Ethnic Conflict

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

This article argues that the post-Dayton political organisation of Bosnia represents an exemplary illustration of the difficulties associated with the empirical application of the pluralist model of “consociational democracy”. The country’s political system has been predicated on the existence of consensus and the spirit of cooperation among the three ethnic groups without, however, offering any electoral or political incentives to their leaderships to cooperate. Also, the inclusion of several elements to the Dayton accords of a partition approach to conflict resolution has even encouraged the ethnic leaderships to maintain their nationalistic programs and their endeavours to exploit the aforementioned power-sharing arrangements. Indeed, the structural deficiencies of the Dayton agreement have permitted nationalists to continue implementing their ethnic
agendas and have accounted for the slow progress towards the implementation of the Bosnian peace process. Therefore, this article elaborates on the international policies in Bosnia, aimed at transforming the country into a viable multiethnic state, and highlights the significance of motivations for implementing the peace process.

This dissertation seeks to map, compare, and interrogate the concept of desecuritization, as it has been developed in normative-political and empirical literatures, both within and beyond the Copenhagen School. Departing from the ordering question: “Why has ‘desecuritization’ been theorised in such diverse and inconsistent ways, how does it operate politically, and does it warrant the Copenhagen School’s political-ethical preference for it as a generally positive solution to the ‘problem’ of securitization?”, this argument will engage with a range of past and present debates, synthesizing the political-theoretical- and empirical literatures in order to re-read the political-normative implications, merits and problems of a number of proposed desecuritizing strategies. On this basis it will seek to
interrogate the theoretical limits of these strategies as it attempts to explore the move’s analytical complexity, in order to ultimately reflect on what this reveals about three critical, unarticulated tensions—theoretical, political, normative— in the inconsistent ways ‘normal politics’ has been understood and used; between two opposed normative-political principles underpinning the Copenhagen School’s normative program; and between the way de-securitization works in general, and its general preference for desecuritization in particular.

This article addresses the reasons why ethnic diversity has never posed a challenge to the stability of Transnistria (also called the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic), an unrecognized state that broke away from Moldova during the collapse of the Soviet Union. We analyze the major societal and political patterns relevant to ethnic relations in the region and focus on the structure, content, and effectiveness of Transnistrian legislation concerning ethnic and linguistic diversity along with the practices of its implementation. In our view, formal and informal ethnic divisions do not hinder the political stability of Transnistria. We conclude that the stability of ethnic relations in Transnistria in part results from a deliberate policy aimed at managing diversity. This policy provides for the dependence of the populace on the state apparatus achieved through a dense plethora of government-orchestrated activities as well as the reproduction of nonconflictual, eclectic, and thus sociall...

A catástrofe jugoslava não resultou em primeiro lugar de antigas hostilidades étnicas ou religiosas, nem do colapso do comunismo no final da guerra fria, nem mesmo dos fracassos dos países ocidentais. Esses fatores pioraram inegavelmente as coisas. Mas a morte da Jugoslávia e a violência que se lhe seguiu resultaram da consciência dos líderes nacionalistas... A Jugoslávia foi destruída a partir do topo..." Warren Zimmermann, em Origens de uma Catástrofe

Abstract: What accounts for low-intensity intergroup violence? In this paper, we explore the micro-level determinants of low-intensity sectarian violence in Northern Ireland, which has marked the post-1998 peace agreement period. We use original cross-sectional time series violence data for the 2005-2012 period at a disaggregated sub-national level, the ward, and a wide variety of social and political indicators. In particular, we assess the impact of within-ward ethnic composition, on the one hand, and the ethnic composition of neighboring wards, on the other. We find that the number of intergroup violent events peak in wards where there is parity between groups, and in predominantly Catholic (Protestant) wards that border predominantly Protestant (Catholic) wards. The rationale is that violence takes place where groups have both opportunities to perpetrate sectarian violence and strategic incentives to do it. The paper makes several contributions: it demonstrates that violence is ...

In-group and superordinate identities are key predictors for intergroup forgiveness, albeit with opposite effects. To investigate the identity-forgiveness relationship, we included perceived compatibility between in-group and superordinate identities as a predictor; and tested in-group bias and outgroup attributions of responsibility as mediators. As respective parties of an armed conflict in Turkey, Turkish majority and Kurdish minority respondents (N = 227) were interviewed in Turkey and Belgium. The results supported the path through in-group bias for all groups: in-group (Turkish/Kurdish) identity was associated with more bias and in turn less forgiveness; superordinate (Turkish citizenship) identity was associated with less bias and in turn more forgiveness. Compatibility, however, was associated with less bias only for the Kurdish minority. The path through outgroup blame was significant only for the Turkish majority: in-group identity predicted more outgroup blame and in turn less forgiveness. Theoretical and practical implications of these pathways to forgiveness are discussed.

