European identities

La historia del éxito en el proceso de integración de la Unión Europea no se ha visto correspondida en un sector clave para la creación de una esfera pública europea como el de la información audiovisual, donde se ha producido un desarrollo con base claramente nacional. Al contrario que en Estados Unidos, donde la televisión ejerció de agente vertebrador de su identidad cultural ante la llegada de inmigrantes el pasado siglo, la Unión Europea carece de un modelo de televisión propio que genere en sus ciudadanos un sentimiento de pertenencia a un proyecto común. La propuesta más cercana a esta intención es Euronews, una cadena de televisión paneuropea multilingüe de información 24 horas. Impulsada por un consorcio de televisiones públicas de dentro y fuera de la UE, a lo largo de sus 20 años de historia ha contado con la presencia de accionistas privados en su seno e importantes ausencias de países miembros de la UE. Ello no ha impedido que la emisora tenga un respaldo económico y político cada vez más creciente de las instituciones europeas. A pesar de ejercer las veces de televisión de servicio público supranacional, una comparación con otras televisiones públicas estatales y autonómicas de España y con la concepción del europeísmo en otros medios de carácter europeísta la dejan fuera de este modelo. Factores como su naturaleza compleja o su falta de control democrático por parte de los representantes de los ciudadanos de los Veintiocho impiden que Euronews pueda ser declarada oficialmente como la televisión pública de la UE. Sin embargo, ninguna otra propuesta ha conseguido hacerle sombra en sus dos décadas de vida.

More than five years have passed since former British Prime Minister David Cameron delivered a much acknowledged and controversial speech on 23 January 2013, in respect to the British relationship with the European Union (EU). Europe and the EU are now, of course, facing different challenges than five years ago. The contrasting national and transnational identities which emerge in the so-called “Bloomberg Speech” (BS) imply a nationalistic body-politics which constructs the United Kingdom and England as separate entities contrasted to “the continent”, i.e. Europe. Hence, the BS oscillates between two extremes in its attempt to alternatively observe maximum distance to the EU and some proxim- ity to its economic policies. Moreover, both the topoi of urgency and threat/ danger are appealed to – warning the EU that it would suffer under the loss of the United Kingdom, but also warning British voters that Brexit would damage their future and prosperity. This speech can be perceived as the starting point for the referendum on 23 June 2016, which resulted in a tiny majority wanting to leave the EU (“Brexit”). Of course, there is no clear causal connection between the BS and Brexit, but many arguments of the “Remain and Leave campaigns” can be traced to the BS, as well as the huge ambivalence framing Cameron’s position towards the EU.

The outcome of the Brexit referendum is the apex of a long history of Euro-British relationships characterised by two opposing but coexisting stereotypes. On the one hand, England appears as the freedom-seeking nation resisting restrictive collective policies imposed by a totalitarian EU regime of faceless Brussels bureaucrats. On the other hand, England seems to resurrect its imperialistic superiority against the purported democracy and horizontality of European institutions. Adopting the notion of “cultural intimacy”—with which Michael Herzfeld analyzes the mutual engagement of contrasting positions in political and administrative practices—this paper addresses the equally stereotypical images of an indifferent, inhuman European bureaucracy and of an insular, cynical Great Britain in the works of Malcolm Bradbury and Tim Parks. Be it the allegedly liberal yet nationalistic stance of Thatcherist anti-Europeanism in Bradbury, or the British disaffection with the purported identitarian and cultural levelling within the common borders of the Schengen area and of the single currency, both authors’ symbolic constructions of European institutions and of British Euroscepticism are built as cultural entanglements of these two realities, and show the need to overcome the reductive conception of Europe as a failed super-state.

"Réactualisée par le récent débat sur l'adhésion de la Turquie à l'Union européenne et par la crise ukrainienne, la question des confins de l'Europe apparaît de manière contrastée dans le cas d'une ville comme Odessa. Dès son origine, elle a été conçue comme une ville libre et ouverte tout en servant de capitale à la Nouvelle Russie. Construite à l'européenne par des architectes français, elle a vu d'emblée s'installer différentes communautés nationales, et Pouchkine a pu dire à juste titre qu'on y «respire l'Europe».

