Everyday Resistance

Too long a sacrifice Can make a stone of the heart. O when may it suffice? That is Heaven's part, our part. -William Butler Yeats ("Easter," 1916) Given when you live under suppression, you have no control of that which belongs to you but has now been snatched from you . . . they took over your private spaces, they search your pockets, nothing is left to you . . . the only thing you can do is restrict your own movement in protest . . . you will not cooperate . . . [you] won't do anything that is normal. -Kashmiri journalist, 2017 In July 2016, following the assassination of a popular militant commander, Burhan Wani, residents of the Kashmir Valley launched a general strike against the Indian state that seemed to have no end. 1 Yet amid the strike's indefiniteness HOW TO SUSTAIN A STRIKE: Rules, Routines, and the Essential in Kashmir

I denne artikkelen presenteres resultater fra en landsrepresentativ undersøkelse om befolkningens holdninger til utslipp av miljøgifter i naturen (herunder bly) og opphevelse av blyhaglforbudet. Vi fant ingen signifikant effekt av kjønn, alder eller om man jakter eller ikke på det generelle spørsmålet om å fase ut miljøgifter. Påstanden om at bruk av blyhagl er skadelig for naturmiljøet viste en sterk, positiv sammenheng med positivt syn på å fase ut miljøgifter generelt, mens det var en noe svakere sammenheng mellom et positivt syn på å fase ut miljøgifter og i hvilken grad man mente at kjøttkonsum fra vilt skutt med blyhagl kunne utgjøre en helserisiko. Blant utøvende jegere var mannlige jegere mer positive til opphevingen av forbudet enn kvinnelige jegere. De som ikke jaktet var mest negative til opphevingen av forbudet, og forskjellen mellom kjønn var relativt liten. Kjønn ga imidlertid ikke noe signifikant bidrag til forklaringsmodellen for synet på opphevingen av blyhaglforbudet, men det var en sterk, positiv og signifikant sammenheng for ikke-jegere og positivt syn på opphevelsen av blyhaglforbudet. Det var også en svak positiv sammenheng med alder og støtte for opphevingen av blyhaglforbudet, hvor jegere under 30 år var mer negative til opphevelsen av blyhaglforbudet enn den jegere over 50 år, hvilket støtter hypotesen om at eldre er mer positive til bruk av blyhagl enn yngre jeger. Resultatene viser at et stort flertall av befolkningen er enige i at miljøgifter bør forbys og at man bør anvende alternative materialer som er mindre skadelige. Mer forskningsbasert informasjon om helse-og miljøeffekter under norske forhold er nødvendig for å etablere et kunnskapsgrunnlag for en eventuell differensiering når det gjelder bruk av blyholdig jaktammunisjon til ulike viltarter.

Political Hotbeds and Politicizing Organizations of Mexican Legislators: 1997-2021

Resumen
En este trabajo analizamos a diputados federales mexicanos de 1997 a 2021 que iniciaron su carrera política en partidos políticos y en organizaciones no partidistas. La hipótesis es que hay diferencias por características sociodemográficas, partido político y lista electoral para reclutar
activistas de ciertas organizaciones no partidistas, que llamamos semilleros políticos. Se muestra cuál ha sido la probabilidad de que ciertos partidos políticos recluten en mayor o menor medida a quienes iniciaron su carrera en estos grupos y en qué tipo de listas electorales (mayoría relativa
o representación proporcional) son postulados.

Palabras clave: organización politizante, reclutamiento político, legisladores, México.

Abstract

In this paper we analyze Mexican federal deputies from 1997 to 2021 who began their political career in political parties and in non-partisan organizations. The hypothesis is that there are differences
by sociodemographic characteristics, political party and electoral list to recruit activists from certain non-partisan organizations, which we call political hotbeds. It is shown the probability that certain political parties recruit as candidates the activists of certain student, union,
business, and civil or social groups. Also, it is shown on what type of electoral lists (majority or proportional representation) are nominated.
Keywords: politicizing organizations, political recruitment, legislators, Mexico.

