Ethics and Politics

در ماه‌های اخیر شماری از اندیشمندان، روشنفکران و روزنامه‌نگاران ایرانی آراء خود در باب نسبت اخلاق و سیاست را با انتشار یادداشت‌ها و مقالاتی در عرصه‌ی عمومی در معرض نقد و بررسی قرار داده‌اند. این مقاله می‌کوشد نشان دهد، بر خلاف اکثر این موضع‌گیری‌ها، نمی‌توان حکمی کلی درباره‌ی نسبت اخلاق و سیاست صادر کرد. انواعی از اخلاق به سیاست به معنای خاصی از کلمه مربوط‌اند و باید مبنای تصمیم‌گیری و کنش سیاسی قرار گیرند و انواع دیگری از اخلاق نباید در قلمرو سیاست نقش بازی کنند.
این مقاله پس از تعیین سرشت و جایگاه مسئلۀ مورد بحث به بررسی سه پرسش مقدماتی درباب معنای «رابطه»، «سیاست» و «اخلاق» می‌‌‌پردازد و در پرتو پاسخ این پرسش‌ها می‌‌‌کوشد نشان دهد که اخلاقی که به سیاست مربوط است هفت ویژگی دارد. این اخلاق عبارتست از «اخلاقِ هنجاریِ اجتماعیِ فرادینیِ حداقلیِ زمینه‌گرایِ وظیفه‌گرایی که پیامدهای قابل پیش‌بینی کنش سیاسی را نادیده نمی‌گیرد». از سوی دیگر، اخلاق‌هایی که یا کلاً به سیاست مربوط نیستند و یا صرفاً در چارچوب اخلاق یادشده به سیاست مربوطند عبارتند از: «اخلاق توصیفی»، «اخلاق فردی»، «اخلاق دینی»، «اخلاق حداکثری»، «اخلاق مطلق‌گرا» و «اخلاقِ وظیفه‌گروانه‌ای که پیامدهای قابل پیش‌بینی کنش سیاسی را نادیده می‌گیرد» و نیز «اخلاقِ پیامدگرایی که وجود وظایف اخلاقی مستقل از پیامدهای عمل در قلمرو اخلاق را انکار می‌کند». به نظر می‌‌‌رسد که اکثر روشنفکران و روزنامه‌نگارانی که منکر ارتباط اخلاق و سیاست هستند، در واقع به این چند تفکیک ساده ولی کلیدی توجه نداشته‌اند، و به جای اینکه منکر ارتباط انواع یا معنای خاصی از اخلاق با سیاست شوند، ربط اخلاق به سیاست را به کلی  انکار کرده‌اند.

El objetivo de este trabajo es mostrar que en Maquiavelo la relación entre ética y política consiste en un problema porque supone una tensión entre dos modos posibles de actuación (uno guiado por la ética clásica  y otro, por la ética política), tensión que Maquiavelo recomienda resolver aplicando, en casos límite, el criterio de evitar males mayores realizando males menores.

Este criterio, que justifica el mal al entenderlo como parte de la política, en la medida en que el mundo es irracional en términos morales, es el que define a la ética política de Maquiavelo, y no el de que el fin justifica los medios, como suele creerse. Explicar esto último es también un objetivo de este trabajo.

La figura de Sócrates según las diferentes lecturas de Foucault y Arendt: de la parresía a la experiencia del pensar (O: el conflicto político no deseado que se deriva de la reivindicación de un modelo ético y sus tensiones con la idea de democracia).

The new American Ethos is a posthuman, criminal and hominist Morality of the Nietzschean type -the morality of "Zarathustra" and his anticritical Priesthood-: "My self is for me the great contempt of man... - he wrote- In another time you had passions, which you considered bad… All your passions ended up becoming virtues”) that inverts the principles of Aristotelian persuasion and replaces its three pillars (Ethos, Pathos and Logos) with a new Code of Ethics that stands on three columns (three vices converted into virtues): “Lie”, “Cheat” and “Steal”. Three masks of the Devil. Three fruits of the Tree of evil.

