Feminism and Social Justice

This study aims to analyze the relationship between the military and homosexuality by analyzing the experiences of sexual minority soldiers in the Korean military beyond the claim that homosexuality in the Korean military is a social and national "problem". In recent years, the anti-homosexual discourses have been spreading that homosexuality in the military is causing the serious national crisis. However, substantive researches or sociological interests are insufficient. Meanwhile, homosexuality in the military has been defined as a perverse existence to be managed and punishment in the change of the 'Sexual Harassment in Military Criminal Act' or 'the Military Discipline Instructions' since the mid - the 2000s. However, unlike anti-homosexual discourse or legal discourse that calls homosexuality in the military as a "problem," non-normative sexual identity in the military actually exists as a process rather than a fixed, essential attribute or category. In the military that is male-centered and heterosexual -oriented, sexual minorities are coping strategies for surviving by "passing" into heterosexuals and practicing being joined into the male bond, or by separately performing military service successfully. Some sexual minorities have been criticizing the military from the point of view of a man who is not a 'heterosexual soldier', that is, an 'inside outsider', by first being aware of and accepting his sexual identity in the military. These experiences reveal that self-representation carried out by sexual minority soldiers in the institutional and cultural conditions of the military is in the dilemma of self-contradiction and invisibility of homosexuality. However, this dilemma comes not from the strategic gender practice itself of the sexual minorities but from the institution itself, which reproduces homophobia and recognizes only heterosexuals as 'men'.

최근 한국에서는 군대 내 동성애를 국가적 위기와 연결하는 반동성애 담론이 거세지고 있다. ‘군형법상 추행죄’나 ‘부대관리훈령’이 2000년대 중반 이후 정비되 는 과정에서 군대 내 동성애(자)는 관리되어야 할 변태적 존재이자 처벌받아야 할 대상으로 규정되어 왔다. 본 연구는 그러한 배경 아래에서 군대 내 남성 동성애자 의 경험을 중심으로 군대와 동성애(자) 간 관계를 분석하는 것을 목표로 한다. 군대 내 동성애(자)를 ‘문제’로 호명하는 반동성애 담론 내지는 법 담론과는 달리 실제 군대 내 비규범적 성 정체성은 고정적이고 본질적인 속성이나 범주이 기보다는 과정으로서 존재한다. 동성애(자)는 군대 내에서 존재하지 않는 것으로 간주되거나 존재를 드러내지 않도록 강요당하며, 이들에 대한 차별대우는 공적/ 사적 영역 그리고 행위와 존재라는 허구적 구분을 통해 정당화된다. 폐쇄적이고 위계적 공간 속에서 성소수자는 이성애자로 ‘패싱’하여 남성 연대 속으로 편입되기를 시도하거나, 군인됨을 성공적으로 수행함으로써 살아남는 전략을 택하기도 한다. 반면 어떤 이들은 군대에서 자신의 성 정체성을 비로소 자각하고 받아들 임으로써, 남성이지만 ‘이성애자 군인’이 아닌 ‘내부의 외부인’의 관점으로 남성 중심적인 군대 문화를 비판하기도 한다. 이는 군대라는 제도적이고 문화적인 조건 속에서 성소수자 군인들이 수행하는 자기재현이 동성애의 비가시화와 커밍아웃에 따른 제도적 폭력 간 딜레마에 빠져있음을 역설적으로 보여준다. 본 연구는 이러한 딜레마가 성소수자의 전략 적 젠더실천 때문이 아니라, 성차별적이고 동성애혐오적인 군대라는 제도, 이성애-남성중심적 한국사회 자체에서 비롯한 것임을 밝히고자 한다.

This article examines the complexities and limitations of conceptualizing global education as requiring the intervention or movement of people, in various capacities, from the global North to the global South. I rely on feminist, anti-racist and postcolonial scholarship to foreground questions of race, colonialism and history in relation to "the global." To begin, I critically analyze how the global is deployed as a theoretical and political concept by locating it within specific material and historical relations. Secondly, I consider the multiple vectors of race, class, gender and Northern status along which global subjects are imagined and constituted. Thirdly, I consider more specifically the prevalence of white women in different kinds of global interventions. I then explore how racialized Northern women fit into the picture of the global. I conclude with an invitation to ground the global and reconceptualize our social justice efforts by attending to our own historical locations and ongoing complicities in North-South relations.

