be broken down into four main variants: “budget assistance,” “technical assistance,” “project assistance” and “emergency assistance.” According to the authors, development aid must be analyzed in relation to the overall socio-economic and political context (on the donor country side) and local (in the assisted country), acting on the networking links developed by the actors involved. It is thus asserted in the asymmetry of the power relations between the players in...

Myanmar’s current transition involves a concerted international effort to promote the rule of law. Legal education is integral to promoting the rule of law, and so calls for development aid that works to improve a country’s legal education system. The nature of development aid, however, calls for some analysis of its efficacy. In response to this requirement, this paper offers an analysis of educational development aid directed at reforming Myanmar’s legal education system, with the goal of presenting perspectives from Myanmar’s law schools that provide a better understanding of the issues that concern the intended beneficiaries of such aid.

Development projects evolve with reference to particular framings of the need and imperatives of a developing country. Once development projects get legitimated in this way, the aid agencies deepen their presence to move in a direction of their choice. This is evident from an examination of the 1954 flood in Nepal which devastated a significant part of the hills and Tarai in the eastern, central and western areas. This paper looks into the disaster caused by that flood; into how the government of Nepal, the civil society and donors responded to it; and into the way the crisis stirred conflict and contestation among political parties within and outside the government. This paper is based primarily on the review of newspaper coverage around the flood, the political processes and the inauguration of development project in Nepal in the 1950s. It shows the extraordinary power of how the crisis caused by flood stirs up political contestation and helps legitimise actions of one or the other actor, including the donors. These insights on the power of a big disaster to command response from a wide range of domestic actors and donors help us question the largely technocratic framing of the ongoing debate around disaster risk reduction.