Le présent ensemble n’entend pas se limiter à présenter les divers traits
de cette théorie bien qu’il existe encore très peu d’articles et d’ouvrages philosophiques en français. Il entend contribuer aux débats les plus récents
pour discuter et élaborer cette théorie de façon plus ferme. En outre, son originalité réside dans la confrontation, rare, de certains points de cette théorie à des travaux empiriques. De plus, il porte le souci de comparer, voire d’articuler délibération politique et délibération éthique. En effet, la première ignore et étouffe souvent la délibération éthique, qui pourrait sembler sans fin. Or, les débats réels, pas plus que leur analyse, ne peuvent s’en tenir à cette fiction.
Contributions de : Charles Girard, Alice Le Goff, Emmanuel Picavet, Jürg Steiner

Feminist thinkers have long criticized liberal theory's public/private distinction for perpetuating indifference to injustices within the family. Thinkers such as Susan Okin have extended this criticism in evaluating the theory of political liberalism, suggesting that this theory's reliance on a public conception of citizenship renders it indifferent to the way in which the internal politics of the family can undermine equality. However, I argue in this article that the feminist concern to ensure equality within the domestic sphere can in fact be incorporated into a reconstructed account of political liberalism. Central to my strong public reconstruction is the principle of publicly justifiable privacy, according to which the public/private distinction itself must be formulated with reference to the values of free and equal citizenship. On my account, the public values of citizenship should figure prominently in evaluations of family life. This reformulation of the public/private distinction answers feminist critics who suggest that political liberalism fails to offer a politics of the personal.

The issue of political power and its use or misuse is a looming concern the world over. In that at least some measure of power and influence is an integral part of most public political offices, questions of social ethics necessarily come into view. When biblical Christians enter the political arena, they too are faced with the real temptation and possibility of sacrificing deeply held biblical principles for the sake of political expediency. Insofar as a strong case can be made that Christians should be engaged in every sphere of constructive human activity, it would seem that the global Christian community should willingly enter the political fray as salt and light with a view to being change agents for God's glory and the public good. Nevertheless, the prospect of "dirty hands" is rightfully disconcerting. The dirty hands dilemma is surveyed herein with the goal of illumining the complex interplay of issues that bear on a thoughtful evaluation of the Christian's proper place in the public political square.

Dealing with refugees is one of the most contested political issues in Australia. We examine how media images of asylum seekers have framed ensuing debates during two crucial periods over the past decade. By conducting a content analysis of newspaper front pages we demonstrate that asylum seekers have primarily been represented as medium or large groups and through a focus on
boats. We argue that this visual framing, and in particular the relative absence of images that depict individual asylum seekers with recognisable facial features, associates refugees not with a humanitarian challenge, but with threats to sovereignty and security. These dehumanising visual patterns reinforce a politics of fear that explains why refugees are publicly framed as people whose plight, dire as it is, nevertheless does not generate a compassionate political response.

Greenhouse gas emissions and climate change in general is considered as one of the greatest challenges facing humanity today. The public intellectual, Yuval Noah Harari, has termed this challenge an ‘existential threat’ that can lead to ‘ecological collapse.’
While we are not 100% certain of how the future will look like based on our current behaviors, we do know that the risks are extremely high. The scientific consensus is apparent that human activities, especially those that lead to greenhouse gas emissions, are causing changes in the climate at an alarming rate. The result is not simply that we will experience minor heatwaves or have longer periods of sun tanning at the beach. Rather, there will be cataclysmic effects on our environment as well an increase in societal problems.
To deal with a global problem such as climate change, different methods and frameworks have been proposed. In this essay I aim to analyze an important framework that is based on the language of human rights. It is commonly thought that unborn future generations have some kind of right or claim on the environment and this imposes a duty on the current generation to act in an ecofriendly manner. It is taken for granted that such rights exist and therefore the only discussion is about to how to balance and prioritize those rights with the rights of current generations.
To answer the question of whether governments should prioritize the rights of unborn future generations over the rights of its own citizens when tackling climate change, I aim to first demonstrate some of the pragmatic benefits of adopting a rights-based approach. I will then unpack a major presupposition that this question is based on and which must be accepted before such a discussion can be considered valid: the whole concept of human rights. Thereafter, I will look at some of the challenges in extending rights to unborn future generations and challenge some of its normative basis and suggest that perhaps the framework of rights is not the most efficient way to tackle climate change.

Este trabajo se analiza la Teoría de la Igualdad Liberal o Liberalismo Ético de Dworkin, donde plasma el contenido de su sistema ético y moral, a partir de la lectura de dos de sus obras: Foundations of Liberal Equality (Ética Privada e Igualitarismo Político) y Justice for Hedgehogs (Justicia para Erizos).

