Fenianism

LEGISLATIVE RESOLUTION honoring Colonel Thomas J. Kelly posthumously upon the occasion of his designation as recipient of a Liberty Medal, the highest honor bestowed upon an individual by the New York State Senate.

WHEREAS, It is incumbent upon the people of the State of New York to recognize and acknowledge those within our midst who have made significant contributions to the quality of life therein; and
WHEREAS, Members of the Armed Services from the State of New York, who have served so valiantly and honorably in wars in which this country's freedom was at stake, as well as in the preservation of peace in peacetime, deserve a special salute from this Legislative Body; and
WHEREAS, This Legislative Body is justly proud to honor Colonel Thomas J. Kelly posthumously upon the occasion of his designation as recipient of a Liberty Medal, the highest honor bestowed upon an individual by the New York State Senate; and
WHEREAS, The New York State Senate Liberty Medal was established by resolution and is awarded to individuals who have merited special commendation for exceptional, heroic, or humanitarian acts on behalf of their fellow New Yorkers.

This book deals with the formation of state surveillance and the emergence of institutionalized political policing in late Victorian and Edwardian Britain. Little has been written on this early formative period for the British security state, which began in earnest as a response to the Fenian dynamite campaign of the 1880s. Based on newly declassified documents, Solomon weaves together separate narrative threads which converge to paint a complex picture of the institutional innovations and personal rivalries that produced Britain's first national political police. The interactions between high-ranking bureaucrats, policemen and politicians reveal how often conflicting ideas on controlling organized radicalism coalesced into a unified counter-subversive strategy. Stressing the distinctness of the early British model of political policing, the narrative goes past the confines of a scholarly account by using source material to flesh out multidimensional characters, ranging from choleric Home Secretaries to remorseful anarchist double agents embroiled in a high-stakes and often unscrupulous combination of espionage, collusion and betrayal.

The attack on Canada in 1866 by 19th Century Irish republican revolutionaries, formed part of their strategy to liberate Ireland from the yoke of British rule. What was unique about the venture was that it was the first attempt made outside of Ireland to accomplish this aim. This was because previous attempts within Ireland, both by political and violent means, had ended in failure. Here we will explore what the fenian movement was in Ireland and the United States, giving a brief history of the group's formation and the aims of it's leaders. A narrative of the invasion of Canada follows, with a concluding section examining why the invasion failed, and the consequences on the movement in later years. WHO WERE THE FENIANS The fenian movement was born out of the failed attempts by Irish parliamentarian Daniel O'Connell to have the Act of Union repealed, thus creating an independent Ireland by political methods. O'Connell had been elected to parliament in 1828 and had early success, when, in 1829, the Roman Catholic Relief Act was passed, which repealed the Penal Laws introduced in the 17th century. He worked tirelessly to fulfil his ambitions but was defeated at every turn. 1 Unfortunately for O'Connell, the tragedy of the Great Famine struck in 1845. During the course of this humanitarian disaster about 2.5 million Irish people were killed by starvation or emigrated abroad to escape. The perceived indifference of the British government to their suffering created a rebellious fervour within the country. Because of this, many of O'Connell's supporters became militant and turned away from his political philosophy. One such man was William S. O'Brien who formed the Young Ireland movement. To pre-empt any form of dissidence among the populace, Habeas Corpus was suspended in June 1848 by the British authorities. This gave O'Brien his chance, and he took it. In July he staged a "revolution", known as the Young Ireland Revolt of 1848, which ended in total disaster. 2 One result of this failure was that many of the leading participants of the revolt had to flee the country. Two of these were James Stephens and John O'Mahony, who made their way to Paris, France. In the city they lodged together and formed a close friendship which lasted until the death of O'Mahony in 1877. While in the city they formed their ideas for Ireland's future with other revolutionaries from Germany, Hungary and Italy, where similar attempted revolutions had taken place that year. After Louis Napoleon took the thrown of France in December 1851, they had to leave the country because of his repression of the republican opposition. Stephens returned to Ireland in 1855 to test the revolutionary sentiment there, while O'Mahony went to New York in 1854 to find support among Irish emigrants. Through their letters they agreed, in 1858, to form two partner organisations to further their aims of an emancipated Ireland. Stephens created the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) in Dublin and O'Mahony the Fenian Brotherhood (FB) in New York. 3 From the beginning both organisations had a large amount of support. In America, O'Mahony had no problem finding willing Irishmen, because, 'England had filled the western continent with an Irish population burning for vengeance upon the power that had hunted them from their own land.' However, not all Irish-Americans viewed the Fenian Brotherhood so favourably. The group was vilified in the New York press, and even a Roman Catholic Irish Bishop in the city was reported to have said that hell was not hot enough to punish them sufficiently. More generally during the second half of the 19th Century and the early 20th Century, historians described both organisations as being "Catholic Terrorists". However, later and modern historians see the groups as being "Catholic Republicans", who only used violence sporadically to further their aims. Then, in 1861, the American Civil War began, and the Irish-American population went to war. This had the effect of delaying the long-planned and hoped for invasion of Ireland, but, on the other hand, it did create a well trained army for the purpose. Indeed, at the 1863 Fenian convention in Cincinnati, Ohio, a speech was drafted directed at the people of Ireland which centred on this point: 'Here we have soldiers armed and trained (thousands of them trained in the tented field, and amid the smoke and thunders of battle), with able and experienced generals to lead them. Let the cities and towns and parishes of Ireland have their brigades, regiments, battalions, and companies of partially disciplined soldiers of liberty silently enrolled.' 4 A PLAN TO INVADE CANADA Canada only became the target for invasion during the autumn of 1865. Up until this point only a direct invasion of Ireland in support of a Stephens-led rebellion had been considered. However, this changed just after the Civil War ended, because Stephens launched his rebellion -'The Movement of 1865' -and it ended like all those preceding it: in failure. To support Stephens, O'Mahony had sent a small ship called the 'Erin's Hope'