The purpose of this study is to present exhaustive, the autonomy of Trentino-Alto Adige South Tyrol and provide an overview that weaves legal issues with political ones, in the light of historical events, and, as available, reproducing original documents, and citations images. The analysis focuses on the constitutional issues that are enshrined in the Statute of Autonomy and hundreds of implementing rules. The pillars of this autonomy are the Region of Trentino Alto Adige and the Autonomous Provinces of Trento and Bolzano, which interact in a three-pole system.
In the Region of Trentino-Sout Tyrol have lived together for centuries the three linguistic groups: the Italian, German and Ladin. The preservation of linguistic and cultural diversity of language groups has always been a challenge for any democracy and its values of freedom and peace, but also represents a test case for the future of Europe, whose cultural richness is not formed from the merger and the levelling of different cultures in the "melting pot" on the American model, but the humanistic tradition and the richness and diversity of different cultures living in Europe.
Increasingly people from all over Europe, particularly Eastern European countries, but also of several other countries in the world, using our model of autonomy as a basis for their own ethnic problems. The fact that our autonomy could be an incentive to resolving the many ethnic problems in Europe or the world, is a source of pride.---

ABSTRACT DEUTSCH:
Zweck dieser Studie ist es, in übersichtlicher Form die Grundzüge der Autonomie von Trentino-Südtirol darzustellen, einen Überblick über Recht und Politik zu bieten und durch die Wiedergabe von Originaldokumenten, Zitaten und Bildern auszuleuchten. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse liegen die verfassungsrechtlichen Aspekte, die Im Autonomiestatut und in Hunderten von Durchführungsbestimmungen verankert sind. Die Träger dieser Autonomie sind die Region Trentino Südtirol und die Autonomen Provinzen Bozen und Trient, die in einem dreipoligen System zusammenwirken.
Die geschichtlichen Ereignisse wurden bereits in einer Reihe von bedeutenden Werken untersucht und sollen deshalb hier nur in geraffter Form zusammengefasst werden, um zum Verständnis der heutigen Lage beizutragen. Dabei ist es mir ein besonderes Anliegen, eine Gesamtschau zu bieten, die alle Landesteile des ehemaligen Tirols umfasst.
Im Gebiet der Region Trentino-Südtirol leben seit Jahrhunderten drei Sprachgruppen: Italiener, Deutsche und Ladiner. Die Vielfalt an Sprachen und Kulturen stellt eine Herausforderung für jede freiheitliche Demokratie und für die Sicherung des Friedens dar. Sie ist gleichzeitig aber auch ein Prüfstein für die Zukunft Europas, dessen kultureller Reichtum ja nicht im Schmelzriegel-System der amerikanischen Einwanderung liegt, sondern auf den Schätzen verschiedenartiger Kulturen und der humanistischen Tradition aufbaut.
Immer häufiger fordern Interessierte aus ganz Europa, besonders aus dem Osten, aber auch aus anderen Ländern der Welt unser Autonomiemodell als Unterlage zum Studium der eigenen Volksgruppenprobleme an. Das ist auch der Grund für die Drucklegung dieser Studie durch den Regionalrat Trentino-Südtirol in italienischer, deutscher und englischer Sprache, sowie erstmals als Publikation der Region auch in ladinisch, um diese alte Sprache und Kultur aufzuwerten.
Wenn unsere Autonomie einen Anstoß - und mehr kann es nicht sein - zur Lösung der vielfältigen Volksgruppenprobleme in Europa oder anderswo auf der Welt bieten kann, so sind wir dafür dankbar.---

ABSTRACT ITALIANO:
Lo scopo di questo studio è di presentare in forma esaustiva l'autonomia del Trentino-Alto Adige e fornire una panoramica che intrecci gli aspetti giuridici con quelli politici, alla luce degli eventi storici, e, in quanto disponibili, riproducendo documenti originali, citazioni e immagini. Il focus dell'analisi si concentra sulle questioni costituzionali che sono sancite nello Statuto di autonomia e in centinaia di norme di attuazione. I pilastri di quest’autonomia sono la Regione del Trentino Alto Adige e le Province autonome di Trento e di Bolzano, che interagiscono in un sistema tripolare.
Nel territorio della Regione Trentino-Alto Adige convivono da secoli tre gruppi linguistici: quello italiano, tedesco e ladino. La salvaguardia delle molteplicità linguistiche e culturali dei gruppi linguistici costituisce da sempre una sfida per ogni democrazia e per i suoi valori di libertà e di pace; rappresenta però anche un banco di prova per il futuro dell’Europa, la cui ricchezza culturale non è costituita dalla fusione e dal livellamento di diverse culture nel “melting pot” sul modello americano, ma dalla tradizione umanistica e dalla ricchezza e diversità delle varie culture che convivono in Europa.
Sempre più frequentemente persone di tutta l’Europa e in particolare dei paesi dell’Est, ma anche di diversi altri paesi del mondo, utilizzano il nostro modello autonomistico quale base di studio per i propri problemi etnici. Questo è anche il motivo per cui questa pubblicazione è stata predisposta dal Consiglio regionale in lingua italiana, tedesca, inglese ed inoltre, per la prima volta, anche in ladino, per valorizzare questa antica lingua e cultura. Il fatto che la nostra autonomia possa costituire uno stimolo alla soluzione dei molteplici problemi etnici presenti in Europa o nel mondo, è per noi motivo di orgoglio.---