Ung dom, In ter nett og sam funns en ga sje ment 1 Stå le An gen Rye og Johan Fredrik Rye Nye for mer for di gi tal kom mu ni ka sjon ser ut til å end re pre mis se ne for po li tisk deltagelse og sam funns en ga sje ment blant ung dom. I den ne ar tik ke len dis ku te res det te med ut gangs punkt i data fra en spør re un der sø kel se blant vi de re gå en de ele ver i Vest Ag der. Re sul ta te ne vi ser at for men på ung doms sam funns en ga sje ment for and res når In ter nett in te gre res i hver da gen: God til gjen ge lig het til internettressurser sti mu le rer spe si elt ung dom me nes en ga sje ment i den per son li ge og hver dags li ge po li tis ke sfae ren i naer mil jø et (dis ku sjo ner med for eld re og ven ner), men på vir ker i mind re grad de res deltagelse i tra di sjo nel le og in sti tu sjo na li ser te po li tis ke pro ses ser (med lem skap i or ga ni sa sjo ner). Re sul ta te ne de mon stre rer også be tyd nin gen av hvor dan In ter nett bru kes: De som i stor grad bru ker net tet til un der hold ning, er mind re en ga sjert i po li tikk og sam funns spørs mål. Ar tik ke len kon klu de rer med at di gi ta le me di er fremstår som vik ti ge for å ska pe be viss te og ak ti ve sam funns bor ge re. Samtidig an ty der ana ly se ne at de mest sam funns en ga sjer te ung dom me ne bed re grei er å ta i bruk In ter nett i po li tis ke pro ses ser.

This article deals with violence exercised by girls (hereinafter referred to as "€œgirl violence"€). A combined perspective is how ”age” and “gender” as cultural constructions can throw light both on the media debate concerning girl violence and just what young girls themselves understand by violence. €‚ By focusing on newspaper coverage of the "Rognan Case"€, in which a gang of girls maltreated and then let their 15-year-old girlfriend be raped, it is primarily discussed how media discourse elucidates the violation of age and gender norms. An analysis of the media'€™s coverage of girl violence shows that the media acts as a protector of boundaries, within which violence continues to be coupled with aspects of masculinity. Furthermore, the article includes examples from interviews with girls who have themselves participated in violence. How do they react to the notions concerning gender and age? It is argued that the young girls both interpret and j...

This study focuses on the issue of the Spanish communist exile in state socialist Czechoslovakia. It analyzes everyday resistance of a heterodox Spanish emigrant, Pilar Gómez, carried out through her collaboration with the Czechoslovak State Security (StB). This insubordination was oriented against the disciplining at the behest of the leadership of the Spanish Communist Party (PCE) in Prague, which expelled Gómez from the party and ordered her transfer to Ústí nad Labem. Through the analysis of Gómez’s knowledge (re)creation and the reversal of the discourse on Spanish exiles in Czechoslovakia, the author examines existing power relations between a heterodox exile, the direction of the PCE in Czechoslovakia and the Czechoslovak StB. With a focus on the constructive/productive character of Gómez’s resistance, this article underlines the dichotomy within the Spanish communist exile in the Eastern Bloc as well as the everyday problems of political emigrants living under state socialism.

This study focuses on the issue of the Spanish Communist exile in state socialist Czechoslovakia. It analyses the everyday resistance of the heterodox Spanish political emigrant José Valledor, which was carried out in the form of consentful contention – a tactic, through which a subordinate actor contests the government's decisions whilst performing the role of a dutiful citizen. Valledor was able, with his petitions to the state organs while appealing to the regime's own legitimating value system, to threaten the Czechoslovak authorities with the loss of the regime's international prestige.

En este artículo nos preguntamos por las particularidades éticas y metodológicas en el trabajo de campo con varones cisgénero agresores por violencia hacia sus parejas mujeres. Nos proponemos reconstruir los principales dilemas éticos y metodológicos que surgieron en el estudio social cualitativo de estos perpetradores, a partir del análisis de las propias y diversas experiencias de trabajo de campo. Para ello, nos basamos en dos áreas de discusión: la literatura socioantropológica sobre violencia de género (Boira, 2010; Hearn, 1998) y la bibliografía ético-metodológica en contextos de encierro y programas de abordaje de la violencia (