The dissertation examines allegations that Fenians deliberately joined the Liverpool Irish Rifle Volunteer Corps (64th LRV) during the second half of the 1860s in order to gain access to military training and weapons.  Chapter one examines the development and social compositions of the Irish community in Liverpool, the Fenian movement and the 64th LRV.  Some common features are found in the Fenian and Rifle Volunteer movements, especially relating to the social class and aspirations of the membership which may have been as significant to them as political allegiance.  Chapters two and three examine the progress of Fenianism in Liverpool and the repeated links found with the 64th LRV.  The efforts made by Colonel Bidwill, the commanding officer, to prevent Fenian sympathies in his Corps are examined, as is the role which he saw for his unit in improving the political and social behaviour of his recruits.  Chapter four examines Colonel Bidwill’s political career at a time when the influence of the Catholic Liberals which he represented was declining both nationally and more especially in the Irish community.  Chapter five concludes that there is not evidence that the majority of members of the 64th LRV held Fenian membership but that the social role of the two organisations suggests that in both cases membership expressed as much social as political aspirations.  The 64th LRV is offered as an organisation which contradicts the stereotyped view of the Liverpool Irishman.

This paper examines the connection between Canon PA Sheehan (1852-1913) and the Fenian movement in his life and writings. Growing up in north county Cork before and after the events of the abortive 1867 rising, Sheehan retained the sense of the hopelessness of these "martyrs for old Ireland", and created characters in his later novels shaped by not only his memories of that period, but by his sense of despair at the degeneration of the Ireland of his youth. Canon Sheehan's Fenians are not just a nostalgia for an Ireland dying; they are a bulwark against the new, materialistic Ireland.

Mortimer Moynahan was a leading figure in both the IRB and the Fenian Brotherhood. He was a founder of the Phoenix National and Literary Society in Skibbereen. He was a prominent leader in the early expansion of Fenianism and was arrested in 1858 and in 1865. A confidant of the Fenian leader James Stephens, he rose to become, for a brief period, the leader of the Fenian Brotherhood in America. However, by the time death in 1881 he was largely overlooked and forgotten. This article examines his life, work and why he is so little remembered.

Engels, the founders of modern revolutionary socialism, showed a keen interest in developments in Ireland throughout the tumultuous period between the onset of famine in the late 1840s and the rise of the Land League 30 years later. From their vantage point in industrialising England, then (in their own words) the 'metropolis of capital, the power which [rules] the world market', 1 the catastrophic suffering of the famine years and the acute social distress that followed in its wake represented for them an essential corollary to England's industrial expansion. British economic and political supremacy went hand in hand with Irish underdevelopment, they argued: 'While Britain "flourished" Ireland moved toward extinction…a semi-barbarous, purely agrarian…land of poverty-stricken tenant farmers'. And with an ever-growing Irish immigrant presence in every significant industrial centre in Britain, the 'Irish Question' became for them a critical issue for the growing international working-class movement.