KEYWORDS.
Südtirol Paket, Pariser Vertrag, UNO Resolutionen, Autonomie, Minderheitenschutz, Trentino-Südtirol, Alto Adige Südtirol, Tirol, Autonomiestatut, Durchführungsbestimmungen, Region Trentino Südtirol, Autonome Provinzen Trient und Bozen, Südtirol, Tirol, Sprachgruppen, sprachlichen Minderheiten, Schutz der deutschen Sprache, Ladinisch, Sprachliche Vielfalt, Ethnischer Proporzethnische, Zusammenleben.-
Autonomy, Protection of minorities, Trentino-Alto Adige, South Tyrol, Statute of Autonomy, Implementation rules, Region Trentino Alto Adige, Autonomous provinces of Trento and Bolzano, South Tyrol, Package, Tyrol, Language groups, language minorities, Use of the German language, Ladin, Preservation of linguistic diversity, Ethnic proportion, Coexistence.-
Pacchetto, Accordo di Parigi, Risoluzioni ONU, Autonomia, Tutela minoranze, Trentino-Alto Adige, Statuto di autonomia, Norme di attuazione, Regione Trentino Alto Adige, Province autonome di Trento e di Bolzano, Südtirol, Tirolo, gruppi linguistici, minoranze linguistiche, uso lingua tedesca, ladino, salvaguardia delle molteplicità linguistiche, Proporzionale etnica, convivenza.-

Politicians and decision-makers, however, do often take ethnocentrism, nationalism, xenophobia for granted and, in general, do not bother to consider what are the essence and the ultimate causes thereof. In turn, political action without a solid conceptual basis repeatedly leads to the opposite rather than the expected results. My book aims at building a bridge between the theoretical studies and the policy of ethnicity. Although this paper is primarily targeted at the academic community, it should also be expedient for readers involved in the legislation, administration of culture, education and ethnic relations. As any theoretical attempt to understand a phenomenon, this study, first of all, sought to describe the object – the interplay between ethnicity and politics – as precisely as possible. To achieve that, it was necessary to define the concepts and the terms relating to the ethnic processes. Correct periodization and typology of the phenomena under investigation were also endeavoured. Furthermore, the book undertook an effort to clarify the proximate and ultimate causes of ethnic mobilisation and the conflict alongside with the development of individual ethnic identity and ethnogenesis with a view of explaining the influence of political factors. Finally, the study adds to the understanding which methods for the regulation of the ethnic conflicts would be the most appropriate under the identified conditions. There is an extended summary in English at the end of the monograph.

Do social cohesion activities change the attitudes of the participants? This paper uses intergroup contact theory to explore attitude change resulting from contact with out-group(s) in social cohesion activities. Results from a pre-test/post-test design with fifty-five participants in two bicommunal camps in Cyprus show how attitudes change at the immediate end of these activities; an analysis of fourteen participants’ comments after one, thirteen, and twenty-five months provides a medium- to long-term assessment of attitude change. Not all participants were completely positive towards the other community before they took part, as assumed by some. There is clearly space for impact in terms of attitude change. Social cohesion activities represent indispensable tools for reducing prejudice and improving relationships between former enemies in post-conflict countries.

A prevalent theme in the public forum on the recent wave of black church arson in the United States is that the events are part of an overarching conspiracy on the part of hate groups to start a race war. In attempting to discount this theme, critics have concluded that events of black church arson are not racially motivated, and instead are random acts of insurance fraud and delinquency. We argue that competition theory sheds light on these recent events by moving us away from both sides of this debate. We argue that, in the absence of good data on connections between various hate groups, it is useful to consider this wave of ethnic violence as a result of ethnic competition for economic and political resources. Using yearly event counts and time-series cross sectional data, we test hypotheses derived from competition theory. We conclude that competition for both economic and political resources increases the yearly counts of black church arson.