NORCE har på oppdrag fra Utenriksdepartementet gjennomført en spørreundersøkelse om anbefalinger fra ungdomspanelet til nordområdemeldingen. Spørreundersøkelsen ble sendt til ungdommene på mobil med link til spørreskjema. I undersøkelsen skulle de fleste spørsmål rangeres fra 1-5 der verdiene var 1-ikke viktig, 2-litt viktig, 3-hverken eller, 4-viktig og 5-svært viktig. Skalaen helt uenig, uenig, hverken eller, enig, helt enig ble også brukt. I tillegg hadde noen spørsmål et «annet»-felt der ungdommene kunne legge til det de ville. 45 av 51 ungdommer avga svar. Av ungdommene som deltar i panelet er alderen på 44% av panelet 15-18 år, 40% er 19-23 år og 16% 24 år og over. De fleste bor i by i Nord-Norge (56%), men mange bor også i tettsted/bygd (22%) eller distrikt (13%). 4,9% har flyttet fra Nord-Norge. I fremtiden (om 10-15 år) ser 60% for seg å bo i Nord-Norge, 9% ønsker å bo i utlandet, 4% vil bo i Norge, men ikke Nord-Norge. 27% oppgir at de ikke vet. 42% av ungdomspanelet er sk...

Kommunelegekontoret 6030 Langevåg Seksjon for allmennmedisin Universitetet i Bergen 5009 Bergen Egenvurdert global helseopplevelse har vist seg å vaere en selvstendig prediktor for senere morbiditet og mortalitet i voksenalderen. Vi har se på utviklingstrekk i selvopplevd helse relatert til klassetrinn (alder), kjønn og på utviklingstrekk over perioden 1989-97 nasjonalt, samt for tre andre land. Oversikten er basert på publiserte materialer fra HEMILs (Senter for forskning om helsefremmende arbeid, miljø og livsstil ved Universitetet i Bergen) skoleundersøkelser, samt resultater fra skoleundersøkelser i Førde og Sula. Det ser ut til å vaere en klar negativ utvikling over tid, og spesielt ser de e ut til å gjelde for jenter midt i tenårene. Hovedtendensen synes å gjelde også i andre land. Utviklingstrekkene bør anspore til y erligere forskningsinnsats om ungdomshelse, og til økt prioritering av helsefremmende og forebyggende arbeid i skole og skolehelsetjeneste.

The "solidarity economy" is generally thought of as comprising four distinct classes of activity: community services consultancy, micro-finance, Local Exchange Trading Systems (LETS), community services and Community Supported Agriculture (CSA). Because they try to emphasise the citizen's activism, these solidarity initiatives are thought to be deeply political in the philosophical sense of the term. But today an important question arises regarding the kind of formal political institution that might speak in the name of all these initiatives. Some commentators see solidarity initiatives as new economic models with the potential to solve the ethical impasse of advanced capitalism. They are eager for academic researchers and movement leaders to reach consensus about the kind of concrete political identity such initiatives may be expected to generate. My research examines the failure to move from micro-level initiatives to an overarching "macro" political entity. This chapter, using the insights of pragmatic sociology, aims to understand how the obstacles to this goal are rooted in the libertarian socialist grammar of the solidarity economy itself.

Denne tillater tredjepart å kopiere, distribuere og spre verket i hvilket som helst medium eller format, og å remixe, endre, og bygge videre på materialet til et hvilket som helst formål, inkludert kommersielle, under betingelse av at korrekt kreditering og en lenke til lisensen er oppgitt, og at man indikerer om endringer er blitt gjort. Tredjepart kan gjøre dette på enhver rimelig måte, men uten at det kan forstås slik at lisensgiver bifaller tredjepart eller tredjeparts bruk av verket. Boken er utgitt med støtte fra Institutt for sosiologi og samfunnsgeografi, Universitetet i Oslo.

HPG Kurdish: Hêzên Parastina Gel [Defence Force of the People], current name of the armed forces of the PKK KCK Kurdish: Koma Civakên Kurdistan [varying translations have been used. I have chosen to use: Union of Communities of Kurdistan] KRG Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq LM Lifestyle Movements

HPG Kurdish: Hêzên Parastina Gel [Defence Force of the People], current name of the armed forces of the PKK KCK Kurdish: Koma Civakên Kurdistan [varying translations have been used. I have chosen to use: Union of Communities of Kurdistan] KRG Kurdistan Regional Government of Iraq LM Lifestyle Movements

This article investigates the Ottoman Greek Orthodox internal exiles, focusing on the deportees' experiences and the intricacies of their agency during the Great War (1914-18). It does so by examining deportees' understudied ego-documents, taken either from the collections of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies in Athens or from family archives. Organized into labor-battalions or housed in open internment camps in town quarters, the inland exiles were deported to secure the rear front and homogenize the country, but their deportation was characterized by local influences and inconsistencies. Several of the Greek Orthodox exiles managed to survive and maintain their cultural ties by exploiting such inconsistencies, either by selling their skills or by resisting exile through solidarity, desertion, and resistance.