Néanmoins, Odessa reste d'un point de vue géographique «doublement périphérique» par rapport à la Russie et à l'Europe. Tout au long du XIXe siècle, on y «exile» les intellectuels exclus des capitales de l'Empire des tsars. La ville prospère, mais de Paris, Londres ou Berlin, elle paraît en marge de l'Europe urbaine et culturelle. En 1847, Balzac ne vit lui-même «de la frontière européenne à Odessa qu'un même champ de la Beauce». Le triomphe de la révolution bolchevique introduira une véritable coupure dans l'histoire de la ville et de ses relations avec l'Europe.

Par un jeu de miroirs, le cas d'une ville-carrefour comme Odessa, lieu emblématique d'une Europe multiculturelle et multinationale, dit quelque chose du sens multiple de l'Europe, témoigne de ses déchirements et de ses conflits intérieurs. Elle permet aussi de mieux cerner les contenus de la civilisation européenne et de préciser les contours du Vieux Continent."

The question of modern European religious identity surpasses its spiritual and ecclesiastical boundaries and firmly dwells within the political sphere. This is precisely why this is a topic of great interest for the scientific discipline of politology of religion. It has been widely accepted in the European secular narrative that religion has lost its cohesive role and power, but faced with new temptations it could regain some of its vitality and importance. Such signs are visible and easily detectable even in some of the member states of the European Union such as those belonging to the Visegrád Group, but also in the wider European scale. In our opinion, it is precisely the question of identity that has found itself in the main stream of political, geopolitical, and even security and economic temptations of Europe, and even of Western civilization itself. The question of religious identity has thus become the focus of interest of many political, religious and other thinkers, who recognize the acuteness of this problem. All this is eloquently reflected, not only in the self-understanding of modern Europe, but also in its attitude towards the issue of the growing Islamic element on its own territory, its relationship with the Islamic world, [Baudrillard, 2002: 162] and, also, with China, the United States and especially with Russia. In that sense, as a paradigm of such relations, understanding and misunderstanding of the European Union with other geopolitical factors on a global level, can serve the fact that, on July 4 2020, constitutional changes came into force in Russia, which clearly determine this great power as a state based on Christian foundations. [Bilbija, 2020] Although this, of course, does not disqualify this world power as a society based on the separation of Church and State, nor does it in any way violate the principle of equality of all traditional religious communities on its territory, we will see that this concept is essentially foreign and ideologically unacceptable for today's European Union and much of the Western world. Namely, as we will see, modern Europe (or more precisely - the European Union) did not build its ideological matrix on the foundations of its own Christian heritage, but on the foundations of agnostic secularism and liberalism, as inaugurated by the French Revolution, which places our topic in the domain of politology of religion.

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Вопрос о современной европейской религиозной идентичности выходит за свои духовные и конфессиональные границы и прочно укореняется в политической сфере. Именно поэтому эта тема представляет большой интерес для научной дисциплины политологии религии. В европейском светском нарративе широко признается, что религия утратила свою связующую роль и силу, но, столкнувшись с новыми искушениями, она может частично вернуть свою жизнеспособность и важность. Такие знаковые явления очевидны и легко обнаруживаются даже в некоторых государствах – членах Европейского Союза, например, в тех, которые принадлежат к Вышеградской группе, но также и в более широком европейском масштабе. На наш взгляд, именно вопрос идентичности оказывается в мейнстриме политических, геополитических и даже экономических и относящихся к вопросу безопасности соблазнов Европы и шире, самой западной цивилизации. Таким образом, вопрос религиозной идентичности привлек внимание многих политических, религиозных и других мыслителей, которые осознают остроту этой проблемы. Все это красноречиво отражается не только в самопонимании современной Европы, но и в ее отношении к проблеме  роста исламского элемента на ее собственной территории, в ее взаимоотношениях с исламским миром (Бодрильяр, 2002: 162), а также с Китаем, США и особенно с Россией. В этом смысле парадигмальным для таких отношений, понимания и непонимания Евросоюзом вкупе с другими геополитическими факторами на глобальном уровне может служить тот факт, что 4 июля 2020 года в России вступили в силу конституционные изменения, которые однозначно определяют её статус великой державы как государства, основанного на христианских основах. (Билбия, 2020). Хотя это, конечно, не дисквалифицирует эту мировую державу как общество, основанное на отделении церкви от государства, и никоим образом не нарушает принцип равенства всех традиционных религиозных общин на ее территории, мы можем видеть, что эта концепция по сути чужда и идеологически неприемлема для сегодняшнего Европейского Союза и большей части Западного мира. А именно, как мы видим, современная Европа (или, точнее, Европейский Союз) построила свою идеологическую матрицу не на основе своего собственного христианского наследия, а на основах агностического секуляризма и либерализма, начатых Французской революцией, что смещает нашу тему в область политологии религии.