لەم وتارەدا وێرای تیشک خستنەسەر پێوەندیی رەوشت و رامیاریی، گۆڕانی روانگەکان لەسەر رەوشت لە سیاسەتدا و پێگەی رەوشت لە کار و چالاکی سیاسەتوانان و رەوشتی سیاسی، هەوڵ دەدرێت بنەمایەک بۆ کردەوەی سیاسەتوانانی کورد زەق بکرێتەوە.

پوختە:
باسی پێوەندیی رەوشت و رامیاریی باسێکی لەمێژینەیە و رای زۆرینەی بیرمەندانی سیاسی لەسەر پێویست بوونی وەها پێوەندییەک بووە. لەڕاستیدا جیاکردنەوەی رەوشت لە سیاسەت زیانگەیاندنە بە سیاسەت وەک پانتایی گشتیی کە دەبێت لەو پانتاییەدا بەها مرۆییەکان زۆرترین سەرنج بدرێن. پێوەندیی مێژوویی رەوشت و رامیاریی وردە وردە بەرەو سەرهەڵدانی رەوشتی سیاسی چوو. لەو پێوەندییەدا، لەم وتارەدا وێرای تیشک خستنەسەر پێوەندیی رەوشت و رامیاریی، گۆڕانی روانگەکان لەسەر رەوشت لە سیاسەتدا و پێگەی رەوشت لە کار و چالاکی سیاسەتوانان و رەوشتی سیاسی، هەوڵ دراوە بنەمایەک بۆ کردەوەی سیاسەتوانانی کورد زەق بکرێتەوە.
بیرۆکەی ماکیاڤێلی دوو رواڵەتی هەبووە، بۆیە لە دوو روانگەوە سەیر دەکرێت. روانگەی یەکەم، پێوەندیی بە پاراستنی دەسەڵاتەوە هەیە و لە ئاستی سەرکردایەتی سیاسی و رکابەرایەتی نێوان سەرکردەکاندا لە سەر تەوەرەی شێوەیەک لە ئاکار و هەڵسوکەوتی سیاسی بووە کە پێشێلکەری رەوشت بوو و بەوبۆنەوە دواتر کەوتە بەر رەخنە. لە روانگەی دووەمەوە ماکیاڤێلی سەبارەت بە پێوەندیی دەسەڵاتدار لەگەڵ خەڵک، خەڵک و گروپەکان لەگەڵ یەکتر، باوەڕی بە رەوشتێکی شارستانی هەبوو. سیاسەت و روانگەی ماکیاڤێلیستی پاش ماکیاڤێلی بەپێی روانگەی یەکەمی پێکهات. بەڵام بە تێپەرینی کات، رەخنە لەسەر ئەم رەوشتە کە باری زیاتر نەرێنی بەخۆوە گرتبوو و لە بەرژەوەندیی تاکەکەسی دەسەڵاتداردا بوو، بووە هۆی بادانەوەی سیاسەت بەرەو رەوشت و لانیکەم سەرنجدانی هەندێ بەشی رەوشتی تاکەکەسی و گشتی، و رەوشتی سیاسی گۆڕانی بە سەردا هات.
بەرهەمی پێوەندیی رەوشت و سیاسەت، چەمکی "رەوشتی سیاسی" بووە کە بە هۆی پێوەندیی زیاتری سیاسەت بە پانتایی گشتییەوە، گرنگایەتی تایبەتی هەیە. رەوشتی سیاسی کۆمەڵێک کۆدی ئاکار و هەڵسوکەوتی پێوەندیدار بە چالاکییە سیاسییەکانە و پێوەندیی بە دادوەریی ئەخلاقیی لەسەر کار و کردەوە و بەرنامە سیاسییەکان و کارگێڕانی سیاسی و خوێندنەوە لەسەر ئەوانە هەیە. رەوشتی سیاسی بەربڵاوترە لە حکوومەت و بەڕێوەبەرایەتی، و حکوومەتی چاکیش خۆی بەرتەسک ناکاتەوە بە تەنیا بەرەنگاربوونەوەی گەندەڵی. ئەم رەوشتە پێویستە وەک هێزی بزوێنەر و نیگابەخش خزمەت بکات. رەوشتی سیاسی وەکو لقێکی خوێندنەوە دوو بوار لەبەر دەگرێت. یەکەم رەوشتی پڕۆسە یان رەوشتی نووسینگە و فەرمانگەیە، کە تیشک دەخاتە سەر بەرپرسیارێتییە گشتییەکان و بەرپرسانی گشتی و ئەو مێتۆدانەی بەکاریان دەهێنن. بواری دووەم، رەوشتی رێباز یان سیاسەتی گشتییە کە پێوەندیی بە دادوەریی سەبارەت بە پالیسییەکان، سیاسەت و یاساکان هەیە. هەردووکیان پشتیان بەستووە بە فەلسەفەی ئەخلاقی و سیاسی، بیردۆزی دێمۆکراتیک و زانستی سیاسی. بەوەشەوە، رەوشتی سیاسی مژارێکی دۆخی ئازادی بۆ خۆی پێکهێناوە.
لەڕاستیدا سیاسەت دەبێ گۆڕەپانێک بۆ خزمەتی گشتی، نەک بەرژەوەندیی تاکەکەسی، بێت و یەکێک لە تایبەتمەندییە دیاریکراوەکان بۆ دەوڵەتی مۆدێڕن ئەمە بووە. لە پێوەندیی لەگەڵ رەوشتی سیاسی، لە کردەوەی سیاسیدا زۆرێک سیاسەتوان لەوانە سیاسەتوانانی رۆژهەڵاتی ناوین و کوردستان بە جۆرێ پێڕەوی سیاسەتی ماکیاڤێلیستی کلاسیک دەکەن و لە سیاسەتدا رەچاوی رەوشت ناکەن. لە کوردەواریدا هەندێ بەها هەیە کە گشتین و ناکرێ پێشێل بکرێن و لە سیاسەتی کوردییەوە سەرچاوە دەگرن و بوونەتە بناخەی رەوشتی سیاسی. لە روانگەی چ ماکیاڤێلیستییەوە و چ پاش-ماکیاڤێلیستی و روانگەکانی ترەوە، ئەوانە پێویستە رەچاو بکرێن. رەچاوکردنی بەرژەوەندیی گشتی خەڵک و بەرژەوەندیی نەتەوەیی لانیکەم لە قۆناخی نابەرابەریی نەتەوەکاندا گەورەترین پێوەری رەوشت بۆ دادوەریی لەسەر سیاسەتی کوردستانە. هەرچۆنیک بێت، بواری سیاسەت بۆ ئەوانەیە کە زیاتر بتوانن لەخۆبوردوو و خۆنەویست بن و هەم خزمەتی کۆمەڵگا لە چەشنی مۆدێڕن بکەن و هەم خزمەتی نەتەوەیی و بەرژەوەندیی نەتەوەیی کوردستان بۆیان بانتر لە هەموو پلە و پێگەیەک بێت.