This paper explores the way in which feminism, whilst trying to achieve gender equality, has increased inequality between women.  It locates the cause of this in feminism's early adoption of Marxist and Engelsian thought and the way in which these two thinkers misconstrued the relationship between private and public domains.

Dans son célèbre texte de 1989, bell hooks abordait d'une façon inusuelle la question de la marginalité. A travers sa lecture de la marge comme espace de résistance et lieu radical de possibilité, elle nous offrait une vision empowering de la marginalité, vu comme espace de création et non de soumission. Ce renversement du point de vue permettait de penser la marge comme un espace à habiter, dans lequel trouver sa place, où rester et non comme un espace de transit pour atteindre le centre. Il s'agit d'un changement épistémologique fort parce que cette idée transforme les marges en espaces de création, de partage, d'élaboration de stratégies collectives, de contre-espaces (Foucault, 1984) d'élaboration de façons différentes de vivre le monde. La marge comme espace contre-hégémonique est le lieu de la mise en commun des expériences, des conditions, des parcours de vie. La marginalité devient alors non seulement un lieu privilégié de création mais aussi un lieu qui offre un point de vue sur le monde capable de rendre visible l'invisible, de dénaturaliser les processus intériorisés, un lieu où voir les mécanismes qui rendent fonctionnel le système dominant. Un lieu de contre-attaque pour contre-attaquer : la marge devient l'espace privilégié d'élaboration de micro-politiques à diffusion virale. Voix off. (play), bell hooks (1989, p. 148-149) : « These margins have benn both sites of repression and sites of resistance (...). I am located in the margin. I make a definite distinction between that marginality which is imposed by oppressive structures and that marginality one chooses as site of resistance ? as location of radical openness and possibility. This site of resistance is continually formed in that segregated culture of opposition that is our critical response to domination. (...) We are trasformed, individually, collectively, as we make radical creative space which affirms and sustains our subjectivity, which gives us a new location from which to articulate our sense of the world » (musique stop). Est-il possible d'imaginer un centre différent à partir de ses marges ? Est-il sensé de parler des marges du centre ? Et dans ce cas, est-il possible de les occuper ? Est-ce que les marges du centre peuvent être considérées comme des espaces de production de radicalité pour la construction de nouveaux mondes ? #Cadre Je voudrais partager des pratiques que j'ai expérimentées à partir de la marge d'un espace-centre, c'est-à-dire d'un espace qui est central à l'intérieur du système dominant et qui est impliqué directement dans la reproduction des mécanismes de pouvoir et des rapports de domination : l'université. L'espace académique français résiste au développement et à l'engagement épistémologique critique. Il maintient l'épistémologie positiviste comme norme scientifique, soutenant souvent de multiples formes de

This was a research paper for a course entitled Feminist and Multicultural Theologies. I unpack what gender complementarianism is, examine its history, and compare it to how Scripture and earlier Christian Tradition understood gender. This allows me to establish that gender complementarianism is a recent innovation in secular and Christian thinking about gender, and that it can be described as a "trajectory" from Scripture and Tradition on gender, influenced by social, ideological, and intellectual developments in secular societies. I then pursue a critique of gender complementarianism, arguing that it is an "unsatisfactory trajectory" because it has troubling implications for orthodox theology, is not borne out by empirical experience and observation, and has harmful effects on human beings and societies and on ethical development.

This article emerges from our relationship with Theo Combrinck, a colleague, a passionate social and academic activist, a recovering addict and a PhD student, who left our living space during 2014 ‒ a death that was unexpected yet a consequence of an iterative desire to end a troubled/ing life. The intensity of Theo's physical absence retains a vibrant presence and continues to intra-act with us as we consider socially just pedagogies. Theo's work lives on through memories, audio recordings and different forms of texts written by him, all representing his views of socially just pedagogy. Our entanglements with Braidotti's posthuman and Barad's diffractive methodologies shape our understandings of the past and present intra-actions with Theo in time and space. The Bozalek et al. Diffracting socially just pedagogies 202 generative process of our individual and collective becomings through Theo illustrate how the collaborative energy of co-constituted relationships contribute an affective response towards developing socially just pedagogies.