Округ Алтай находится в северной части Синьцзян-Уйгурского
автономного района Китайской Народной Республики. Рус-
ские старообрядцы из Российской империи и Советского Союза
жили в этом округе в деревнях вокруг озера Канас с середины
XIX в. до 1960-х гг. Большинство из них являлись старообрядца-
ми часовенного и спасовского согласий1.
Богатый природными ресурсами, округ Алтай привлекал
внимание Советского Союза, США, Англии, Японии и ряда дру-
гих стран. Вместе с тем округ был постоянным полем сражения
коренных этносов за национальную независимость.
Русские казаки-белоэмигранты играли важную роль в воен-
ном противостоянии в Синьцзяне в первой половине ХХ в. Об их
мобилизации опубликовано много исследований. История же во-
енной мобилизации русских старообрядцев в Синьцзяне изучена
крайне мало, несмотря на то что старообрядцы этого округа тоже
принимали участие в военных действиях в 1933 и 1940-х гг.
Цель статьи – опираясь на изученную литературу и новые
интервью со старообрядцами, показать, как Китайская Республика
(правительство Гоминьдана), Восточно-Туркестанская Республика,
Советский Союз, Соединенные Штаты Америки и
Китайская Народная Республика мобилизовали русских старо-
обрядцев и как они участвовали в войнах в округе Алтай в 1933
и 1940-х гг.

The early ethnological works of Alfred Métraux are analysed bearing in mind his first fieldwork trip to the Chiriguano, in 1929. The paper discusses personal, academic and professional features of Métraux’s ethnological experience, the nature of the 1929 trip and his concrete relationships with the Chiriguano groups and individuals. Next, we analyse his ideas on material culture as a privileged means of understanding the synthesis of Andean, Chaco and Amazonian cultural influences. Finally, the dilemmas and limitations of his analytical approach regarding Créole cultural influence and social and cultural change are discussed. [Key words: Alfred Métraux, Chané, Chiriguano, material culture, change.]
Se analiza la etnología temprana de Alfred Métraux a la luz de su primer viaje de campo a los chiriguanos, en 1929. Se discute el perfil personal, académico y profesional de Métraux, las peculiaridades de su trabajo de campo en 1929 y sus relaciones concretas con los indígenas chiriguanos en el terreno. Se examinan luego sus ideas sobre la cultura material como campo experimental privilegiado para rastrear procesos de síntesis de influencias culturales andinas, chaqueñas y amazónicas, así también sus dilemas y límites a la hora de interpretar el factor de la influencia criolla y el proceso de cambio social y cultural en un sentido amplio. [Palabras clave: Alfred Métraux, Chané, Chiriguano, cultura material, cambio.]

Discorsi e testimonianze di pensiero libero, piccoli saggi, articoli, lettere. Contro censure e condizionamenti. Libri politici per cercare un'altra politica e ritrovare un pensiero forte. Libri del passato pensati per il futuro. Usiamoli. instant book © 2012 Chiarelettere editore srl Giornalista, traduttore, insegnante. Negli anni Ottanta è tra i promotori del movimento politico dei Verdi in Italia e in Europa. Partecipa a un intenso dialogo di ricerca con la cultura della sinistra, dell'area radicale, dell'impegno cristiano e religioso, delle nuove spiritualità, di aree non conformiste e originali che emergono anche tra conservatori e a destra, o da movimenti non compresi nell'arco canonico della politica. Eletto deputato al Parlamento europeo nel 1989, diventa primo presidente del neocostituito Gruppo Verde. S'impegna soprattutto per una politica estera di pace, per relazioni più giuste Nord-Sud ed Est-Ovest, per la conversione ecologica della società, dell'economia e degli stili di vita. Dopo la caduta del muro di Berlino aumenta via via il suo impegno per contrastare i nazionalismi, sostenendo le forze di conciliazione interetnica nei territori dell'ex Jugoslavia. Decide di interrompere la vita il 3 luglio 1995, all'età di 49 anni. Riposa nel piccolo cimitero di Telves/Telfes (BZ), accanto ai suoi genitori. alexander langer (Vipiteno 1946 -Firenze 1995

This book explores the causes and dynamics of ethnic conflict and civil war, distinguishing between onset-based and process-based theories. He introduces a scheme of periodization which links the phase of low-scale inter-ethnic violence with the phase of sustainable organized violence, asserting the crucial importance of elites and their use of opportunity in power asymmetry as a key factor in instigating full-scale civil war.

This book also examines the relevance of major theoretical and methodological approaches currently dominating the field of ethnic conflict and civil war research, testing their efficacy by applying them to three major South Caucasus conflicts of the late 1980s and early 1990s.

As a merger of theoretical and empiricist approaches, this book focuses on the case-specific contextual richness of the local conflicts in Karabakh, Abkhazia, and South Ossetia to draw solid theoretical conclusions as well as providing suggestions for the improvement of current theories.