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Ahlâkın siyaset alanında varoluş imkânları incelenen bu çalışmada, ahlâk-siyaset ilişkisinin etik ve siyaset felsefesindeki genel seyri, Sokratik felsefeden başlayarak İslâm ve modern düşünce geleneklerindeki çeşitli uğraklarına işaret etmek suretiyle tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Siyasetin erdemi toplumda gerçekleştirme mekanizmasından ibaret görüldüğü klasik görüşler ile özel ve kamusal alan ayrımı etrafında şekillenen anti-paternalist modern görüşlerin tartışılmasının ardından, siyasalı giderek ahlâktan özerkleştiren bir düşünce damarını ortaya koyma amacı güdülmüştür. Bütün bu düşünce izleğinin getirdiği noktada; siyasetin erdeminin topluma benimsetilme projesi görülmediği, siyasetin ahlâktan ayrı varlık alanının tanındığı bir durumda ahlâkın siyasette varoluşunun meşru imkânları araştırılmış ve kimi etiko-politik eylemliliklerin bu imkânlar çerçevesinde değerlendirilmesi önerilmiştir.

ماکس وبر (1846-1920)، جامعه‌شناس و اقتصاد سیاسی‌دان شهیر آلمانی در مقاله کلاسیک خود، ”سیاست به مثابه یک حرفه“،  به بررسی رابطه اخلاق و سیاست از منظر جامعه‌شناسانه پرداخته است. به گمان نگارنده، در حالی که گوهر مدعای وبر در این باب پذیرفتنی است، صورت‌بندی این مدعا در قالب اصطلاحات مبهم و نامناسب از سوی او زمینه مساعدی برای سوء تفاهم فراهم آورده است. در این مقاله می‌کوشم در حد مقدور صورت‌بندی‌های متنوعی را که وبر از آنها برای تقریر مدعای خود سود جسته است مرور کنم و صورت‌بندی دقیق و قابل دفاعی از مدعای او بدست دهم.

