Ernst Jünger

A mildly chronological overview of the philosophers who may have been inspired by the use of psychoactive chemicals, inc. Plato, de Quincey, Davy, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, James, Bergson, Benjamin, Jünger, Paz, Marcuse, Sartre, Foucault; and a mention of the Outsight project.

This article was based on a talk given for the University of Exeter Philosophy Society (video: https://youtu.be/X2eY4n37FC0) and at the ICPR2016 conference. It was published in the popular HighExistence magazine on August 2nd 2016, and has received over 90 000 social media shares (http://highexistence.com/hidden-psychedelic-influence-philosophy-plato-nietzsche-psychonauts-thoughts).

Reference:
Sjöstedt-H, P. 'The Psychedelic Influence on Philosophy', HighExistence.com (2nd-08-2016)

Entrées encyclopédiques sur : Charles Andler, Alfred Bäumler, Georg Brandes, Karl Hillebrand, Karl Jaspers, Ernst Jünger, Henri Lichtenberger, Karl Löwith, la réception initiale de Nietzsche, Jean-Paul Sartre, Georg Simmel, Oswald Spengler, Carl Spitteler, Wilhelm Vischer-Bilfinger, Max Weber

ESTICA: Editoriale culturale, politice, recenzii (7 Octombrie 2014) http://www.estica.eu/article/revolutia-conservatoare-germana-si-mostenirea-sa/ În perioada dintre Primul război mondial şi stabilirea celui de-al Treilea Reich, criza economică, politică şi socială care a lovit subit Germania -rezultat al înfrângerii acesteia în războia dat naştere unei mişcări cunoscute sub numele de "Revoluţia Conservatoare" sau şi mai bine cunoscută drept "Mişcarea Revoluţionară Conservatoare", iar membrii acesteia erau denumiţi fie "revoluţionari conservatori" fie "neoconservatori".

This paper focuses on Ernst Jünger’s essay The Peace (Der Friede). It deals with the basic tenet of the Friedensschrift, i.e. that the worst is war, the stabler is the peace that ensues from it. According to Jünger, peace is the result of the atrocities of war: therefore, the more these are painful, the more fruitful is the subsequent peace. In fact, Jünger claims that peace can only be stable after World War II, which was a war of unprecedented brutality that involved the whole planet. World War II was an ideological conflict aimed at annihilating the enemy, whereas all preceding wars (including World War I), were aimed at conquering territory, or at seizing other peoples’ or nations’ goods. Hence Jünger’s major claim: peace can arise only from an “aesthetics of terror”, i.e. an accurate phenomenology of all atrocities a war brings with it.

Another issue dealt with in the paper is the composition date of the Friedensschrift. Jünger wrote the first version of the Peace (the Urfriede) in 1941, and then reworked it a number of times, until the final version was published in 1945. The published version allows to distinguish the different layers of the work, thus providing important hints in determining which parts of it he wrote when he was an official of the Wehrmacht, and which ones he composed after the fall of the Reich, when he sought to redeem himself from the allegations of militarism and proximity to the Nazi regime he had to deal with in the post-war years.

Reactionary modernism' is a term happily coined by the historian and sociologist Jeffrey Herf to refer to a current of German thought during the interwar years. It indicates the attempt to 'reconcile] the antimodernist, romantic and irrationalist ideas present in German nationalism' with that 'most obvious manifestation of means-ends rationality ... modern technology'. 1 Herf's paradigm examples of this current of thought are two best-selling writers of the period: Oswald Spengler, author of the massive domesday scenario The Decline of the West in 1917 and, fifteen years later, of Man and Technics, and Ernst Jiinger, the now centenarian chronicler of the war in which he was a much-decorated hero, whose main theoretical work was Der Arbeiter in 1932. The label is also applied by Herf to such intellectual luminaries as the legal theorist and apologist for the Third Reich, Carl Schmitt, and more contentiously Martin Heidegger. At a less elevated level, reactionary modernism also permeated the writings of countless, now forgotten engineers, who were inspired at once by the new technology, Nietzschean images of Promethean Ubermenschen, and an ethos of vb'lkisch nationalism. As befits his profession, Herf's primary concern is with the role of reactionary modernism in the aetiology of National Socialism. As befits mine, my aim is rather different: to locate reactionary modernism within post-Kantian German philosophy. I shall argue that it was a radical completion of tendencies that had their beginnings in Kant's own day. Acceptance of that conclusion requires an understanding of Spengler, Jiinger et al. as being reactionary and modern in more philosophically charged senses of those terms than the essentially political and sociological ones intended by Herf. Such a view of them, moreover, will dissolve what he sees as the 'paradoxical' character of their attempt to wed rational technology and romantic hostility towards Enlightenment reason. First, however, let me fill out Herf's conception of reactionary modernism. He is rightly concerned to dispel such familiar leftist perceptions of Nazism as either an ideology-less, purely opportunistic move-291