Colombo, Cristina F. 2019. “Landscapes of Memories: Wide narrations on Contentious Heritages.” In Heritage and Society, edited by Robert Kusek and Jajek Purchla. Krakow: International Cultural Centre. ISBN 978-83-63463-86-1

Landscapes are complex ecosystems, built on a dynamic equilibrium among natural elements and anthropic factors. They bear the material traces of the historical processes of transformation and settlement, the results of cultural and artistic expressions, the evolution of the production techniques and the change of lifestyles. They retain, as well, tangible memories related to painful episodes and architectures built to celebrate events that many wish to forget. Landscapes could be interpreted, in this sense, as “archaeologies of memories.”
The presentation will focus on networks of artefacts and heritage sites, diffused in vast territories and characterised by a contentious past (i.e. Spomenik, The Monuments of Former Yugoslavia; old border crossing points). Scientific studies, mapping and museographical actions founded on participatory, inclusive and multi-vocal approaches could counter a dangerous process of “memory loss”. Art and museographical practices could raise a public awareness of the importance of safeguarding difficult heritages.

Language: English

Contrary to the widespread assumption that Belgium is a bilingual (French/Dutch) country, German is also an official language in Belgium. The German-speaking part of Belgium achieved its cultural autonomy in 1970, which made the approximately 73,000 German-speaking Belgians one of the best protected minorities in Europe. This achievement cannot be understood without reference to the Flemish emancipation and the transformation of the original conception of Belgium as a unitary nation, built on the foundation of shared values, into a federal nation with autonomous communities according to linguistic principles.

Integrating theories about discourse (Discourse Studies; DS) with social science theories allows to grasp the dynamic and fluid co-construction of European identities, both top-down and bottom-up. Such interdisciplinary approaches systematically deconstruct the everyday workings of European institutions and support our understanding of the impact of traditional and social media in their production and reproduction of pro-European or Eurosceptic sentiments and attitudes. In this chapter, I first present some important characteristics of Discourse Studies and Critical Discourse Studies (CDS), specifically of the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA). I then, secondly, summarize the most relevant discursive research based on a range of theories and methodological approaches on European integration. Thirdly, I illustrate the interdisciplinary nexus of discourse-oriented European studies with a case study on the mediatization and politicization of the refugee crisis in Austria, from 2015-2016. I specifically focus on legitimation strategies and argumentation schemes which accompany the implementation of ever more restrictive policy decisions.

Geografski atlasi i udžbenici Balkan smeštaju između Istoka i Zapada, a u bedekerima i putopisima je predstavljen kao spona između suprotstavljenih kulturnih svetova. Njegova istorija je od devetnaestog veka ispunjena političkim kolebanjima, smeštanjima u Aziju, Afriku i napokon, na marginu evropskog kontinenta. Britanski i američki putnici i pisci ga izmeštaju iz Evrope, budući da, kako tvrde, njegovi stanovnici sami o Evropi govore kao o "drugom kontinentu". Tako se stiče utisak da je Evropa za Balkan neko "drugi/treći" koliko i Balkan za Evropu. Donekle paradoksalno, ni "Zapad" ni "Istok", Balkan nisu prepoznavali kao deo svog kulturnog, geografskog i političkog tela. Imagološke, translatološke i postkolonijalne studije pokazuju kako su dva međuzavisna geografska prostora -Istočna Evropa i Balkan, zadržala nezavisne simboličke geografije. Razdvojene fizičke i zamišljene geografije ocrtale su granice Istočne Evrope uključujući u nju Rusiju i zemlje koje je u prošlosti kolonizovala, ali i druge zemlje Istočnog bloka -Poljsku, Češku, Slovačku, Rumuniju, od onih koje su ulazile u sastav Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije, Bugarske, Albanije i Grčke. Razlozi za ovo nalaze se dugoj istoriji određenoj rascepima i preklapanjima imperijalnih domena.