Racial hoaxes are becoming a popular discursive strategy to disguise racism, as well as a powerful means for triggering waves of fake news and outraged comments both on mainstream and social media. Built on grounds of plausibility and consistency with existing narratives, racial hoaxes may remain latent for a long time, and periodically emerge when negative stereotypes can be framed as actual news stories. Racial hoaxes have relevant political and social implications: spread across multiple channels, they can foster exclusionary discourse on immigration, migrants , refugees, and other minorities, with concrete consequences on people and policies. In particular, far-right movements embrace hoaxes as a great opportunity to advocate their claims and legitimate their calls for violent action. Theoretical background Racial hoaxes are becoming a popular discursive strategy to disguise racism. This concept has mainly been used in US legal and criminological fijields, aimed at exploring the connection between racial stereotypes and related practices in policing, and shifting criminal responsibility from a white offfender to a fijictional black predator (Russell, 1998). Nonetheless, this concept could be scrutinized from wider social and communicational perspectives, looking at how racial hoaxes are created and circulated, and how they afffect ethnic relations. The concept also provides powerful insights into study how prejudices and stereotypes are objectivized, and how hostility tales turn into social action. Moreover, racial hoaxes should be a relevant matter for communication studies, since they involve both mainstream and digital media, and have relevant consequences on public.

According to the " Waffle " model of the Belgian Linguistic Conflict (Klein et al., 2012), this conflict centres around two main dimensions: One concerns the use of language across the territory and the second concerns the distribution of resources between the two main linguistic communities, Dutch-speakers and French-speakers. The model suggests that the two groups adhere to different justice principles regarding these issues and that these disagreements are a function of the intensity of the conflict. With respect to the first dimension, Dutch-speakers are expected to adhere more to a principle of linguistic territoriality than French-speakers who should be more in favor of a free choice of one's idiom across the territory. With respect to the second dimension, the model posits that Dutch-speakers will adhere more to an equity principle whereas French-speakers should adhere more to a need principle. We tested these hypotheses in the context of a large-scale survey involving two waves: in May 2011 in the middle of a political crisis, and in June 2014, when the conflict was appeased. The pattern of " disagreements " in a subsample that participated in both waves of the survey (N = 378) is consistent with the Waffle model and, as expected, more severe at the heart of the conflict (in 2011) than after pacification (in 2014). However, differences were driven mostly by supporters of the Flemish nationalist party N-VA. Moreover, endorsement of principles on both dimensions are predictive of separatist attitudes in the Dutch-speaking sample whereas only the first dimension plays a role for the French speaking sample.

Nigeria has a population of (one hundred and eighty million) 180,000,000 million inhabitants with over 250 different ethnic groups and over 400 spoken different languages and dialects. The multicultural nature of the Nigerian society with its sharp ethnic and religious differences has generated various versions of ethnic identity and question which has threaten the existence of Nigerian communities by turning to ethnic conflict, and have created dangerous suspicion, distrust and conflicting antagonistic relationship among the various ethnic nationalities in Nigeria, and this is affecting the successful operations of democracy, because, religion and ethnicity are manipulated by the Nigerian political class for their own personnel gain. The aims and objectives of this paper is to interrogate the causes and consequences of ethnic conflict in Nigeria. For the purpose of this paper, qualitative method of data collection has been adopted; materials were derived from secondary sources of data. The effect of ethnic conflict in Nigeria is on thousands of women, the aged and children have been compel to desert their homes and seek refuge in neighboring villages, towns and countries due to the ethnic conflict.

15 декабря суд в Ставропольском крае вынес приговор по так называемому «ингушскому делу». Ингушских активистов и организаторов мирных протестов 2018–2019 годов Ахмеда Барахоева, Мусу Мальсагова и Малсага Ужахова приговорили к девяти годам колонии за организацию деятельности неназванной экстремистской организации и опасного для жизни насилия в отношении силовиков. Исмаила Нальгиева, Багаудина Хаутиева и Баруха Чемурзиева — к восьми годам, Зарифу Саутиеву — к семи с половиной годам колонии общего режима только за организацию опасного для жизни насилия в отношении силовиков. Ровно такие сроки запрашивала для обвиняемых прокуратура.
Этот день можно считать датой официального отказа Москвы от идеи современного государственного управления российскими регионами вообще и в особенности Северным Кавказом. Кремль и раньше не нес народам кавказских республик ни правосудия, ни справедливости, но до сих пор он делал вид, что борется с терроризмом. Теперь же расправой над лидерами мирного ингушского протеста режим показал, что он готов лишь поддерживать в регионах своих наместников, по совместительству носящих погоны генералов полиции или ФСБ. «Ингушское дело» и суд над «Мемориалом», два громких процесса этого декабря, означают полный разрыв путинского режима с российским обществом. Теперь государство редуцировано до хунты со штабом в Москве, и с этим новым сословием силовиков не связана ни гражданская, ни национальная идентичность населения огромной страны. Сколько бы ни длилось их «время дожития», созданную московской властью проблему для будущего России и ее граждан, будь то ингуши, буряты, москвичи или иркутяне, будут решать уже не люди из коллектива Владимира Путина.