In the course of history an interesting evolution has taken place in European gender equality policies. This story started in 1957 when the European Economic Community was founded and the principle of equal pay for equal work for men and women was included in the Treaty of Rome to avoid unfair competition and distortions in the free European market. Soon the Treaty article would evolve into a broader demand for equal rights related to work and result in a series of binding directives. In the eighties and nineties gender equality would increasingly enter other policy domains by means of non-binding soft law and gender mainstreaming. More recently, the EU has turned towards an approach of multiple discrimination which involves other grounds of discrimination, such as race and sexuality. The aim of this article is to review the history of gender equality policy in the EU while distinguishing some general trends, and discuss the implications of the most recent turn towards an anti-discrimination framework. I conclude that despite a continuous broadening of policies and strategies, economic motives continue to be the leitmotiv throughout this history. Also the broadening of EU equality policies with regard to the inclusion of multiple inequalities risks being trapped in the same economic logic. Nevertheless, despite the economic framing of EU equality policies, the pluralist and open nature of the EU’s decision-making process still provides gender activists with multiple access points to attempt to re-frame the way in which gender issues are addressed, as the struggle for a gender-just Europe continues.

Gender & Pop Culture provides a foundation for the study of gender, pop culture and media. This comprehensive, interdisciplinary text provides text-book style introductory and concluding chapters written by the editors, seven original contributor chapters on key topics and written in a variety of writing styles, discussion questions, additional resources and more. Coverage includes:
•Foundations for studying gender & pop culture (history, theory, methods, key concepts)
•Contributor chapters on media and children, advertising, music, television, film, sports, and technology
•Ideas for activism and putting this book to use beyond the classroom
•Pedagogical Features
•Suggestions for further readings on topics covered and international studies of gender and pop culture
Gender & Pop Culture was designed with students in mind, to promote reflection and lively discussion. With features found in both textbooks and anthologies, this sleek book can serve as primary or supplemental reading in undergraduate courses across the disciplines that deal with gender, pop culture or media studies.

This paper outlines a theory explaining why the provider role is important to boys in the development of their masculine identity. The family is a primary site for identity formation, and boys appear to be more badly affected by growing up in non-intact families than girls. Female identity is more marked by biological transitions (e.g. pregnancy), and gives mothers a more central role within the family than fathers. Thus the male role within the family – the provider role-needs to be socially and culturally constructed. Where the father is absent and the role is devalued, transition from boyhood to manhood is made difficult, and masculinity may be problematized as 'hegemonic', 'toxic', and 'hyper'. Solutions from traditional cultures are discussed.

This research analyzed the violence against women in Muna that was focused on the root causes of violence, forms of violence, and its protection and resolution. It used gender perspective, constructivist paradigm, and qualitative approach. The collected data was qualitative data that was obtained through depth interview, observation of passive participative, as well as library research. Gender relations in Muna were unequal in which domination, subordination, marginalization, discrimination, violence, double burden, and stereotype by men to women. It was found that root causes of violence were patriarchal culture, drinking alcohol, economic factors, infidelity, and the seizure of child custody for a divorced spouse. The forms of violence that occur were physical, sexual, economic, psychic, exploitation, and trafficking, which occur in the domestic, public, and state spheres. The unique thing in Muna was the resolution of violence against women through indigenous institution that could be accepted by all parties to the conflict.

La cultura patriarcal se extiende por todos los continentes, sin embargo, no con la misma intensidad y calidad. En este breve ensayo se muestra cómo algunas naciones de la mano de los movimientos feministas han logrado modificar la conciencia moral colectiva. A su vez, se muestra el retraso de América Latina en las políticas sociales y feministas, así como su relación con la violencia de género.

La libération de la parole qui se manifeste depuis quelques années est incontestablement une rupture. Elle n'est pas totalement inédite puisque, dans les années 1840, dans le département de la Vendée, les dénonciations d'agressions sexuelles avaient pris une ampleur marquée, en lien évident avec les mutations sociales et politiques. Retour sur un mécanisme social.