The first English book on contemporary Italian writer Claudio Magris, this study examines the connections between space and individual, national and European identity in his works. Magris invites us to cross the borders that enclose private and public spheres in order to discover the otherness within ourselves and reject the fanaticism of self-sameness. Through the recurring image of temporary homes, the book explores Magris’s ceaseless search for meaning and values, aiming at a habitable life, where diversity and tolerance can prevail over all fundamentalisms. With a sophisticated theoretical framework, this innovative analysis involves Magris’s entire fiction and non-fiction writings, down to his most recent, still untranslated collections. With what Pireddu calls “geography of domesticity,” Magris addresses the crucial question of the return to humanism that is moving literature and theory beyond the alleged death of the subject, and confirms the enduring value of the humanities as a critical and constructive tool.

El presente trabajo analiza aspectos de dos series televisivas de Ciencia Ficción con elementos Fantásticos y ambientaciones históricas: El Ministerio del Tiempo (TVE, 2015-2017) y Dark (Netflix, 2017 y 2019). Ambas trascienden del mero entretenimiento y plantean, con gran originalidad, problemas de actualidad con respecto a las identidades en sus respectivos contextos nacionales y de cara al mundo, con la mayor libertad que permite este tipo de ficciones frente a otros formatos y géneros narrativos como el docudrama. Los vínculos y repercusiones del pasado sobre el presente, la memoria y la Historia, las esferas de lo público y lo privado, lo familiar y lo comunitario, su sentido, revalorización de la tradición y apertura crítica, son elementos clave del análisis que proponemos. Publicado en Paula Alejandra BRAVO VILLALOBOS y Paulina ASTROZA SUÁREZ (comp.): Temas actuales de Europa. Una mirada multidisciplinaria, Tirant lo Blanch, Valencia, 2020, pp. 151-164,

Hneď na úvod by som chcel upozorniť na fakt, že tento príspevok nemá za cieľ rozriešiť otázku, aká by mala byť európska identita, presnejšie identita Európskej únie (EÚ), ale analyzovať ju takú, ako ju definovali jej členovia. Následne ponúknem zopár svojich reflexií o danej téme. Zárodok EÚ vznikol pôvodne ako ekonomické zoskupenie niekoľkých štátov západnej Európy. Postupne sa rozširovala na všetky strany, ale jej prioritou zostávala hospodárska spolupráca. Dnes ju však už táto dimenzia neuspokojuje, a tak sa snaží nielen o ekonomickú integráciu, ale aj o vytvorenie vlastnej identity. "Východiskovým bodom pre diskusie o európskej identite je myšlienka, že akákoľvek politická komunita potrebuje spoločný balík hodnôt, ktoré jej majú zaistiť súdržnosť, legitimitu a zmysel." 1 Chce teda neskrývane budovať európsku identitu, akúsi formu spolupatričnosti nielen všetkých obyvateľov členských krajín Európskej únie, ale aj jej prípadných budúcich členov, ktorá by bola spojujúcim článkom naprieč národným, kultúrnym, či náboženským spektrom. Tu pramení heslo Európskej únie -"Spojení v rôznosti". Európa sa tradične snaží o akúsi syntézu, ktorá by mala existovať bez obmedzovania druhých. 2 Európske hodnoty teda majú tendencie byť zároveň aj univerzálne. 3 Stotožňovanie sa Európanov s EÚ je na pomerne nízkej úrovni a podľa prieskumov sú jej občania omnoho viac naviazaní na štát, región či mesto, v ktorom žijú ako na samotnú úniu. EÚ to chce samozrejme zmeniť a vynakladá nemalé finančné prostriedky na posilňovanie svojej identity rozličnými programami, podporou mobilít, učením sa cudzích (európskych) jazykov atď. A tak získať napríklad finančnú podporu na projekt posilňujúci európsku identitu dnes nepredstavuje väčší problém. Asi ťažko sa však ihneď EÚ podarí vybudovať akýsi európsky supranárod, v tejto fáze sa skôr sústredí na vybudovanie občianskej spoločnosti s pocitom európskej prináležitosti, ktorý by nenegoval národnú identitu. "Práve občianstvo totiž predstavuje zdroje lojality, dôvery a ochoty ľudí spoločné inštitúcie poslúchať a dá sa tvrdiť, že bez nich sa EÚ nemôže dlhodobo udržať. ... Všeobecne dnes panuje zhoda v názore, že stabilita a životaschopnosť demokracie nezáleží len na spravodlivosti základných inštitúcií, ale tiež na dispozíciách  Štúdia vznikla v rámci riešenia projektu VEGA č. 2/0122/09 Občianska spoločnosť na Slovensku počas 1. ČSR. (Vývoj na demokratickej báze a vonkajšie a vnútorné vplyvy demokratického, autoritatívneho a totalitného typu). Autor je doktorandom Historického ústavu SAV. 1 Európska identita http://www.euractiv.sk/buducnost-eu/zoznam_liniek/europska-identita; citované dňa 29. 8. 2009. 2 Břetislav HORYNA, Idea Evropy. Praha: Argo, 2001, s. 158. 3 Véronique CHARLETY, Repères fondateurs. Introduire l´histoire dans l´espace public européen. in: Politique européenne 2006/1, č. 18, s. 28, pozn. 15.