Forskning viser at det er større sannsynlighet for å bli overvektig hvis man bor på bygda enn hvis man bor i byen. For å redusere denne ulikheten må vi avdekke hvordan stedsspesifikke kulturelle og sosiale miljøer har innvirkning på helseatferden vår. Dette fordrer en langt mer helhetlig forskningstilnaerming til overvektsproblematikken enn det vi hittil har sett.

Full bibliographic details must be given when referring to, or quoting from full items including the author's name, the title of the work, publication details where relevant (place, publisher, date), pagination, and for theses or dissertations the awarding institution, the degree type awarded, and the date of the award.

Los estudios de Historia Social sobre el franquismo han prestado una gran atención al movimiento obrero antifranquista por su papel esencial como agente democratizador. Pero las relaciones de poder no solo se juegan en el espacio público. En las fábricas podemos encontrar un  amplio repertorio de protesta y de resistencias de carácter individual. Los trabajadores madrileños del desarrollismo no solo recurrieron a formas de protesta colectivas, sino que llevaron a cabo toda una serie de resistencias individuales como forma de gestionar su dominación de la mejor manera posible.

This book is a theoretical guide to understanding a lesser engaged concept ‘everyday resistance’, particularly in terms of how the everydayness of resistance by different marginalised identities questions multiple structures of power. Everyday life as an important sociological concept to understand the complex social processes embedded in seemingly mundane activities is examined by the authors through an analytical-theoretical approach to understand the complexities of relationships between power and everyday resistance.

This article explores how ‘everyday’ lawyers undertaking routine criminal defence cases navigate an authoritarian legal system. Based on original fieldwork in the ‘disciplined democracy’ of Myanmar, the article examines how hegemonic state power and a functional absence of the rule of law have created a culture of passivity among ordinary practitioners. ‘Everyday’ lawyers are nevertheless able to uphold their clients’ dignity by practical and material support for the individual human experience – and in so doing, subtly resist, evade or disrupt state power. The article draws upon the literature on the sociology of lawyering and resistance, arguing for a multilayered understanding of dignity going beyond lawyers’ contributions to their clients’ legal autonomy. Focusing on dignity provides an alternative perspective to the otherwise often all-consuming rule of law discourse. In authoritarian legal systems, enhancing their clients’ dignity beyond legal autonomy may be the only meaningf...

Resumen La precarización y el estigma vividos en los asentamientos informales de la Zona Metropolitana de Monterrey, merman los derechos de personas que resisten cotidianamente para hacerse un lugar en la sociedad. En este artículo, se analizan los tránsitos entre espacios y actividades formales e informales atravesados por relaciones de dominación y resistencia en un asentamiento informal de la urbe. Habrá de observarse que, en estos tránsitos borrosos y negociables, hechos por la captura estatal, el estigma, el contacto ventajoso y la huida táctica, la gente se rebela contra la dominación y lucha interminablemente por su inclusión desde posiciones de desventaja atizadas por el Estado.

As space in the West Bank is increasingly threatened, Palestinians are turning to agro-activism to reclaim it. Alongside the established olive activism, there has been a flourishing of generative projects by which my interlocutors attempt to reclaim their space from the environmental damages of the ongoing occupation. I situate these regenerative practices in anthropological discourses about imperial ruins and the blasted landscapes of capitalist ruins. In Palestine, the debris of Israeli military incursions and the ruination of the environment with “security” infrastructures like the Wall produce ongoing occupation ruins. However, as in Tsing’s work—where ruins are presented as productive of new possibilities—here, too, hope underpins my interlocutors’ projects of planting, saving, and regenerating seeds. Their projects involve reclaiming nature through heritage seeds, eco-farming initiatives, farming cooperatives, and food circulation initiatives, thereby encouraging Palestinian f...