A partir del análisis de la Encuesta sobre percepciones de la desigualdad de género en la Justicia de la CABA, el artículo analiza información poco abordada en el país, sobre la organización familiar y el uso del tiempo de los y las trabajadoras de este sector, y nos permite conocer las condiciones de una población particular que, en el muy diverso universo laboral de la Argentina, goza de protecciones muy ventajosas con respecto a otros sectores. Al colocar la lupa sobre las imágenes y prácticas de género en la vida personal y familiar de las y los operadores de la Justicia, no solo nos ofrece información sobre un sector particular, contextualizándolo y " humanizándolo " , sino que además, permite inferir la complejidad de la interacción de los/as trabajadores/as del Poder Judicial en los ámbitos de la familia y el trabajo como un objeto en sí mismo relevante. Las tensiones persistentes en las formas de conciliación entre vida familiar y vida laboral de los trabajadores y las trabajadoras judiciales dejan entrever zonas de discriminación, que aunque no siempre se perciban como tales, perduran. doméstica de los y las trabajadoras judiciales.

In cultures across the world, since times immemorial, the girl child and women have been devalued and this devaluation continues even in our times. A survey conducted in 1983 revealed the truth about gender preferences- out of 40 countries only two preferred daughters! In UK, a report on sex discrimination found that women living in UK have to fight in their daily lives for equal treatment. They are under- represented in Parliament and are paid less than men in work.
Feminism addresses this impact- both its
causes and consequences. It is a movement that seeks the social, political, and economical liberty of women and is working hard towards making them independent and autonomous. It attempts to check the construction of a public- private split- the ‘private’ which consigns women to the realm of feeling, nurturance, intuition, domesticity and the body and the ‘public’ which appropriates the areas of reason, efficiency and objectivity for the men.

While girl-led projects that address sexual violence can empower girls to seek consent and to understand their right to safety, this alone cannot deal with the reality of everyday violence. While girls are told to empower themselves and to voice their concerns, the surrounding cultural environment often reinforces silence, dismissal and retribution towards women who speak out. Men and boys need to be part of the solution. This briefing investigates the potentials of pro-feminist approaches to gender-based violence (GBV) targeting boys and men. Using examples from South Africa and North America, I look at various approaches and initiatives taken by and with men and boys, often with a desire to centre more radical analysis of patriarchy within the work itself. The briefing unpacks some of the dilemmas and potentials that have been raised by working with men and boys as allies around sexual violence, and ways to distinguish pro-feminist projects.

Convocation Address at Bethel University, August 29, 2016 about recent troubles in Minnesota, particularly the shooting of Philando Castille, and our responsibility as followers of the Gospel. There is an audio link also available. After you click the link, it's the first one in the queue; fast-forward to 15:00:  https://itunes.apple.com/us/itunes-u/2016-2017-chapel-college-arts/id1148681753?mt=10

Pinkwashing es un término para evidenciar la estrategia de marketing que usan ciertas marcas para ganar consumidores a través de su simpatización con los movimientos LGBTTTI, en el marco de lo que críticamente se ha llamado capitalismo rosa; sin embargo en un inicio el término se acuñó para referirse a la campaña de la lucha contra el cáncer, la del listón que todos bien conocemos. Esa inundación del delicado rosa pastel en el mango de los sartenes, en las botellas del detergente, jabones, leches, rastrillos, hasta los champiñones monte blanco que han cambiado de la charola azul a la rosa, cremas de elote rosas y quesos rosas en defensa de la lucha contra el cáncer. Muchos de estos productos presumiblemente los consumen las mujeres, como sartenes, comida, detergentes; para la campaña se crean productos diseñados especialmente para nosotras, como la línea rosa de ecko. O alimentos, esto es con 0% grasas para que no engordemos, y con calcio porque siempre estamos a punto de la osteoporósis. No sólo el supermercado está rodeado del listón rosa, al salir de ahí conduzco detrás de un autobús y aparece la imagen de una mujer autoexplorándose el pecho, por un momento dudo que en el cuerpo de esa modelo apenas quepa un tumor, en seguida vienen las cifras mortales, siempre me vuelvo a topar con este autobús que, como el listón, me recuerda cierto malestar, mujer, mujer, mujer. Al ir al banco me ofrecen la tarjeta rosa, Primera Plus ya ofrece asientos exclusivos para mujeres; las redes sociales denuncian constantemente la desigualdad o ponen en tela de juicio las prescripciones del género. No es lo mismo, por supuesto, la campaña del listón rosa, que la estrategia de primera plus o las denuncias sobre la desigualdad, pero el tema ronda sobre la mujer hasta el hastío, esta sobrexposición hace difícil mi empatía hacia movimientos que considero justos. Como sucede con muchas resistencias, si no son suficientemente esquivas terminan engullidas por el sistema, asimiladas ahí, o siempre hay una parte que lo hace. Aquí tampoco pretendo ahondar sobre esto, creo que no soy la única que encuentra el tema recalcitrante, pero además existen varias razones para pensar en lo siniestra que es la campaña de lucha contra el cáncer de mama.