‘When you are in the family ... you have more rights than when you are asking to join and knocking on the door’, said French President Jacques Chirac in February 2003. It was before the biggest enlargement of the European Community in 2004, and on the discussion stage with other countries, like Romania and Bulgaria. He added: ‘They missed a great opportunity to shut up’. In this paper I provocatively started with this quotation, whereas I would like to focus seriously on ‘semi-peripheral’ viewpoints – especially from Poland, Czech and post-Yugoslav states – of the discussion on European identity. I will examine all concepts going beyond the simplified schemes of Greek-Roman-Christian trinity and I will follow the conviction that semi-peripheral Europe(s) offer(s) a more innovative and creative opinion about Europe itself. The aim of the paper is to provide a survey of East and Central European literature (academic, political, belles-lettres) and to point out the most interesting approaches. In this paper the following intellectuals-migrants will be taken into consideration: Leszek Kołakowski, Krzysztof Pomian, Dubravka Ugrešić and Jan Zielonka, or even pope John Paul II, etc. though, we could find interesting voices from non-emigrants, like e.g. Karol Modzelewski, Břetislav Horyna or Václav Havel, etc. The potential and power of debates from that part of Europe is still great. It is especially visible during the recent crisis. I would argue that semi-peripheral voices could be a potential solution to the contemporary problems of the Old Continent. Moreover, this ‘minor Europe’ can offer courageous solutions in the process of building European community not as an exclusive but inclusive model. This is important in the case of enlargement of European Union or in face of the growing numbers of immigrants. Let’s look back into semi-peripheral histories to find voices of the marginalized and to find new Europe.

Two political geographers examine significant ways in which northern-tier states of the EU-10 entrants in 2004 have challenged conceptions of European integration. The paper first focuses on the institution of exclusionary citizenship regimes, particularly in Latvia and Estonia, that created a new caste of "non-citizens" within the EU's boundaries. It then turns to the strained Polish-EU relations involving inter alia the war in Iraq, pro-Americanism, and alleged violation of human rights through the purported existence of CIA detention and interrogation facilities. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: F02, O15, O18, 2 figures, 1 table, 72 references.