Using the legal literature of the ius commune and a body of texts commonly known as the “treatises on the ambassador”, this research examines the birth and the development of the "experience" of diplomacy from the 13th to the 17th Century. It aims, in particular, to explore the development of the figure of the ambassador within a field of problematization involving ethics, politics and law.
After some methodological and historical remarks, the thesis deals with the development of the status of the ambassador from two perspectives, the legal and the professional. Regarding his legal status, the medieval legal conceptualisation of the role of the ambassador as a genuine public “office”, and that of the diplomatic function as “representation”, are examined. The way in which these conceptualisations help to define the negotiating powers conferred on the ambassador, his immunities and the honours to which he is entitled is then considered. This analysis allows for an investigation of the complex links between the exercise of diplomacy and claims to sovereignty during Europe’s transition from the Middle Ages to Modernity. Regarding his professional status, the thesis reconstructs the functions of the ambassador (particularly in relation to information gathering and negotiation), the means provided for the ambassador to undertake his functions (his salary and the assignment of an escort) and the objective, intellectual or moral qualities required of him. As well as illustrating the techniques which have been required for ambassadorial success since the 15th Century, this analysis offers some hints for studying the professionalization of public officials and the emergence of the modern criteria of political analysis.

This study aimed to clarify the concept of the modern state as defined by Wael Al-Halaq and the methodological tool he used to approach the subject. The study sought to clarify the characteristics of the form of the modern state. Al-Hallak specified five characteristics: the state as a historical product, sovereignty as a metaphysical essence, legal legislation and legitimate violence, bureaucratic apparatus, mental rationalization, social domination and politicization. The study also dealt with the moral criticism Al-Hallak addressed to the modern state, including: criticism of the principle of the separation of powers, the separation of the legal and the moral in the state, the concept of sacrifice, and the social control of the human self.

یەکێک لە پرسە گرنگەکانی سەردەم پێوەندیی نێوان رەوشت و سیاسەت بووە. ئەوەی کە چەندە ئەو دوو چەمکە دەتوانن کاریگەرییان لەسەر یەکتر هەبێت و رەوشت چەندە دەتوانێت بە ناوانی سیاسەتدا خولەی بێت و سیاسەت چەندە دەتوانێت گوێڕایەڵی رەوشت بێت، چەندە لێکتر جیان و چەندە دەتوانن تێکاڵانیان هەبێت و چ شتێک دەتوانێت لە کۆتاییدا گرێدەری ئەو دوو چەمکە بێت، پرسی خافڵێنەری زۆر هزروان و بیرمەندی سەردەم بووە. بۆ هەندێک سیاسەت فڕی بە رەوشتەوە نییە، بۆ هەندێکی تر رەوشت گرنگایەتی هەیە و پێشترێتی بە سەر سیاسەتدا هەیە، بۆ هەندێکیش لە پێوەندیی ئەو دووانەدا ئەوەی لە سەرەوەیە سیاسەتە و رەوشت بندەستی دەبێت. لەم نێوانەشدا کەسانێک باوەڕیان بە هاوسەنگی ئەو دووانە هەیە و وەکیەک بە گرنگیان دەزانن و هەرچەند هەرکام بەتەواوی ناتوانن هەموو لایەنەکانی ئەوی تر قبووڵ بکەن بەڵام لە پێناسەی مامناوەندی هەردوولادا دەتوانن لایەنی هاوبەشیان هەبێت و لە هەندێ بواری گرنگ بۆ هەردوولا بە یەکتر بگەن. ئەم وتارە بە کورتی ئاورێک دەداتەوە سەر پێوەندیی ئەو دووانە و خاڵی بە یەکتر گەیشتنیان.

The philosophies of Deleuze, Guattari and Levinas are taken up in an effort to advance the ethical, political, and technological implications of how we interpret, inhabit, and territorialize the Earth. The difference between their views on the relation between immanence and transcendence and their respective analyses of the face and faciality are brought to bear in addressing the questions of ethics, politics, and values in relation to the constitution and liberation, or resingularization, of subjectivity. The contemporary world has produced to a historically unprecedented degree a tension between machinization and wildness-both of which are expressions of the inhuman. Somewhere in between this difference, transversing the borderlines between the human and inhuman, lies a possible way for rethinking the relation between subjectivity, identity, difference, and singularity.