Can the Bible make one a feminist? Note that the question here is not, “Can a feminist read (and appreciate) the Bible?” Feminists, of course, do read the Bible. While most might find it at least occasionally a challenge to their feminist sensibilities, only some who approach the matter with Christian faith intact—most famously, perhaps, Mary Daly—walk away from it rejecting that faith. Many manage to retain their Christian convictions in spite of what may seem like a consistently dismal portrayal of Scripture’s female characters and its often tacit prescriptions for men in keeping women in line. Still others may even find their faith renewed and fortified by their feminist reading of Scripture, especially those who discover in the text a more feminine representation of God. 1

Communities@Work provides a broad suite of quality community programs of social value and practical benefit. Our vision is for a resilient and socially inclusive community that cares for the well-being of all. Communities@Work's Centre of Professional Learning and Education provides quality professional learning and support for the education and care sector.

This article proposes a more multifaceted way of thinking about victim-survivors' perceptions of justice; what we have termed 'kaleidoscopic justice'. Developed from an empirical investigation with 20 victim-survivors of sexual violence, kaleidoscopic justice understands justice as a constantly shifting pattern; justice constantly refracted through new experiences or understandings; justice as an ever-evolving, nuanced and lived experience. Within this framework, a number of justice themes emerged, namely justice as consequences, recognition, dignity, voice, prevention and connectedness. This approach develops current understandings, in particular by emphasizing the fluidity of justice, as well as the centrality of prevention and connectedness in sexual violence survivors' understandings of justice. We suggest that it is only by better understanding victim-survivor perspectives on justice, and embedding the concept of kaleidoscopic justice, that we can begin to addre...

This paper considers perspectives on marriage in the Queer and feminist community reviewing key contemporary thinkers on the subject and using direct interviews and material from radical Queer activists and academics in the field.  It examines problems inherent in the fight for gay marriage and examines the ways gay marriage intersects with issues of race and class. I conducted dozens of interviews over the course of the research involved in this project.  Many of them  were broadcast in a documentary entitled, “Beyond Gay Marriage, broadcast on KPFA in 2010 and podcast by Race, Poverty & the Environment http://reimaginerpe.org/rpe/radio/dettmer. Quotations from these interviews are interwoven in the text without specific footnote. Unattributed direct quotations are excerpted from the transcript of Lisa Dettmer, Beyond Gay Marriage audio documentary, KPFA/ RP&E (2010).

This special issue inquires into the challenges of a global and decolonial as well as anti-discriminatory feminism and its dissonances – between lived bodies and public voices, between genealogical reference and (neoliberal) valorisation machinery. The focus thus lies on both the politics of recognition and irritation, the public scope of which extends from sexism to new strategies of visibility and the compulsion to achieve visibility.

(Co-ed. with Valeria Schulte-Fischedick):
Wie ://sprechen wir #feminismus?// Neue globale Herausforderungen — Ein Glossar // How://Do we speak #feminism? // New global challenges—a Glossary. FKW Zeitschrift für Geschlechterforschung und Visuelle Kultur// FKW Journal for Visual Culture and Gender Studies, Nr. 70 February 2022: https://www.fkw-journal.de/index.php/fkw

This chapter addresses the question of what an art educator should do in the face of visual culture's influence on political decision making regarding reproductive rights. I recount dialogues about two overtly political artworks that I created shortly before the 2012 presidential election. The chapter engages with Julia Serano's (2007) concepts of oppositional sexism, cissexism, and transmisogyny to focus analysis of the dialogues. I ask in my analysis: Who is included and excluded in discussions about reproductive rights legislation? How does institutional policy and practice affect the context in which such discussions take place? How do assumptions based on oppositional sexism shape these discussions? How does meaning in art about reproductive rights shift based on the changed gender of the artist? How has the focus on gender shifted for the current political cycle?