ABSTRACT: This article tackles the issue of social citizenship in Europe, beyond its legal and political defini- tion, as the result of social mechanisms and practices, and it assumes the cosmopolitan perspective as a conceptual tool for the interpretation of changes in its principles and structure as related to Europeaniza- tion and globalisation. It starts from the heuristic value of the concept, grounded in modern industrial so- cieties and built on its institutions and forms of social solidarity. Then it draws on the debate about the challenges of the welfare state and capitalism’s transformations, as well as on the impact on social citizen- ship of the European integration process. It proposes cosmopolitanism as a lens for catching cosmopolitan ideas, narratives and values that contribute to creating new practices of solidarity and mutual recognition, which are the basis for the construction of new kinds of sustainable social citizenship in Europe. The Euro- pean social forum o...

Öz:
Avrupa'da gerçekleşen genel göç trendleri çerçevesinde okunabilecek olan Avusturya'ya Türk göçünün, 1964 yılında misafir işçi programları kapsamında başladığı gözlemlenmektedir. Günümüzde Avrupa ülkeleri içerisinde en yoğun Türk nüfusuna sahip dördüncü ülke Avusturya'dır. Ülkede üç kuşak süren bir Türk varlığından bahsedilmekte olup, bu göçmenlerin öncelikli probleminin e-ğitim ve ayrımcılık sorunlarının da etkisiyle katılım ve entegrasyon sorunları olduğu sıklıkla dile getirilmektedir. Elinizdeki çalışmada, Avusturya'daki Türk göçmenlerin entegrasyon algıları ve bu toplulukta bir entegrasyon sorunu yaşanıp yaşanmadığına ilişkin yaklaşımları, Avusturya'daki Türk nüfusunun en yoğun yerleştiği bölge olan Viyana'da Ocak 2017'de yürütülen bir saha araştırması yoluyla anlaşılmaya çalışılmıştır.

The Albanian and Georgian debates about Europeanness are valuable case studies
of a general phenomenon of the time and place. Yet we may wonder at the perseverance
of Albanians and Georgians in their pro-Europe stance, despite the history
of the great powers’ indiff erence to their fate since the nineteenth century. The title
Brisku has chosen for his book, Bittersweet Europe, seems apt

This paper seeks to reveal patterns of the discursive and interpretative culture of EERA in an attempt to contribute directly to the discussion about the social and cultural integrity of the association. It looks beyond the network and community approaches of transnational research associations and suggests instead that the communicative aspects of the organisation should be considered. Within this framework the paper aims to address the questions; to what extent can EERA be considered as an intellectual home and what motivates researchers to be engaged with EERA activities? In 2013 four group interviews and 26 semi-structured interviews were carried out in an effort to delineate what lends stability and intimacy to a broad European umbrella organization. Respondents were asked to share their experiences with EERA and their reflection on their contribution to it. The data reveals that there is a delicate balance between activity and representation within the Association and that there is a constant reflection on, as well as a desire towards, inclusiveness both in terms of ideas and colleagues. The data show that researchers enter EERA seeking their research identity and slowly realize that the only way to establish their belonging to the association is their constant contribution. It is possible to discern that a dynamic element – constant contribution in communication – gives EERA its integrity and intimacy.

Abstract: Trying to reconstruct and understand different perspectives on Europe and European identities, initially we made a distinction between the ‘internal’ and the ‘external’. In the course of the research process, however, this distinction proved to bring more ambiguities than it was supposed to resolve. Analysing the autobiographical narrative interviews with people born, raised and living in Europe, on the one hand, and those born on different continents and now living in Europe, on the other, we realised how complex the process of identification with Europe can be. The diversity of perspectives on Europe cannot be brought down to rough distinctions between the ‘internal’ and the ‘external’ as much as European identities cannot be brought down only to people, or to all the people, living on the European continent.

Key words: Europe, European identities, autobiographical narrative interviews, ‘internal’ and ‘external’ perspectives

Este artigo pretende estabelecer a correlação entre o Euro e a construção de uma identidade europeia como um processo de mão dupla, em que ambos os lado se influenciam mutuamente, bem como analisar a função da moeda comum como um símbolo identitário em dois anos distintos: em 2002, logo após o início da circulação do Euro; e em 2014, quando ainda é possível notar os efeitos da crise de 2008 e do alargamento da união monetária ao leste europeu. Em primeiro lugar, será exposto um breve quadro teórico sobre os estudos de integração europeia, destacando-se a importância da questão da identidade para melhor compreensão do processo como um todo. Em segundo lugar, serão elencadas algumas características da construção da identidade europeia com base nos resultados de estudos sobre o tema, especialmente com foco nas pesquisas coordenadas por Thomas Risse. Em terceiro lugar, será apresentado um histórico sobre o processo de construção da União Econômica e Monetária, culminando com a introduçã...