AUFSATZSAMMLUNG 13-3 Kulturtheoretiker denken den Staat : der Staat im Werk aus-gewählter Kulturdenker des 20. Jahrhunderts / Harald Berg-bauer (Hrsg.).-1. Aufl.-Baden-Baden : Nomos-Verlagsgesell-schaft, 2013.-251 S. ; 24 cm.-(Staatsverständnisse ; 56).-ISBN 978-3-8487-0385-2 : EUR 29.00 [#3216] Der Münchner Politikwissenschaftler Harald Bergbauer hat in dem vorlie-genden Band 1 eine disparate, aber dafür umso anregendere Zusammen-stellung unterschiedlicher "Kulturtheoretiker" 2 unternommen, die auf ihre Staatskonzeptionen hin befragt werden. Das ist sinnvoll, weil so der Blick auf eine zentrale Institution unserer Welt gelenkt wird, die in ihren positiven Funktionen nicht gut von anderen Institutionen übernommen werden kön-nen. Der Staat existiert indes nicht in einem Vakuum, sondern ist aufs eng-ste mit kulturellen Vorstellungen verbunden und von ihnen auch abhängig. Welche Rolle der Staat in einem primär auf die Kultur ausgerichteten Den-ken hat, ist naturgemäß sehr unterschiedlich. Auch das zeigt der Band sehr schön. Die ersten beiden Teile des Bandes konzentrieren sich auf deutsche Kultur-denker, zunächst Max Weber, Georg Simmel und Ernst Cassirer, dann auf 1 Inhaltsverzeichnis: http://d-nb.info/1035426080/04 2

In una fase di accelerata metamorfosi dei media, le soggettività contemporanee e le loro forme sociali risentono di un disallineamento permanente tra un apparato tecnologico sempre più pervasivo e la capacità di interpretarne i segni. Si manifesta con forza l'urgenza di comprendere le forme della comunicazione, di decifrarle, tradurle in nuovi immaginari, gestirle nella vita quotidiana e negli spazi dell'abitare, privati e pubblici. La collana è dedicata a testi che scandagliano il profondo della mediamorfosi e dei conflitti in corso, declinando il rapporto tra media, immaginari e metafore in diversi campi della cultura e attraversando più discipline, alla ricerca di strumenti all'altezza delle sfide teoriche del presente, ormai al di là delle teorie e delle politiche passate.

Pretendo apresentar neste artigo as visões sobre técnica e guerra de dois dos principais representantes da Revolução Conservadora. O primeiro deles é Ernst Jünger (1895-1998), cuja obra, segundo Walter Benjamin, representava a transposição dos princípios da “arte-pela-arte” para o plano da guerra. O ensaio A Mobilização Total (1930) apresenta de forma sintética a visão de mundo de Jünger, marcada não só pela estetização da guerra (que, em seu romance Tempestades de Aço [1920], é apresentada tanto pelas descrições estilizadas das batalhas quanto pela idealização dos soldados), mas também como uma ontologia anti-individualista e uma valorização da técnica, aceitando a reificação (isto é, a “vida própria” que a tecnologia ganhou em relação ao homem), mas colocando-a a serviço de uma nova sociedade, baseada na mobilização total.
Carl Schmitt (1888-1985), o segundo autor a ser discutido, também produziu obras fundamentais para a compreensão do estilo de pensamento da Revolução Conservadora. Em O Conceito do Político (1932), Schmitt vê o conflito como necessário à natureza humana e à vida em sociedade; este autor encara a guerra como um pressuposto sempre existente como possibilidade real. Nesta mesma obra o autor descreve o crescente valor (e avanço) da técnica na sociedade contemporânea. Já em um livro posterior à Segunda Guerra Mundial, O Nomos da Terra (1950), Schmitt faz uma interesse análise da aplicação dos avanços tecnológicos nas guerras do século XX, e o poder muito maior de aniquilação acarretado por eles. A partir de ambos os escritos será possível contrastar suas concepções de técnica e guerra com as de Jünger.