Purpose -This editorial aims to introduce the special issue on employment discrimination against immigrants. Design/methodology/approach -The first part is a commentary on key issues in the study of employment discrimination against immigrants. The second part presents the five articles in the special issue. Findings -The papers in this special issue focus on a variety of issues associated with employment discrimination against immigrants. For example, they consider: discrimination based on accents; differences among justice perceptions among immigrants and non-immigrants; the effects of negative stereotypes on workplace outcomes; the treatment of Hispanic immigrants; and the reasons for the lack of research on Hispanic immigrants. Research limitations/implications -The author comments on key issues that researchers of employment discrimination against immigrants have to take into account. These issues include: the appreciation of the diversity among immigrants; an understanding of the complexity of employment discrimination research; openness to cross-disciplinary approaches; and the consideration of employment discrimination within the context of the immigrant experience. The five articles that make up the special issues vary in their nature (empirical, critical), methodologies (quantitative, qualitative), locations (United States, Germany, and Canada), and implications. Practical implications -The issues discussed in the papers have important implications for understanding and overcoming employment discrimination against immigrants. Originality/value -The Journal of Managerial Psychology invited this special issue to initiate psychological research on employment discrimination against immigrants. The intent is to draw the attention of organizational scholars to the large, yet under-studied immigrant segment of the workforce.

Access Archaeology offers a different publishing model for specialist academic material that might traditionally prove commercially unviable, perhaps due to its sheer extent or volume of colour content, or simply due to its relatively niche field of interest. This could apply, for example, to a PhD dissertation or a catalogue of archaeological data. All Access Archaeology publications are available as a free-to-download pdf eBook and in print format. The free pdf download model supports dissemination in areas of the world where budgets are more severely limited, and also allows individual academics from all over the world the opportunity to access the material privately, rather than relying solely on their university or public library. Print copies, nevertheless, remain available to individuals and institutions who need or prefer them. The material is refereed and/or peer reviewed. Copy-editing takes place prior to submission of the work for publication and is the responsibility of the author. Academics who are able to supply printready material are not charged any fee to publish (including making the material available as a free-todownload pdf). In some instances the material is type-set in-house and in these cases a small charge is passed on for layout work. Our principal effort goes into promoting the material, both the free-to-download pdf and print edition, where Access Archaeology books get the same level of attention as all of our publications which are marketed through e-alerts, print catalogues, displays at academic conferences, and are supported by professional distribution worldwide. The free pdf download allows for greater dissemination of academic work than traditional print models could ever hope to support. It is common for a free-to-download pdf to be downloaded hundreds or sometimes thousands of times when it first appears on our website. Print sales of such specialist material would take years to match this figure, if indeed they ever would. This model may well evolve over time, but its ambition will always remain to publish archaeological material that would prove commercially unviable in traditional publishing models, without passing the expense on to the academic (author or reader).

Kinship in Thucydides is a new contribution to the study of Thucydides and the social history of the ancient Greek world. Drawing on modern anthropological enquiries on kinship and sociology of ethnicity and emotions, and scholarly work on kinship diplomacy and Greek ethnicity, it argues that intercommunal kinship has a far more pervasive importance in Thucydides than has been acknowledged so far. It revisits the stereotype of Thucydides as an ancient theorist of Realpolitik, and seeks to reveal new aspects of his authorial sophistication. Through close reading, contextualization in a variety of sources, and special attention to ancient and modern audiences, Fragoulaki explores the whole spectrum of intercommunal kinship in the ancient Greek world, by studying the various ways in which ancient Greek communities could be related to each other (colonization, genealogies, membership of the same ethnic group, socio-cultural symbols, political mechanisms and institutions) and the preponderantly cultural, emotional and ethical character and expression of these ties.
Kinship in Thucydides provides a fresh and up-to-date discussion of Thucydides’ kinship terminology, and has wider implications for our understanding of terms such as syngeneia and oikeiotes. Through test-cases, organized in terms of geography, ethnicity and kinship categories, it reveals a complex web of intercommunal ties and their interaction with the practical aspects of the War. The kinship theme offers an excellent angle from which to study Thucydides’ artful construction of his narrative, his technique of significant understatement, his challenging silences, his interaction with other genres, and his intense engagement with Herodotus. New readings of much discussed parts of the History are provided, and the problem of Athenian kleruchies is re-opened in Appendix I. Appendix II substantiates the complementary relationship in the amount and distribution of kinship information in Thucydides and Herodotus in the form of a table.