Este artigo pretende estabelecer a correlação entre o Euro e a construção de uma identidade europeia como um processo de mão dupla, em que ambos os lados se influenciam mutuamente, bem como analisar a função da moeda comum como um símbolo identitário em dois anos distintos: em 2002, logo após o início da circulação do Euro; e em 2014, quando ainda é possível notar os efeitos da crise de 2008 e do alargamento da união monetária ao leste europeu. Em primeiro lugar, será exposto um breve quadro teórico sobre os estudos de integração europeia, destacando-se a importância da questão da identidade para melhor compreensão do processo como um todo. Em segundo lugar, serão elencadas algumas características da construção da identidade europeia com base nos resultados de estudos sobre o tema, especialmente com foco nas pesquisas coordenadas por Thomas Risse. Em terceiro lugar, será apresentado um histórico sobre o processo de construção da União Econômica e Monetária, culminando com a introdução do Euro, e realizar-se-á uma análise comparativa baseada nos dados das pesquisas de opinião do Eurobarometer sobre as percepções em relação à moeda comum em 2002 e em 2014, ressaltando-se os contextos de cada ano. Por fim, serão apontados alguns comentários conclusivos sobre o Euro como um símbolo identitário da União Europeia.
Palavras-chave: identidade europeia, Euro, União Europeia.

Colombo, Cristina F. 2017. “National Borders as Contact Zones: Questioning a European Cohesion.” TRACES 04 (September 2017): 06-15.
ISSN 2531-4858

TRACES fanzine #04 | Snapshots is a sixteen-pages thematic signatures, custom designed and printed offset in a limited edition.

Are all border-crossings actually “ruins in reverse” that, according to Robert Smithson, “rise into ruin before they are built” because borders themselves are political spaces which are not  fixed, but await their inevitable changing or abandoning? This and many other similar questions and issues related to the socio-political and visual aspects of borders and check-points are addressed by both Cristina F. Colombo and Ignacio Evangelista in this issue entirely dedicated to Evangelista’s photographic project After Schengen.
Forward by Suzana Milevska.

http://www.traces.polimi.it/2017/09/22/traces-fanzine-04/

Language: English

Testo in italiano

GLI INDESIDERATI. I SENTIERI DI WALTER BENJAMIN IN UN FILM DI FABRIZIO FERRARO
Gli indesiderati d’Europa, incentrato sulla 'retirada republicana' e l’esodo di Walter Benjamin, è l’ultimo film di Fabrizio Ferraro, uno degli autori più originali e innovativi del panorama indipendente. Questo volume ne raccoglie il diario di lavorazione, alimentando una riflessione in fieri sui processi teorici e operativi che sottendono la messa in forma dell’immagine filmica.

«Leggendo questo libro di Valerio Carando sulla lavorazione de Gli indesiderati d’Europa, arricchito da interviste con i protagonisti, fotografie di scena e fuori scena e da illuminanti precisazioni teoriche del regista Fabrizio Ferraro, che quel reale indaga aprendo domande impertinenti (ma il suo indagare è pertinente), scoprirete come fa un film italo-catalano indipendente e a basso costo a superare i blockbuster in 3D di Hollywood non in profondità culturale (chi sa misurarla?) ma in effetti speciali, sorprendenti e scioccanti, coinvolgendo il pubblico nel piacere della creazione, ma senza riempirlo di retorica pesante, montaggio soffocante, decaloghi comportamentali» (Roberto Silvestri)

Continuing our approach to ways the Turco-European rapprochement will permit both parts see each other trustfully and rightly, we will concentrate our analysis on the correct perception and diffusion of European History in both Europe and Turkey.

In a previous article, we insisted on the current – very problematic – European disregard of the Islamic dimension of the European History and Culture. In this feature, we will refer to subjects going back to pre-Islamic times that are also misunderstood or overlooked in both Europe and Turkey.