This article examines the impact of Irish nationalism on the tiny, mid-Atlantic island-colony of Bermuda. It begins by uncovering the numerous institutional, literary, military, naval, and penal connections between the islands in order to establish the context for later Irish-American threats to the island. It examines the place of the island within the nationalist conceptions of the broader British Empire - both in explicit opposition to and implicitly in support of the colonial administration.

It continues by tracing three different plots against the island, starting with the New York based Irish Republican Union's plot to free Young Irelander John Mitchel from captivity there in 1848. Next, it moves forward to the Fenian counter-intelligence that promised an invasion of the island in April 1866. It concludes with an examination of the plan (and reaction to) the Dynamiter’s 1882 attempt to attack Bermuda’s world famous HM Floating Dock, one of the Royal Navy’s most geo-strategically significant, and impressive pieces of colonial defensive infrastructure.

The final, published version of this article can be found here: http://muse.jhu.edu/article/629423

The paper addresses the existence of urban working-class nationalism through the 1850s in the form of the Catholic Ribbon secret societies. It then goes on to examine briefly the conflict and co-operation that these societies came to engage in with the emergent Republicanism of the Fenian movement during the 1860s. Much of this was played out in an urban environment as early Fenianism was predominantly artisan in character, and Ribbonism was most coherent among the urban lower-middle-classes of shopkeepers and tradesmen.

Drawing on a detailed examination of both the Outrage Reports and the Chief Secretary’s Registered Papers this paper addresses post-Famine survivals of Ribbonism in Ulster and elsewhere. Tom Garvin alluded to the Fenian Michael Davitt’s hypothesis that Mid-Victorian Ribbonism informed the development of Fenianism in his seminal work 'Defenders, Ribbonmen and Others' in the 1980s. Despite this, little has been done since then to understand the processes by which this may have come about. One explanation has been the dearth of work carried out on Ribbonism into the 1850s.

Ribbonism had certainly had its heyday by the time the Famine had ended. But its continued survival in the immediate post-Famine period meant that it played a role in both agrarian protest (1849-1852) and communal clashes (1848-1850) in the province.
General economic stability due to the Crimean War and a dampening of communal strife due to the enforcement of the Party Processions Act during the mid-1850s deprived Ribbonism of two of its primary social functions, agrarian redress and Orange defence. But the Ribbon Lodges broken up intermittently by the constabulary throughout the 1850s and into the early 1860s point to a tradition that, although weakened, still had some traction amongst lower-class Catholics in places from Sligo and Donegal to Belfast. What was the nature of Ribbonism in the 1850s and 1860s?  Was it in a strong enough position to have either a positive or negative effect on the development of the emerging Fenian movement?

This research is an admirable combination of an interesting topic Bollywood and feminism. There is anextraordinary Hindi movie named Parched which has explored the women empowerment through its characters and its unique storyline. Feminism is the hot and scorching-like-a-sun topic in today's time. One can find the word "Feminism" every where from articles to literatures, from print media to electronic media, social sites to social gatherings. You can hear the discussions on empowering women rights and their voices. So be it writer, poet, or intellectual thinkers everybody is getting involved in this hot topic and expressing their view on feminism. Empowerment is reflected in writings, expressions, poems, speeches, plays and movies too. Women empowerment is being asserted in body language, use of abusive language, crisis management, negotiation skills, domination skills, rebellious nature and resistance in daily life. That empowerment is also discovered and explored in the movie Parched through its main characters and protagonists. Protagonists of the movie pliably express their desires, dreams, requirements and wishes. They fight for freedom from social, cultural, and economical clutches and boundaries.

Irish republicanism is commonly associated with martyrdom and with terrorism. The historical roots of these joined connotations can be found in nineteenth-century Fenianism. However, Fenianism is a somewhat elusive term. By surveying the elaborate cults of political martyrs developed by republicans in the late-nineteenth century, alongside the more marginal engagement with terrorism, this essay disentangles the complex genealogy of the Irish martyrdom-terrorism nexus from the Fenian rising of 1867 up to the Easter Rising of 1916.