Abundan las apelaciones a la responsabilidad de los políticos y los columnistas más doctos acompañan sus análisis con la inevitable mención a Max Weber. Es comprensible porque la contraposición weberiana entre la ética de la convicción y la ética de la responsabilidad se ha hecho justamente famosa para pensar las complicadas relaciones entre ética y política. Conviene notar, sin embargo, el uso polémico que generalmente se hace de esta distinción. Quienes recuerdan la tipología de Weber no solo sostienen la superioridad de la ética de la responsabilidad, sino que utilizan la expresión "ética de la convicción" como una etiqueta reprobatoria. El político que se guía por esta aparece como un ingenuo, o en el peor de los casos un fanático, obsesionado por la pureza de sus ideales, pero ciego a la complejidad de lo real e incapaz de atender a las consecuencias de sus actos. La ética de la convicción sería la pauta de conducta del político irresponsable; el buen político, por el contrario, solo puede adoptar la ética de la responsabilidad.

This essay challenges dominant interpretations of Foucault’s lectures on parrhesia as affirming an ethical, non-political conception of truth-telling. I read the lectures instead as depicting truth-telling as an always political predicament: of havingto appear distant from power (to achieve credibility), while also having to partake insome sense of political power (to render one’s truth significant). Read in this way, Foucault’s lectures help us to understand and address the disputed politicality of truth-telling – over who counts as a truth-teller, and what counts as the truth – that his ethical interpreters tend to neglect. Yet the essay also shows that Foucault’s depiction of thepredicament of truth-tellers is problematically gendered: focused on the masculine problem of moving in and out of the public sphere, rather than on the experience of the dispossessed, who are excluded from political power altogether. The essay mobilizes an alternative reading of one of Foucault’s key texts – Euripides’ Ion – to draw out an alternative, more democratic model of the predicament of truth-telling: of having to constitute power that can lend significant to truth-telling, while speaking from a position of powerlessness.

Italian philosophy provides a long-overdue and much-needed supplement to continental thinking. This book offers some living and lively examples, some for the first time in English, of original thought from the Italian philosophical scene. The contributors—seventeen leading Italian philosophers—offer perspectives from many areas, particularly ethics, politics, and religion. Contemporary Italian Philosophy includes a primarily historical introduction and is composed of three parts, corresponding with the unfolding of past, present, and futural thinking.

This thesis aims to read the philosophy of Spinoza with sexual difference feminism. Spinoza's philosophy has been found useful for some of the contemporary feminist philosophers in the face of modern philosophy, which has kept the agenda of feminist philosophy for many years, and the studies that incorporated Spinoza's philosophy into a practice of re-reading from a feminist perspective have gained a certain momentum. Although he formed his philosophy in a critical period such as the 17th century, Spinoza, who has been considered as a useful moment for feminist philosophy, maintains his actuality in the face of the problematics of modern philosophy which has been the target of many criticisms for many years and inspires new discussions in this field. Spinoza inspired many philosophers in France in the 1960s in terms of both metaphysical and political ideas and managed to attract the attention of feminists with his own originality. In this context, the thesis aims to examine the encounter between sexual difference feminism and Spinoza's philosophy by considering the tensions and positive aspects of this encounter.

Scholars in the humanities and social sciences have turned to ethics to theorize politics in what seems to be an increasingly depoliticized age. Yet the move toward ethics has obscured the ongoing value of political responsibility and the vibrant life it represents as an effective response to power.

Sounding the alarm for those who care about robust forms of civic engagement, this book fights for a new conception of political responsibility that meets the challenges of today's democratic practice. Antonio Y. Vázquez-Arroyo forcefully argues against the notion that modern predicaments of power can only be addressed ethically or philosophically through pristine concepts that operate outside of the political realm. By returning to the political, the individual is reintroduced to the binding principles of participatory democracy and the burdens of acting and thinking as a member of a collective. Vázquez-Arroyo historicizes the ethical turn to better understand its ascendence and reworks Adorno's dialectic of responsibility to reassert the political in contemporary thought and theory.

https://cup.columbia.edu/book/political-responsibility/9780231174848

In "Foldings, or the Inside of Thought (Subjectivation)", the last chapter of his book on Foucault, Deleuze records an impasse at the heart of Foucault's investigation of power relations. Foucault's "passion of the outside" has brought him in the near of a terrible and deadly void, where the only positive reference standing are the anonymous lives of "infamous men", revealed for an instant as they clash with power before fading back into the night. But how could life be fully affirmed, asks Deleuze, and snatched away from death? How to give way to a "power of truth" irreducible to the truth of power and enabling us to escape the entrapment within the sole horizon of power relations? The answer, says Deleuze recapitulating Foucault's trajectory, lays in the affirmation of the possibility for a free aesthetic relation to oneself that involves the "folding of an outside", a singular mode of subjectivation first initiated by the Greeks and which "is derived from power and knowledge without being dependent on them." (Deleuze, Foucault 101) In this article, I would like to further explore some of the dramatic challenges posed by the mode of existence thus defined and the type of ethical or ascetic work on oneself they convey.