We will explore the gendered viewpoints and voices of a variety of essayists, writers, filmmakers, storytellers, historians, and activists. In particular, we will investigate how personal & political identities (like gender, race, class, and sexuality) position individuals differently in society, which contributes to how individuals experience and make sense of their world. We will study how our own relationships within American cultural systems of privilege and oppression contribute to the theories, ideas, narratives, norms, and stories we see as the " norm. " We will examine how individuals resist inequalities, create new systems of change, and engage in transformational politics. Although some of the focus of the course is women's experiences, we will question what the term " woman " actually means by expanding the category to include a range of diverse perspectives. We will consider women, men, and non-binary individuals equally as agents of change, whose lives and projects impact the direction of feminism, culture, and " voice " on a wider scale.

RESUMEN: Esta ponencia, que lleva como título el de un próximo volumen en fase final de elaboración, mantiene como postulado central que la única vía posible para superar el complejo estado de crisis (económica y ecológica, política y social, cultural y religiosa) en que nos encontramos, es la inmediata sustitución del imaginario androcéntrico (masculinista) de voluntad de poder, voluntad de control y dominio, de imposición, rivalidad y confrontación, por un imaginario ginecocéntrico de alianza basado en la sinergia y en la cooperación benevolente, en la aceptación enriquecedora de la diferencia, en el diálogo polifónico y en la acción comunicativa. Sólo así podrá garantizarse una cierta " sostenibilidad " de lo humano, que pasa por una triple ecología de la mente, de las sociedades y del medio ambiente. De este modo, frente al imperativo de razón instrumental desde el que hemos construido el proyecto de modernidad euro-occidental, ha de alzarse una puesta en valor de la razón vital, de una razón poética, creadora, en la que lo humano se comprende como equilibrio entre lo racional y lo emocional, para una nueva sociedad planetaria sin fronteras en la Matria Gaia, basada en la riqueza de la diversidad y en el diálogo de culturas y civilizaciones.

This book focuses on the ethical, aesthetic, and scholarly dimensions of how genocide-related works of art, documentary films, poetry and performance, museums and monuments, music, dance, image, law, memory narratives, spiritual bonds, and ruins are translated and take place as translations of acts of genocide. It shows how genocide-related modes of representation are acts of translation which displace and produce memory and acts of remembrance of genocidal violence as inheritance of the past in a future present. Thus, the possibility of representation is examined in light of what remains in the aftermath where the past and the future are inseparable companions and we find the idea of the untranslatability in acts of genocide. By opening up both the past and lived experiences of genocidal violence as and through multiple acts of translation, this volume marks a heterogeneous turn towards the future, and one which will be of interest to all scholars and students of memory and genocide studies, transitional justice, sociology, psychology, and social anthropology.

Law can be the site through which women's dignity and equality can be expressed and pursued. Speaking the language of rights translates one's needs from private interests to public claims through words and concepts that the community – local, national and/or international – have already validated. Law can therefore offer a medium to confront the injustices and unfairness built into other systems of political, social and economic ordering. Women's rights advocates have won significant victories through law and have generated gains for women's dignity and equality. However, law can also be a place where women's rights are not only silenced but where social, economic and political power structures are replicated and work against women's rights.

This paper argues that effective rule of law programming focused on women's rights and democratic governance must begin with a clear definition of the rule of law, a careful analysis of the causes of women's inequality and the context in which it is perpetuated and sustained, coupled with an ability and desire to harness law as an instrument of social change that is tempered by a sober understanding that law is unpredictable and complex in its results.

This paper proceeds in several parts. First, it identifies the key issues relating to women's democratic governance, women's rights and the rule of law. The second part identifies the importance of normativity and power relations for feminist theorizing around the rule of law. Feminist conceptions of the rule of law recognize that law is shot throughout with social and economic power and that harnessing women's emancipation to law is fraught with uncertainties and complications. At the same time, feminist theorizing around the rule of law also recognizes the importance of using law to speak truth to power and to gain access to the sites in which social relations are defined, evaluated and consolidated. The final sections of this paper discuss the different barriers to access to justice that face elite and marginalized women, the possible roles that NGOs can play in the realization of women's rights, and the possible mutually interdependent and reinforcing roles that women in various positions of power can play in promoting women's rights more generally. The very last section sets out areas for further research and analysis. While scholars and advocates have significantly advanced the thinking about and harnessing of law in support of women's needs and interests, much conceptualization, implementation and assessment or evaluation work remains to be done.