The Cline Center Historical Phoenix Event Data covers the period 1945-2018 and includes several million events extracted from 17.5 million news stories. This data was produced using the state-of-the-art PETRARCH-2 software to analyze content from the New York Times (1945-2019), the BBC Monitoring's Summary of World Broadcasts (1979-2015) and the Central Intelligence Agency’s Foreign Broadcast Information Service (1995-2004). It documents the agents, locations, and issues at stake in a wide variety of conflict, cooperation and communicative events in the CAMEO ontology. The Cline Center produced this data with the generous support of Linowes Fellow and Faculty Affiliate Prof. Dov Cohen and help from our academic and private sector collaborators in the Open Event Data Alliance (OEDA).

Firstly, the Roman Catholic «prehistory» of contact between the Panoan groups of Bolivian Amazonia and Jesuit, Franciscan and lay clergy missionaries is described. The paper then analyses the continuity of the evangelization process by diverse evangelical denominations, describing three missionary experiences with the Chacobo since 1955 to the present day. Finally, general insights are proposed relating the anthropological problem of religious conversion.

Purpose -The purpose of this paper is to suggest to the conflict study scholars a new instrument -the "conflict volcano" that could be an effective and appropriate tool for conflict analysis. Design/methodology/approach -The "conflict volcano" model was designed as a qualitative method for conflict analysis with a focus on cause analysis. It was developed on the basis of "conflict tree" which underwent modifications. Findings -The benefit of the "conflict volcano" is that it covers all aspects of conflict starting from root cause to catalysts and can reveal a wide range of causes: material, immaterial, institutional. It clearly frames factors; this helps practitioners to determine what should be considered as causes and effects. Moreover, the "conflict volcano" reflects major theoretical representations of the conflict and its aspects. While the "conflict volcano" model can study conflict phases from latent until open violence, it cannot reflect the dynamic of conflict and cannot demonstrate its evolution to post-conflict phases. Practical implications -The "conflict volcano" can be used as a conflict analysis tool by practicing experts and scholars. Academicians can use it in order to understand conflict and especially to reveal its causes. Practicing experts can use it in order to design a conflict transformation strategy. Originality/value -This instrument does not pretend to be a new invention in the field of conflict studies, but rather a new conceptualization, schematization of old concepts and instruments.

This study aims to analyze the ethnic dilemma in the Pamir region, or Badakh Mountains of the Badakhshan region, that became the reason for the call of independence of Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region from Tajikistan. This paper also examines the socio-political linkages among the various Pamiri groups in Badakhshan Region. Likewise, the impact of a declaration of independence by Gorno-Badakhshann region on Pamiri ethnic groups in other geographically linked countries, especially in Gilgit- Baltistan is also highlighted in this study.

This article examines whether there is a steady pattern of celebrity engagement with humanitarian issues through a study of the involvement of U2 and Angelina Jolie in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The activism of these two celebrities was limited in both time and content and developed at different phases of the country’s recent history. The article notes that their involvement was idiosyncratic and was not developed at certain ‘turning points’ or ‘critical junctures’ of the conflict. It also argues that their activism was primarily motivated by personal networks: the decision of U2 and Jolie to get involved was prompted by their acquaintance with people who knew and cared about Bosnia. Therefore, the article highlights the role of intermediaries and underlines the need to study the personal networks that initiate and/or facilitate celebrity involvement in social causes.

Race and Racism in Modern East Asia juxtaposes Western racial constructions of East Asians with constructions of race and their outcomes in modern East Asia. It is the first endeavor to explicitly and coherently link constructions of race and racism in both regions. These constructions have not only played a decisive role in shaping the relations between the West and East Asia since the mid nineteenth century, but also exert substantial influence on current relations and mutual images in both the East-West nexus and East Asia. Written by some of the field's leading authorities, this groundbreaking 21-chapter volume offers an analysis of these constructions, their evolution and their interrelations.


REVIEWS
"In the field of race studies, race and racism in East Asia has generally been little explored. These two books [Michael Keevak’s Becoming Yellow as well] each works to address that gap in scholarship. As a pair they go a long ways toward furthering our understanding of the historical, political, and social significance of the role of race in East Asia. Most significantly, these books help us to understand how prominent a factor race was in armed conflicts in twentieth-century East Asia. The volume is divided into two parts. Part One deals with Western conceptions of East Asians. Part Two, fully half of the volume, deals with questions of race and racism from perspectives located within East Asia, whether China, Korea, or Japan. The format of an edited volume allows for a large scope of overall inquiry as well as a significant degree of specificity within individual essay. …The juxtaposition of essays in Part One brings to light a number of important topics for reflection and future research, not least the large and thorny question of just how inextricably intertwined the connections between racism and rear of decline actually are. … Part two “East Asia Race Theories, Racial Policies and Racism” breaks new ground in the field of race studies in that it is devoted to race from entirely East Asian perspectives (and there are many!)."
— Laura Hostetler, Sino-Western Cultural Relations Journal 37 (2015): 74-84.