The aim of this chapter is to determine and examine what constituted everyday resistance for those Palestinians who lived in Israel,1 and who experienced life under Israeli military rule, from 1948 to 1966. The establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 and the outcome of the war changed the power relations between Israel and the Palestinians and had an immediate and direct impact on the Palestinian people: Palestinians refer to these events as "the year of the Al Nakba" or "the Catastrophe". The majority of Palestinians either were forced out of their homes or fled as a result of the war and became refugees in the West Bank and Gaza Strip and neighbouring Arab countries (Pappé 2006, 86-123). Those who remained were reduced to a minority within their homeland, cut off from the rest of their fellow nationals. It is estimated that in 1948 between 80,000 and 160,000 Palestinians remained, representing somewhere in the region of 10 percent of the original population. As a result of Al Nakba, Palestinians faced the destruction of their political, economic, and social structures (Ghanem and Mustafa 2009, 107; Bauml 2007), and this defeated population is largely absent from the Israeli state's official history: Israel's founding myth has been that Palestine was a land without a people for a people without a land (Pappé 2014). Where the Palestinian citizens of Israel did appear in the history of Israel, they were cast in the passive role of victims, and, at the same time that they were being excluded from Israeli narratives, Palestinians in Israel were also being excluded from the history of the Palestinian national resistance movement and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) (Darweish 2006; Rouhana and Sabbagh-Khoury 2011). Scholarly research on the military period has inadvertently reinforced their erasure by focusing on Israeli mechanisms of control and oppression (Jiryis 1976; Zureik 1979; Lustick 1980; Cohen 2010; Sa'di 2014). After Al Nakba, Palestinian areas were divided into three main districts, each directly administered by a military governor. Harsh restrictions were imposed on the lives of the Arab minority, and these restrictions drew upon the Emergency Regulation Laws inherited from the British Mandate of 1945. Palestinians' movements were restricted, and so people required a permit from the military governor to leave their village, whether it was to work, cultivate their land, visit family, obtain medical treatment, study, or travel for any other purpose outside the village boundary (Lustick 1980; Bauml 2007; Sa'di 2014). This research thus presents a new perspective on the reality faced by Palestinians in Israel after 1948, one which emphasises the agency of this community and documents its history of survival and resistance. While their new reality was characterised by the asymmetry of power between Israel and its Arab minority, and by marginalisation, they were able in their own way to resist the structural imbalance imposed on them. To maintain the fragmentation of and control over the Palestinian minority, the Israeli state reinforced the Palestinians' economic dependence on the Jewish sector. The majority of Arab land was confiscated, water sources were controlled, and Palestinians were excluded from economic development plans. Having been detached from their land, they were positioned as an unskilled labour force for the Israeli economy. Arab villages became the source of cheap labour and served as dormitories for Arab workers (Kretzmer 1990; Khalidi 1988). Meanwhile, the family, which was the primary social economic unit of Palestinian society, was deeply shattered and became vulnerable. Mari (1978, 18) depicts Palestinians in this situation as "emotionally wounded, socially rural, politically lost, economically poverty stricken and nationally hurt. They suddenly became a minority ruled by a powerful, sophisticated majority against whom they fought to retain their country and land". The heads of the extended families (mukhtar) became key contacts for people who wanted to obtain permits from

This document is the author's post-print version, incorporating any revisions agreed during the peer-review process. Some differences between the published version and this version may remain and you are advised to consult the published version if you wish to cite from it.

This book chapter discusses how regulations on compulsory service in pre-industrial Iceland affected landless workers, focusing particularly on how servants navigated the regulatory framework and societal/cultural norms in order to improve their situation and/or resist the authority of their masters. It argues that the system of compulsory service was figurated as a form of moral economy where the rights and duties of both masters and servants were negotiated through everyday practices.

This thesis is dedicated to my mentor and friend, Dr. Gary Steward, Jr., who has believed in me from the beginning and never once gave up on me. I would not be where I am today without your faith and inspiration. You kept pushing me forward and challenging me to reach the goals that I never thought would be possible. And To my children. Justin and his wife Chelsea, JaLee, Payton and his wife Darian, Bryton, and Ryleigh. Thank you for your never-ending support and loving me even during the difficult times when I wanted to give up but none of you would let me. To my boyfriend, James, who was with me through the hardest moments and encouraged me to keep pushing forward and not look back.