Taking the Kantian distinction between a moral politician and a political moralist as a point of departure and as a clue to the structure of the present book, we are offered the chronicle of something very much like a sentimental failure: that of the love affair between ethics and politics, which Plato dreamed of. For him, turning philosophers into kings, thereby moralizing politics, meant the panacea that would enable us to exorcize all sorts of corruptions, which seem to be inherent to power. Already Machiavelli, however, considered such a Platonic dream a chimera, drawing a sharp contrast, even a radical antagonism, between both realms. The dilemma between the reason of state and the moral criteria is very well exemplified by Fredrick the Great, the enlightened monarch who gave so much hope to an intellectual such as Voltaire, who eventually became profoundly disappointed in the author of the Anti-Machiavelli. Perhaps that is the reason why Kant contented himself with demanding that moral philosophers gave advice to politicians, as he realized that it was impossible to simultaneously fulfill both professions; a diagnostic which Max Weber later confirmed. This journey through the history of moral and political ideas concludes with the analysis of an Indian political treatise, Kautilya’s Arthasastra, which allows us to verify that the expedients of politics are as ancient as the rules of chess.

نتجه صوب الرؤية التي كانت لدى اليونان في التمييز بين الأمور الطبيعية الخاضعة للضرورة وبين الأمور الإرادية الخاضعة للإمكان، وهي الخاصيّة التي تميز السلوك الإنساني. ونجد عند أرسطو تمييزاً لأكثر من عقل ولأكثر من معرفة ولأكثر من منطق. فالعقل منه العقل النظري الذي يكتمل بعلم ما هو ضروري والمعرفة التي يبلغها هي العلم Epistémè، ومنه العقل العملي الذي كماله العمل، والمعرفة التي يبلغها هي الحكمة Phronesis . أمّا المنطق فمنه المنطق البرهاني الذي وضع أسسه في كتاب البرهان بالخصوص، ومنه المنطق الخطابي الذي فُصّل في كتاب الخطابة. كتاب الخطابة، في الحقيقة، كتاب عن المنطق المدني (السياسي)، وعن أنواع الأقاويل التي تُستخدم في الفضاء المدني، وعن القياس الخطابي الذي هو الضمير، وعن الاستقراء الخطابي الذي هو المثال، وعن المقدمات الخطابية التي هي مقدمات مشهورة يستعملها الخطيب  حينما يخاطب الجمهور.

این روزها کم‌تر کسی از جویندگان گفتارها و گفت‌وگوهای روشنفکری در ایران است که نام مصطفی ملکیان را نشنیده باشد. کوشش‌های علمی او در دهه‌های اخیر از هر جهت که بنگریم، نشانه‌ی دگرگونی بزرگی در طرح و پیشبرد مسئله‌های اندیشگی در سرزمین ماست.[1] چه‌بسا ارزنده‌ترین اثرگذاری ملکیان همانا تربیت و پرورش نسلی از دانش‌آموختگان کهن‌ترین نهاد معرفت در ایران است که چیرگی همهنگام خود را بر پاره‌هایی از سنت اسلامی و اندیشه‌ی غربی به رخ می‌کشند. اکنون ثمره‌ی جهاد فکری ملکیان را در گوشه و کنار می‌توان آشکارا دید. ما امروز با گونه‌ی نادری از طلاب و روحانیان روبروییم که روشن و دقیق سخن می‌گویند، بایستگی بازاندیشی در سرچشمه‌های معرفت دینی را به‌ژرفا فهم کرده‌اند و روشمندانه بدان دست یازیده‌اند و به‌فرجام غرب‌ستیزی را با شناخت کنشگرانه‌ی سنت باخترزمین جایگزین ساخته‌اند. اینها همگی به‌جای خود شایسته‌ی شناسایی و ستایش است. با اینهمه، این میان مصطفی ملکیان خود به مسئله‌ای در میان گره‌های ناگشوده‌ی روشنفکری ایرانی بدل شده است.