Historians have always argued that U.S. President Andrew Johnson and his Secretary of State William Seward either secretly conspired with Irish American Fenian insurgents in their attempt to invade Canada in 1866 or at least “looked the other way” as the Fenians mobilized for their incursion.
A review of the diplomatic despatches of Frederick Bruce, the British envoy in Washington at the time, reveals a conspiracy indeed; not between the United States and the Fenians to invade Canada but one between Britain and the United States to secretly contain the Fenians without Irish American voters finding out. According to one of the plan’s architects, William Seward, stopping the Irish Fenians was in “the interest of the two great branches of the Anglo-Saxon race on opposite sides of the Atlantic.”
The origins of this agreement were rooted in US-British cooperation on issues of mutual interest in China during the American Civil War period in the midst of the so-called “Osborne Flotilla – Vampire Fleet Affair.” Two former ‘Chinese Colleagues’, the ex-British envoy to China Frederick Bruce and the American ambassador there Anson Burlingame, were instrumental in the negotiation and implementation of the secret Fenian containment plan in Washington in November of 1865.
The rise of the Fenian trans-Atlantic threat, the British intelligence response to the emerging trans-Atlantic threat, the Canadian “intelligence failure” to anticipate the invasion and the agreement negotiated by Seward and Bruce for a joint Anglo-American secret policy to contain the Fenians, and its impact on the Fenian Raids on Canada in June 1866, is described and documented here in its full scope and scale for the first time.

Between 1848 and 1867 in Ulster there existed numerous modes of political and social collective action which had their antecedents in pre-Famine developments and which Catholics continued to engage in. In these could be discerned nationalist and anti-state sentiment.
Some of these forms were social rather than political in character. A curious mixture of associational Ribbonism and agrarianism had grown out of pre-Famine agrarian secret societies and Defenderism. This form of collective action reared its head in the south Armagh region of Ulster in the early part of the post-Famine years. Meanwhile, the popular anti-Orange action which Catholics had practiced during the times of the Armagh Troubles of the 1780s also persisted, especially in the Mourne region of south Down.
The Ribbon societies were most prevalent on the province’s peripheries and in Belfast. Ribbonism lay somewhere between political network and social club. The Ribbonmen were vaguely nationalist, but certainly anti-state in outlook. They had adopted the mantle of Catholic defence and associational practice from the Defenders as early as 1811 and were still functioning in that role by the 1850s and 60s.
Other modes of organisation were clearly political. The remnants of the Young Ireland movement, by 1847 known as the Irish Confederation, stood in the non-sectarian republican tradition of the United Irishmen. Though an entirely new phenomenon in many ways, the IRB and the Fenian movement from the early 1860s persisted in propagating the advanced nationalist ideology of the Young Irelanders who had come before them.
Scholars such as W. E. Vaughan and R. V. Comerford have portrayed the post-Famine years as ones of Catholic political contentment with the Union and social contentment with the land system and Protestant hegemony. This proposed paper will argue to the contrary; that the continued survival of certain social modes of collective action and political traditions, though often a minority practice, restricted the legitimacy of British rule in Ireland and maintained foundations on which the more explicitly anti-imperial mass movements of Parnellism, Hibernianism and Republicanism could be built in subsequent years.

The aim of this bachelor thesis is to clarify the underlying causes and circumstances leading to emergence of the first terrorist groups in Ireland and Great Britain, as well as to detail the events preceding the establishment of the first secret counter-terrorist units. Overall, the thesis is comprised of 3 chapters. The first chapter deals with the causes of the conflict, which originate as far as in the beginnings of the 19th century. In order to acquire sufficient understanding of the ensuing events delineated in this thesis, it was necessary to throughly analyze the relationship between the Great Britain and Ireland as well as to shed a light on mentality of the radical separatists. This chapter also depicts the most significant milestones and circumstances of the aforementioned conflict and the reaction of the British and Irish police units upon these events. The second chapter presents a summary of results and ramifications of the Victorian War on terror. The last part is dedicated to depiction and analysis of selected present-day terrorist attacks and the reactions of counter-terrorist organizations upon them, while it also provides a comparison with the 19th-century attacks

This paper gives an overview of the development of the republican armed force tradition in Irish politics from the 1790s. It concludes that while Wolfe Tone and Emmet may have been inspirational, it was the experiences in politics and developments in political theory stemming from the 1840s Young Ireland movement that had the greatest impact. Though the 1848 rebellion led by William Smith O’Brien has often been derided by historians, it was a pivotal event which led directly to the foundation of Fenianism, which in turn led directly to the Land League revolution 1879-82 and indeed the 1916 Rising. The influence of James Fintan Lalor is highlighted as it was Lalor who came up an alternative formula to constitutional agitation arguing that England’s treatment of Ireland had given the Irish a moral right to a legal tabula rasa over both land ownership and constitutional claims. Cette étude propose un bilan de la tradition de la force armée républicaine dans la politique irlandaise depu...