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las dificultades económicas de los habitantes de la Zona Metropolitana de Monterrey (ZMM) derivadas de la pandemia por COVID-19, especialmente la dificultad para realizar pagos. A través de un cuestionario enviado vía redes sociales a habitantes de la ZMM entre abril y mayo del 2020, se captaron 211 respuestas, en 61 casos hubo problemas de pago de crédito de diverso tipo, 42 con pendientes en pago de servicios, 30 con otros tipos de deudas y 27 con pago de colegiaturas. En cuanto a sus limitaciones, el cuestionario no tiene un valor estadístico dada su poca representatividad, ya que fue realizado en el momento de mayor confinamiento. Los datos obtenidos reflejan un momento coyuntural que ameritan ser conocidos y analizados, en consecuencia, es necesario hacer análisis más amplio tanto cuantitativos como cualitativos que examinen los efectos de la pandemia sobre la economía y el acceso a los bienes de las personas en esta zona metropolitana. Es muy probable que las brechas de desigualdad se hayan ampliado como resultado de esta pandemia.

Hensikten med dette temanummeret har vaert a samle forskning som pa ulike mater gir innblikk i ungdoms hverdagsliv og livsprosjekter, og i hvordan begge deler forholder seg til sentrale trekk ved dagens samfunn. Med andre ord; ferske eksempler pa sosiologiske blikk pa ungdom og ungdomsliv. Slik forskning omtales ofte som ungdomsforskning.

Nordiske studier har vist at minoritetsforeldre oftere enn majoritetsforeldre legger begrensninger på ungdom, og saerlig jenter. Slike restriktive foreldrepraksiser utfordrer kjønnslikestilling og økende selvbestemmelse som premisser for foreldrepraksis i den norske velferdsstaten. Samtidig handler foreldrerestriksjoner også om beskyttelse, og grenseoppgangen mellom legitim beskyttelse og illegitim kontroll kan vaere vanskelig å trekke. I denne artikkelen undersøker vi omfanget av ulike former for foreldrerestriksjoner og hvordan disse varierer med minoritetsstatus, kjønn og alder, samt hvilke faktorer som kan bidra til å forklare forskjellene. Analysene er basert på data fra Ung i Oslo-studien 2018. I tråd med tidligere studier finner vi at det er saerlig jenter med bakgrunn fra land i Asia og Afrika som utsettes for restriksjoner. Foreldres landbakgrunn, opplevd risiko i nabolag og religiøs tilhørighet bidrar til å forklare variasjon i restriksjoner knyttet til fritid. For skoleaktiviteter er det kun tilhørighet til islam og grad av religiøsitet som bidrar til å forklare restriksjoner. Et av studiens bidrag er å vise at andelen minoritetsjenter som opplever restriksjoner, reduseres lite ved myndighetsalder. Implikasjonene av dette funnet diskuterer vi avslutningsvis. Nøkkelord Minoritetsforeldre, kjønnssegregering, sosial kontroll, nordiske velferdsstater, barns rettigheter English summary Nordic studies have shown that minority parents more often than majority parents are restrictive with regard to young girls' participation in gender-mixed activities and relationships. Such restrictions challenge norms for childrearing in the Nordic welfare state: gender equality and increasing self-determination with age. Parental restrictions may also involve protection, and the boundary between legitimate protection and illegitimate control may not always be clear-cut. In this article we explore the prevalence of parental restrictions and variation with regard to minority status, gender and age based on data from the Young in Oslo 2018 survey. We also analyse factors that contribute to explain restrictions statistically. In line with previous Nordic studies, we find that girls with backgrounds from countries in Asia and Africa experience more restrictions compared with other young people. The analyses also show that