Dqs Mittelalter l0 (2005) 2: Produktive Kulturkonflikte frtihe vollplastische Skulptur vorhanden ist, zum anderen auch nicht klar ist, wie das Golgothakreuz wirklich aussah, d. h. ob es überhaupt mit einem Corpus Christi versehen war. Ob die schon früher in der Forschungsliteratur herangezogenen georgischen Großkreuze, auf die sich auch Schüppel beruft, den Brückenschlag herstellen können, ist zumindest fraglich. Interessant und aufschlussreich ist der Abschnitt über die liturgischen Funktionen dieser wegen ihrer Größe nicht leicht handhabbaren Kreuze. Schon aufgrund ihres hohen Materialwertes waren die Kreuze wohl nicht permanent ausgestellt. Wie das Mainzer Beispiel zeigt, konnten die Kruzifixe zerlegt werden, um dann vor allem während der Passions-und Osterzeit liturgisch gebraucht zu werden. Erstaunlicherweise wurden die recht sperrigen Objekte während der Festzeiten auf Prozessionen mitgeführt, verhüllt und enthüllt, niedergelegt, verehrt, um schließlich, mit beträchtlichem Kraftaufwand emporgehievt, zumeist über Lettner oder Kreuzaltar ihren Standort zu finden. Aufgrund der schlechten Quellenlage bleibt die Frage nach dem Verbleib der Kreuze außerhalb besonderer Feste und Anlässe weitgehend unbeantwortet.

The focus of the study is to highlight the problems of working women in formal sector in Bahawalnagar. Sample of 100 formally employed women are selected from four public sector departments as 20 police women, 40 nurses, 20 school teachers and 20 college lecturers using stratified random sampling. Descriptive analysis is used for highlighting the problems faced by working women in said departments. Results reveal that police women are facing low social status and non-recognition of their jobs. Nurses face unscheduled working hours and low wages and school teachers want higher wages for their work. Unavailability of transport is also a major problem to all formally employed women in our sample.

Latin American social movements are reinventing emancipatory politics, in which those invisibilised and excluded by capitalist-coloniality are emerging as the emancipatory subjects of our times. Rather than a method of learning, pedagogy is understood as a radical educational project of subaltern transformation and politics. Emancipatory ped-agogical praxis occurs in multiple spatialities and embraces multiple knowledges and subaltern subjects. These knowing-subjects become creators of political agency, movement practices and imaginaries, and collective self-liberation. I develop my analysis with reference to movement educators who I work with in the Brazilian Movimento sem Terra (Landless Workers Movement, MST) and Colombian Escuela Política de Mujeres Pazífica (Political School of Pacifist Women, Escuela). Latin American social movements are reinventing emancipatory politics, in which those invisibilised and excluded by capitalist-coloniality are emerging as the emancipatory subjects of our times. These new political subjects develop social relations which disrupt the power of capital in their everyday lives through practices which reconnect people and communities with their creative capacities and each other. In this article I conceptualise and reflect on the role of the pedagogical. This is not understood as a method of learning but rather as a political-pedagogical project of subaltern struggle in which practices of learning and unlearning are embedded (Motta and Esteves, 2014). The pedagogical in this sense cannot be confined to the narrow limits of hegemonic understandings of education which alienates and separates the body from the mind, the classroom from the community, and the knower from the known (Motta and Cole, 2014). Rather, emancipatory pedagogical praxis occurs in multiple spatialities, embraces multiple knowledges and subaltern subjects, and these knowing-subjects become creators of political agency, generating movement practices and imaginaries, and promoting collective self-liberation. The emancipatory pedagogical practices of social movements involve the creation of embodied peopled memories, the (re)covery and (re)invention of subaltern philosophies and theorisations through embracing multiple literacies, and an epistemological privi-leging of those on the margins. These philosophical and epistemological commitments are embodied in informal learning in the everyday life of a movement. They include the unlearning of the oppressor's logics as they interpolate our subjectivities and social