هدف این نوشتار بازشناسی این مسئله و به‌دست دادن تحلیلی درخور از سویه‌های آن است. درونمایه‌ی این سنجشگری از آنجا که به شخصیت یک اندیشمند یا رفتارهای فردی او نیز می‌پردازد، بر زمینی لغزنده ره می‌سپرَد که هم حساسیت‌برانگیز است و هم نیازمند سامان‌دهی در خور، مبادا که نیکویی‌های کنش روشنگرانه‌ی ملکیان در چنبره‌ی پاره‌ای از نتایج پی‌آیند آن نادیده انگاشته شود. با اینهمه، آسیب ادعاشده در سپهر عمومی نشانه‌هایی بالینی یافته است که هر نگرنده‌ای را نگران عملکرد «روشنفکری معنوی» در سرزمین ما می‌کند. امید آنکه این متن به‌عنوان صرف مقدمه‌ای نگریسته شود که دلنگران بازآفرینی اطاعت و عصبیت سنتی در وادی روشنفکری مدرن ماست.

The Bangla world-view has been both liberal and prescriptive varying amongst classes, but having an underlying moral thread that resists deviance. This deviance could be social, professional, individual and sexual. The desire for homogenization is somewhat differently constructed. This is culturally bound and represses individual goals to perpetuate a covert normative adherence. The aim of the paper is not to scandalize cultural constructs or embedded value-systems. The objective is to highlight how the notion of ethical becomes elusive within the cultural system and perceptual framework.

The discovery of extremophiles has enabled development of groundbreaking biotechnology. While most of the extremophile research is focused on thermophiles, organisms that adapt to living in cold temperature, known as psychrophiles, remain under-studied. We expressed and purified DNA polymerases PIPI and PIPB from Psychromonas ingrahamii, a psychrophile that can grow below water's freezing temperature. We demonstrate that they have in vitro DNA replication activity at temperatures as low as-19 o C. To our knowledge, this is the coolest DNA polymerization reaction ever carried out in a laboratory. In exploring the behavior of a variety of polymerases as a function of temperature, we found that reaction temperature substantially increases substitution and deletion error rates of both psychrophilic and mesophilic DNA polymerases. Motif analysis further reveals that the substitution error profiles cluster according to phylogenetic similarity of polymerases. Our results provide a useful reference for .

The article, born of a dialogue between two thinkers of negativity and the neuter, elaborates Agamben's philosophy of indifference through a series of (dis)connected scenes or thematic episodes. These scenes do not so much describe as perform indifference, insofar as they pursue the same themes through indifferent variations. In seeking to critically articulate Agamben's 'archeaology of the subject' by assessing the manner in which Agamben's thought picks up and differs from Foucault and Heidegger as well as the lesser known Salomo Friedlaender/Mynona, the text evokes a range of avenues into deactivation, inoperativity, indifference, and the event. The deliberately performative approach both addresses and seeks to embody the spirit of adventure at work in Agamben's thinking by exploring a plane and practice of thought "below" or beyond surface assumptions of identity and position-where ways of being, forms of life, and modes of thinking and writing attune, and are acquiesced to, as necessarily open and plural. The essay seeks to show how Agamben's attempts to render inoperative the metaphysical determinations of the human as subject are keyed to a specific form of address, an address that can be understood as a response to Jean-Luc Nancy's question "who comes after the subject"?

In this paper I sketch a Levinasian theory of human rights in relation to contemporary political calls for a Human Rights Revolution. In so doing, I identify three ways in which liberalism, the original political-philosophical harbinger of human rights, is ultimately inadequate to the task of preventing human rights travesties. No longer the "Rights of Man"—the rights of the individual, the right to possess, the right to assert oneself within the boundaries of a social contract—the rights of today's burgeoning Human Rights Revolution are being articulated distinctively in terms of an ethics of alterity and social responsibility.

Este artículo busca proponer unos criterios de ética política que sirvan para intentar analizar las situaciones dilemáticas que se presentan en el escenario de la política internacional. Por ello, no son criterios ad hoc, sino teóricos. Lo que se propone no es un análisis sociológico de la situación, sino ético-político.

El motivo que dispara la reflexión es el problema que se plantea en el número monográfico de la revista Acapulco66: por qué un jefe de Estado --como George Bush-- que ha llevado adelante una guerra sin el apoyo ni la habilitación de la ONU, ha logrado ser reelegido. Es decir, por qué buena parte del electorado ha respaldado y legitimado su accionar o, al menos, no ha entendido que esa acción comportaba una falta ética suficiente para quitarle el apoyo político.