Denne artikkelen undersøker hva som kjennetegner norske ungdommer som bruker fritidsklubber. Er det noen trekk ved ungdommers sosiale bakgrunn, helsesituasjon, sosiale relasjoner, fritidsmønster eller eventuell problematferd som øker eller reduserer sannsynligheten for at ungdom bruker fritidsklubbene? Og i hvilken grad varierer dette mellom kommuner av ulik størrelse? Analysene viser at ungdom som går på fritidsklubb ikke skiller seg mye fra ungdom som ikke bruker klubbene. Samtidig er tendensen til å bruke klubbene høyest blant ungdom som har relativt få sosioøkonomiske ressurser hjemme og blant dem som er mest utilfreds med egen helse, eller som i størst grad er utsatt for vold eller mobbing eller begår regelbrudd. Analysen viser videre at ungdom som går på fritidsklubb, i stor grad også driver med andre organiserte fritidsaktiviteter som for eksempel idrett. Dette funnet brukes i artikelen i en diskusjon av hvorvidt klubbene kan virke forebyggende mot ulike typer ungdomsproblemer. Diskusjonen tar utgangspunkt i svensk forskning, som har påvist sammenheng mellom det å gå på fritidsklubb og det å vaere involvert i kriminalitet og regelbrudd. Artikkelen bygger på spørreskjemasvar fra et landsrepresentativt utvalg av norske ungdommer i alderen 13 til 16 år i årene 2015 til 2017 N=117 429.

Many Palestinians will quickly recognize prototypical examples of sumud [steadfastness], such as when a lone family clings to their house and land despite encroaching Israeli settlements. Yet sumud is a broad, multifaceted and complex concept. It has developed over time, with multiple interpretations reflecting variegated political and historical Palestinian realities. Sumud has been studied among men and women (most sumud studies have been among women), among Palestinians in Israel ('48 Palestinians), those under occupation in the West Bank, East-Jerusalem and Gaza, in the refugee camps in Arab countries, and among city dwellers, villagers and Bedouins. The article gives a brief overview.

Since 2009, the Chinese state-owned corporation SINLANX has been managing the Anjava Sugar Plantation, previously managed by French, Malagasy, and Mauritian companies, in northern Madagascar. Built upon the infrastructure constructed by the French colonial regime and operating based on a collaboration agreement between SINLANX and the Malagasy state-owned sugar company, Anjava presents a telling story of spatialized acts of survival and racialized conflicts over land and water in the interstitial spaces between capitalist production and subsistence economy. Malagasy villagers’ access to resources is often squeezed by multiple enclosures: a water-delivery system and a land-distribution system that prioritize sugar production and a bureaucratic system that punishes those who transgress the enclosures. Although Anjava villagers take advantage of the rhythm of sugar harvests and the nature of fire to sabotage sugar production or to make water claims for their livelihood, the agrarian and infrastructural arrangements at Anjava have perpetuated conditions of chronic precarity and profound marginalization of a landless population. The struggles at Anjava must be contextualized in the complex and ambiguous spaces between capital and labor, livelihood and resistance, dominance and adaptation, and ethnic collaboration and hostility.

This article explores how 'everyday' lawyers undertaking routine criminal defence cases navigate an authoritarian legal system. Based on original fieldwork in the 'disciplined democracy' of Myanmar, the article examines how hegemonic state power and a functional absence of the rule of law has created a culture of passivity amongst ordinary practitioners. 'Everyday' lawyers are nevertheless able to uphold their clients' dignity by practical and material support for the individual human experienceand in so doing, subtly resist, evade or disrupt state power. The article draws upon the literature on the sociology of lawyering and resistance, arguing for a multi-layered understanding of dignity going beyond lawyers' contributions to their clients' legal autonomy. Focusing on dignity provides an alternative perspective to the otherwise often all-consuming rule of law discourse. In authoritarian legal systems, enhancing their clients' dignity beyond legal autonomy may be the only meaningful contribution that 'everyday' lawyers can make.

This article explores how ‘everyday’ lawyers undertaking routine criminal defence cases navigate an authoritarian legal system. Based on original fieldwork in the ‘disciplined democracy’ of Myanmar, the article examines how hegemonic state power and a functional absence of the rule of law have created a culture of passivity among ordinary practitioners. ‘Everyday’ lawyers are nevertheless able to uphold their clients’ dignity by practical and material support for the individual human experience – and in so doing, subtly resist, evade or disrupt state power. The article draws upon the literature on the sociology of lawyering and resistance, arguing for a multilayered understanding of dignity going beyond lawyers’ contributions to their clients’ legal autonomy. Focusing on dignity provides an alternative perspective to the otherwise often all-consuming rule of law discourse. In authoritarian legal systems, enhancing their clients’ dignity beyond legal autonomy may be the only meaningf...