Il 30 gennaio 1933, mentre Hitler veniva nominato cancelliere, alcuni «nazionalisti socialrivoluzionari» distribuivano nelle strade di Berlino un libretto intitolato Il manifesto nazionalbolscevico. Sulla copertina, sotto il titolo in caratteri gotici, c'era uno strano simbolo composto da una falce e un martello che incrociavano una spada. Quel simbolo rappresenta il cuore del progetto po-litico del nazionalbolscevismo, un movimento che si sviluppò durante la Repubblica di Weimar e giunse a contare qualche migliaio di militanti e un pugno di giornali, circoli e case editrici. Il suo obiettivo era la rigenerazione politica, economica e spirituale della Germania, che avrebbe dovuto recuperare la sovranità persa con il trattato di Versailles attraverso l'alleanza con la Russia bolscevica e con il Partito comunista tedesco. Questo libro prende in esame le sue vicende politiche e ideologiche, rimaste finora tra le pieghe della storia.

The increasing reliance on drones is threatening our humanity—but not because of the inhumane ways we use Predator drones in warfare. It is a mistake “to use the term “drone” to refer only to these much publicized military devices. Drones, more precisely understood, are intelligent machines that—possessed of the capacity to perform repetitive tasks with efficiency, reliability, and mechanical rationality—increasingly displace the need for human thinking and doing. The trend Jünger and Turkle worry about is unmistakable: we are at risk of losing the rich and mature relationships that mark us as human. The rise of social robots, unmanned aerial vehicles, and other one-dimensional machines that act like humans—without the perceived human weaknesses of distraction, emotion, exhaustion, quirkiness, risk, and unreliability—answers a profound human desire to replace human judgment with the more reliable, more efficient, and more ra- tional judgment of machines. For all the superficial paeans to human instinct and intuition, human beings, in practice, repeatedly prefer drone-like reliability to the uncertain spontaneity of human intuition. In other words, we confront a future in which “human” is a derogatory adjective signifying inefficiency, incompetence, and backwardness.

In 1914, Ernst Jünger was 19, and like many other young men of his generation, believed that the war would provide an escape from the narrow-minded bourgeois society... The illusion was short lived. The Great War, although idealised in the camaraderie between soldiers, left nothing but death, pain and suffering. In 1925, Ernst Jünger captured in "Copse 125" the totalitarianism that "mechanised" man. By 1932, in "The Worker", his view was to have become extreme. A French intellectual such as Georges Bernanos has adopted the same line of thoughts in relation to Hiroshima...

Heidegger en dialogue : par-delà Ernst Jünger, un retour à Nietzsche MARTINE BÉLAND École des hautes études en sciences sociales (Paris) RÉSUMÉ : Cet article questionne la relation de pensée entre Martin Heidegger et Ernst Jünger. Pour comprendre les motifs philosophiques qui la sous-tendent, nous situons Jünger dans la reconstruction heideggérienne de la métaphysique. On s'aperçoit alors que Heidegger mesure la pensée de Jünger en fonction de la place de Nietzsche dans l'histoire de la philosophie. Parce que Jünger appartient au paradigme nietzschéen, Heidegger le juge digne d'être lu, et critiqué, car Jünger n'a pas accompli le projet que Nietzsche a rendu possible en signant l'achèvement de la métaphysique. C'est ce projet que Heidegger a adapté, en menant la pensée philosophique par-delà la métaphysique et en espérant un renouveau civilisationnel de l'Allemagne. Nietzsche se présente comme le pôle central de la relation entre Heidegger et Jünger : à travers sa lecture critique de Jünger, Heidegger mène un dialogue ininterrompu avec Nietzsche.

The article problematizes the contemporary and mostly affirmative
understanding of affective processes of outrage and excess in affect theories by outlining a genealogy from the “Conservative Revolution” (Oswald Spengler, Ernst Junger) to recent works of Peter Sloterdijk as well as Michael Hardt and Toni Negri. All the different approaches have argumentative intersections in their understanding of the relation between affectivity and corporeality: Bodies and affective outrages are emancipatory forces of opposition and change. Affective forces are considered to challenge the oppressive hegemonic culture and its rationality. Creative forces, the force of life and its potential, affective outrage and excess as such gain esteem. It is Friedrich Nietzsches theory of power which is the link between these theories. The genealogy highlights the simultaneity and dissimultaneity of affect control and affective outrages in modern and contemporary, conservative or rather new right and leftist affect theories and demonstrates the anti-modern tendencies in discursive figures of and political fascinations with outrage and excess.