Birthplace of European Cultures is Turkey

Before an average European citizen expresses surprise about the Turkish candidacy for European Union membership on the grounds that Turkey would be the first Muslim country to become member, there are more misconceptions, false impressions and mistaken beliefs in his/her mind than just the wrong assumption that Islam is irrelevant of Europe and Europe is irrelevant of Europe.

What is actually accepted by scholars but not diffused among general readership in Europe is the very real truth that birthplace of numerous European Cultures is Turkey. Speaking of the EU candidate country, we must bear in mind that we talk about

a. the land of Troy and the legendary Trojan war,

b. the cities – states of Ionia

c. the territory of the Attalid dynasty of Alexander's Epigones,

d. the headquarters of Marc Anthony Proconsul of the Roman Empire to the East (Tarsus),

e. an essential part of the Roman Empire,

f. the backbone of the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire, and last but not least

g. the circumference where lie Thyateira (Akhisar), Ephesos (Efes), Pergamon (Bergama), Sardeis (Sart), Smyrna (Izmir), Laodicea (Denizli), and Philadelphia (Alasehir), the Seven Cities – Christian Churches of John's Revelation.
First published in Buzzle on 12th October 2005
Republished in AfroArticles on 15th April 2007

Book Review: The ERASMUS Phenomenon: Symbol of a New European Generation?Benjamin FEYEN & Ewa KRZAKLEWSKAPeter Lang, 2013, ISBN 978-3-631-62719-8£31.40 (hbk), 245 pp.

Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 23:1, 147-149, First Published Online: 05 Feb 2015

Este artigo faz uma investigação sobre a relação entre identidade europeia e integração regional. Tendo-se admitido a existência de uma identidade europeia fundada nas dimensões cívico-institucional, histórico-cultural e nacional, este trabalho propõe uma análise tridimensional das percepções identitárias nacionais dos Estados-membros da União Europeia e um modelo de distribuição espacial.

No referendo de 23 de junho de 2016, 52% da população do Reino Unido optaram pela saída da União Europeia. Em maio do mesmo ano, o país apresentou o maior percentual de identificação nacionalista entre os membros do bloco comunitário. Apesar da correlação observada, uma notável mudança ocorreu em novembro de 2016, com um aumento significativo, de aproximadamente catorze pontos percentuais, da identificação tanto como britânico quanto como europeu no país. Considerando que, em alguma proporção, a percepção identitária da população auxilia na compreensão das posições e das atitudes do governo britânico no seu relacionamento com a União Europeia, este artigo propõe uma análise sobre as percepções identitárias britânicas antes e depois do referendo de 2016. Por meio de uma análise diacrônica e comparativa dos dados das pesquisas de opinião do Eurobarometer, evidencia-se que o fraco sentimento de pertença ao bloco e o elevado sentimento nacionalista podem, em alguma medida, explicar o resultado do referendo britânico. Conclui-se que a identidade europeia funciona como um mecanismo de unificação na integração regional, e sua ausência ou a fragilidade tende a enfraquecer a relação entre o país e o bloco, como é o caso do Reino Unido.
Palavras-chave: Reino Unido; União Europeia; Percepções Identitárias; Referendo Britânico.

Este artigo faz uma investigação sobre a relação entre identidade europeia e integração regional. Tendo-se admitido a existência de uma identidade europeia fundada nas dimensões cívico-institucional, histórico-cultural e nacional, este trabalho propõe uma análise tridi-mensional das percepções identitárias nacionais dos Estados membros da União Europeia e um modelo de distribuição espacial.
Palavras-chave: Identidade Europeia. União Europeia. Integração regional

CHAIR OF EUROPEAN STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF WROCLAW and POLISH SOCITY OF EUROPEAN STUDIES are pleased to invite you to 3rd CONGRESS FOR EUROPEAN STUDIES, which will take place on 14-16 September 2020.

The leading topic od the Congress will be “multi-speed Europe”.

Application form and detailed information available at www.kongres2020.uni.wroc.pl/en

In case of any questions, please contact us at [email protected]