The goal of this paper is to develop a better understanding of the relationship between the Royal Navy, more particularly its Channel Squadron, and Ireland. By examining the visit of the Channel Squadron, under the Command of Sydney Dacres, in September 1863 the development of 'General Deterrence' is explored. 'Immediate Deterrence' is further reinforced by the imposition of a Naval Cordon around the vulnerable southern and western coasts at the height of the 'Fenian Conspiracy' between 1865 and 1868. In this light, the establishment of the Royal Naval Yard in Cork Harbour at the end of the decade can be viewed as a return to the idea of 'General Deterrence' and a formalization of the economic relationship between the Admiralty and Ireland.

The life and times of Colonel Thomas J. KELLY, one of the Chief Organizers of the Irish Republic in opposition to the English government and its misrule, neglect, and abuse of the people of Ireland. His life work covers Irish immigration to New York, the printing industry in New York City and Nashville, Old Glory, American Civil War, U.S. Army Signal Corps, the Fenian Brotherhood, life and family in NYC, and remembrances.

Judith E. Campbell is a retired senior business executive and a current doctoral candidate at Drew University, New Jersey. (Shannon, 1969). J. O'Donovan Rossa, Irish rebels in English prisons: a record of prison life (Kenmare, 1878). M. O'Donovan Rossa, My father and mother were Irish (New York, 1939).

In 1866 Irish Americans invaded Canada in an attempt to hold the country as ransom for a free Ireland.

‘International Anti-Colonialism: The Fenian Invasions of Canada’, in Studies in Settler
Colonialism: Politics, Identity and Culture, eds Fiona Bateman and Lionel Pilkington (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2011), 75-89.

Conference Paper University of Strasbourg 16 Jan 2016
"Not the repeal of the Union, then, but the Conquest": James Fintan Lalor, Irish Revolution and the Great Famine
The full program

L’EA SEARCH (Savoirs dans l’Espace Anglophone : Représentations, Culture et Histoire), la Société Française d’Études Irlandaises
& le Département d’Études Anglaises et Nord-Américaines



Journée d’études pour l’agrégation
Samedi 16 janvier 2016, 9h-16h
Salle 43H, Institut Le Bel



9h-9h15 : Accueil
9h15-10h : Prof. Ch. Kinealy, Quinnipiac University (USA) – Remembering the Famine
10h-10h30 : Dr. F. Rynne, Sciences-Po Saint-Germain-en-Laye & Université de Cergy Pontoise – "Not the repeal of the Union, then, but the Conquest": James Fintan Lalor, Irish Revolution and the Great Famine. 
10h30-10h45h : questions
10h45-11h00 : pause café
11h-11h30 : Prof. E. Eells, Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre –The Importance of Being Earnest: a play on things French
11h30-12h : Dr. S. Kostantzer, Université de Strasbourg – Proverbs in The Importance of Being Earnest: a linguistic study.
12h30-12h15 : questions
12h15-14h : pause déjeuner
14h-14h30 : X. Kalck, Université de Paris Ouest Nanterre – Horace's 'aut prodesse.....aut delectare' in Louis MacNeice's The Burning Perch.
14h30-15h: Prof. M. Boisseau, Université de Strasbourg – L. McNeice’s “Goodbye to London”: A close reading
15h-15h30 : Dr. A. Eastman, Université de Strasbourg – Marking time: line and sentence in The Burning Perch
15h30-15h45 : questions


















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In February 1915 the final completed novel from the pen of Canon PA Sheehan of Doneraile, who had died just over eighteen months previously, was published. The Graves of Kilmorna was Sheehan’s final, pessimistic, salute to an Ireland which had “changed, changed utterly” since his youth. But it also, following the events of sixteen months later, has been latterly held up as a harbinger of the rebellion.

This paper examines not just Sheehan’s portrayal and use of Fenian characters and motifs in his novel. It also explores the wider context in which this novel was conceived and written. Sheehan and Pádraig Pearse were closer in their ideology than has previously been noted, and this will be teased out as much as possible. Although Sheehan gained huge fame in his lifetime for his popular Catholic novels, focussing on the lives and deeds of priests, this paper will argue that his political novels – of which Kilmorna was the last – have a lasting significance which has only been recently appreciated outside a small coterie of historians and enthusiasts.