"Within the historical research on the topic of racism, East Asia has barely played any role. This volume, the outcome of a multi-year project closes this research lacuna. ... Overall, the volume is superbly edited and easy to read and will undoubtedly remain, until further notice, the standard work on the subject of race in East Asia. For those interested in the historical development of the concept of race and wish to go beyond the European framework, this volume is highly recommended."
— Sven Saaler, Historische Zeitschrift (2014)

"A gigantic volume, its real strong point is its variety, with papers probing such interesting and understudied topics ... The scholarly summaries are very accomplished and provide a wealth of material for understanding that race is neither a fixed nor an atemporal construct, nor is it one that can be simply transferred from Western contexts into Eastern ones. ... The essays represent starting points for a variety of new work as such they are very valuable contributions to the burgeoning field. Highly recommended."
— Michael Keevak, Asian Ethnicity (2014)

"This collection of scholarly works explores racial constructions of East Asians from both external and internal perspectives. ... Not only does this book help readers understand how racial constructions of the West and East Asia interacted in shaping their relationships in the past, but also, more importantly, how these constructions still influence their current relationships in the 21st century. Summing up: Recommended. All levels/libraries."
— A.Y. Lee, Choice, 2013


TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Illustrations and Tables
Conventions
Preface

1. Modern East Asia and the Rise of Racial Thought: Possible Links, Unique Features, and Unsettled Issues
Rotem Kowner and Walter Demel

PART I: WESTERN RACE THEORIES, RACIAL IMAGES AND RACISM
2. Early Modern European Divisions of Mankind and East Asians, 1500-1750 50
Walter Demel and Rotem Kowner
3. How the “Mongoloid Race” Came into Being: Late Eighteenth-Century Constructions of East Asians in Europe
Walter Demel
4. Between Contempt and Fear: Western Racial Constructions of East Asians since 1800
Rotem Kowner
5. “A Very Great Gulf”: Late Victorian British Diplomacy and Race in East Asia
T.G. Otte
6. Pan-Mongolians at Twilight: East Asia and Race in Russian Modernism, 1890-1921
Susanna Soojung Lim
7. National Identity and Race in Post-Revolutionary Russia: Pil’niak’s Travelogues from Japan and China
Alexander Bukh
8. Class, Race, Floating Signifier: American Media Imagine the Chinese, 1870-1900
Lenore Metrick-Chen
9. Racism for Beginners: Constructions of Chinese in Twentieth Century Belgian Comics
Idesbald Goddeeris
10. Race, Imperialism, and Reconstructing Selves: Late Nineteenth Century Korea in European Travel Literature
Huajeong Seok
11. Race, Culture and the Reaction to the Japanese Victory of 1905 in the English-Speaking World
Philip Towle

PART II: EAST ASIAN RACE THEORIES, RACIAL POLICIES AND RACISM
12. A Certain Whiteness of Being: Chinese Perceptions of Self by the Beginning of European Contact
Don J. Wyatt
13. Racial Discourse and Utopian Visions in Nineteenth Century China
Sufen Sophia Lai
14. The Discourse of Race in Twentieth-Century China
Frank Dikötter
15. Racist South Korea? Diverse but not Tolerant of Diversity
Gi-Wook Shin
16. Skin Color Melancholy in Modern Japan: Male Elites' Racial Experiences Abroad, 1880s-1950s
Ayu Majima
17. Anatomically Speaking: The Kubo Incident and the Paradox of Race in Colonial Korea
Hoi-eun Kim
18. Who Classified Whom, and for What Purpose? The “Japanese” in Northeast China in the Age of Empire
Mariko Asano Tamanoi
19. Race and International Law in Japan’s New Order in East Asia, 1938-1945
Urs Matthias Zachmann
20. East Asia’s “Melting-Pot”: Reevaluating Race Relations in Japan’s Colonial Empire 583
Yukiko Koshiro
21. Categorical Confusion: President Obama as a Case Study of Racialized Practices in Contemporary Japan
Christine R. Yano

Contributors
Bibliography
Index

This paper challenges the widely-accepted view that politics in Trinidad and Tobago is driven by ethnic rivalry between the country’s Africans and Indians, or ‘ethnic politics’. The paper demonstrates how this interpretation distorts the historical and sociological record. It forwards a subtler and more historically consistent understanding of the place of ethnicity in politics and society, which is more complex, more fluid, and looser than the popular model posits. Finally, a suggestion for moving beyond the ‘African-Indian rivalry’ hypothesis is forwarded, distinguishing ethnic mobilisation from ethnic politics, and understanding ethnic mobilisation as a by-product of insecurity in a ‘half-made society’.