The trades of Cork city first entered politics in force during the O'Connellite decades. Withdrawing again in the 1850s, they became prominent again in local and national politics from the early 1860s through involvement in the Fenian movement and later during the meteoric career of Parnell. This chapter, distinguishing between individual artisan involvement and the collective activism of the trade unions, examines the motivation for involvement in nationalist  political involvement, the ever mutating nature of political loyalties, and the impact of growing labourism on artisan politics as the 19th century drew to a close.

This paper gives an overview of the development of the republican armed force tradition in Irish politics from the 1790s. It concludes that while Wolfe Tone and Emmet may have been inspirational, it was the experiences in politics and developments in political theory stemming from the 1840s Young Ireland movement that had the greatest impact. Though the 1848 rebellion led by William Smith O’Brien has often been derided by historians, it was a pivotal event which led directly to the foundation of Fenianism, which in turn led directly to the Land League revolution 1879-82 and indeed the 1916 Rising. The influence of James Fintan Lalor is highlighted as it was Lalor who came up an alternative formula to constitutional agitation arguing that England’s treatment of Ireland had given the Irish a moral right to a legal tabula rasa over both land ownership and constitutional claims.

Cette étude propose un bilan de la tradition de la force armée républicaine dans la politique irlandaise depuis les années 1790. Elle conclut que même si Wolfe Tone et Emmet furent des sources d’inspiration indéniables, ce sont les expériences politiques et les développements des théories politiques à partir du mouvement de la Jeune Irlande des années 1840 qui ont eu l’impact le plus important. Alors que la révolution de 1848 dirigée par William Smith O’Brien a souvent été minimisée par les historiens, ce fut en réalité un événement charnière qui eut pour conséquence directe la création du fenianisme qui a à son tour mené directement à la révolution de la Land League de 1879-1882 et par la suite à l’insurrection de 1916. L’influence de James Fintan Lalor est soulignée car celui-ci proposa une alternative à l’agitation constitutionnelle en affirmant que le traitement de l’Irlande par l’Angleterre avait donné aux Irlandais un droit moral à repartir sur de nouvelles bases juridiques, à la fois du point de vue de la propriété de la terre et des revendications constitutionnels.

In the aftermath of the Land War, Parnell’s fortunes were far from assured. Having courted Advanced Nationalist anti-English rhetoric along with his Land League associates, he had struck a secret deal with the United Kingdom government. This article examines the changing fortunes of Parnell following the Land War 1879-82 and the establishment of the more autocratic Irish National League. It shows the role of the Catholic Church in Irish politics and the Catholic hierarchy’s ability to ignore Rome and follow their flock in national political matters. The balancing of the competing forces of Advanced Nationalism and Catholic political representation at Westminster is examined. Furthermore, it shows through a historiographic analysis that concurrent with the rise of Parnellism events leading up to the 1885 general election cemented political sectarianism into the fabric of Irish politics.

Adopting a transregional approach, this course will offer a comparative study of religious uprisings and insurgency in the nineteenth and early twentieth-century British Empire. Readings will address metropolitan millenarianism, Fenian "terrorism," missionary activity and doctrinal syncretism, Xhosa cattle killings, the Maori Pai Marire cult, and fanaticism in colonial India and on the Afghan frontier. Students will engage with various theoretical approaches to the study of religious violence, noting the difficulties in reclaiming the voices of marginalized historical actors. By interrogating the ambiguous distinction between religious and political dissent, we may further reassess empire-building as a contested process fraught with anxiety and unknowing.

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This was the winning essay in the Alan Villers Memorial Postgraduate Essay in Naval History Competition, run by the British Naval Research Association, Britishnavalhistory.com, and the Naval Review. It outlines the irregular, or 'Brown Water' role played by the Royal Navy in the deterrence, isolation, and suppression of Irish insurrectionary movements in the mid-Victorian period. Drawing on a wide range of sources, is argues that the RN played a consistent, but ignored role in the security policy of successive Irish Governments. It also highlights the position of Ireland within the strategic mindset of the Admiralty, and how significantly it viewed threats to the Irish coast posed by both internal insurrection and external, transatlantic support for such action.