El objetivo fundamental de nuestro libro-tesis consiste en concebir la obra del pensador Ernst Jünger como una respuesta al problema del nihilismo, ya anunciado por Nietzsche, considerando el conjunto de su obra no sólo como un diagnóstico del estado nihilista que afecta a Occidente, sino también como su tratamiento y cura. Por otro lado, hemos valorado y enjuiciado críticamente la validez y la viabilidad de su programa filosófico de la metafísica de la Gestalt como superación del nihilismo, analizando los supuestos epistemológicos que sustentan dicho programa. Teniendo presente estos objetivos, en el primer Capítulo hemos analizado, en primer lugar, las razones que justifican la desconfianza de Jünger respecto al programa racionalista y positivista de constituir y edificar una sociedad fundamentalmente buena, segura y razonable, y, en segundo lugar, hemos constatado en la obra de Jünger la necesidad de ensayar nuevas formas de conocimiento y dominio de la Naturaleza, no ya a través de la razón, sino de la intuición y de la experiencia, que permitan la fundación de un nuevo cosmopolitismo político, superando con ello el estado nihilista europeo. En el segundo Capítulo hemos descrito la naturaleza y el funcionamiento de ese cosmopolitismo, revisando críticamente los fundamentos metafísicos en los que se sustenta. Finalmente, en el tercer Capítulo hemos definido y cuestionado la teoría moral de la resistencia que Jünger propone como vía de superación del nihilismo y de los totalitarismos políticos del pasado siglo.

TILL KINZEL Der Schmerz des Menschen in der Welt Überlegungen zu einem unvollständigen Dialog zwischen Ernst Jünger, C. S. Lewis und Josef Pieper Der Schmerz ist das, was den Menschen erst dann zum Problem wird, wenn er auftritt. Erst im Zustand des Schmerzes wird die Selbstverständlichkeit der Schmerzlosigkeit, die der gesunde Mensch empfindet und daher voraussetzt, aufgehoben. Nur die Schmerzlosigkeit läßt es möglich erscheinen, die Welt in gewissem Maße objektiv in sich aufzunehmen. Denn die Realität des Schmerzes scheint in einer Spannung zu stehen mit der Realität der Welt. Der Schmerz, der den Menschen bis in das Innerste seines Wesens erschüttert, zieht ihn auch aus der Welt zurück auf sich selbst. Denn im Schmerz denkt der Mensch nur an diesen Schmerz und damit an sich selbst als das Objekt des Schmerzes. Mit dem Schmerz ist der Mensch allein. So scheint es jedenfalls zunächst. Schauen wir also zu, wie sich die Philosophie zum Problem des Schmerzes stellt und wie sich dieses Problem mit der hier interessierenden Frage nach dem Menschenbild verbindet. Der Schmerz steht als Phänomen der Grenzerfahrung bemerkenswerterweise nicht im Zentrum anthropologischer Betrachtung, auch wenn es selbstverständlich eine lange philosophische Tradition der Auseinandersetzung damit gibt, bis hin zu der Leidensphilosophie eines Arthur Schopenhauer. 1 Das neueste Handbuch Anthropologie des Metzler-Verlages enthält keinen Eintrag oder Indexverweis auf das Phänomen des Schmerzes. Ebenso erwähnt das Handbuch Ethik desselben Verlages den Schmerz nicht eingehender, sondern nur gleichsam en passant. 2 Immerhin hat die sogenannte Historische Anthropologie, die sich emphatisch gegen die allgemeine Rede von dem Menschen und damit eigentlich gegen jede Anthropologie im eigentlichen Sinne wendet, das Phänomen in den Blick genommen, denn in der historischen Realität ist es unausweichlich, den Schmerz als einer Form des Leidens gewahr zu werden. Hans-Peter Dreitzel bietet in seinem ausführlichen Artikel in dem voluminösen Handbuch Vom Menschen eine Art Phänomenologie des Schmerzes. Schaut man jedoch in die dort abgedruckte Bibliographie des Artikels, stellt man mit einigem Erstaunen fest, daß weder Ernst Jünger noch C. S. Lewis, von Josef Pieper ganz zu schweigen, hier berücksichtigt werden. 3 Das ist ein doch immerhin überraschender Befund, wenn man um den erheblichen Tiefgang weiß, den die Betrachtungen der genannten Schriftsteller und Philosophen aufweisen. Um eben diese drei soll es aber im Folgenden gehen, unter der vorausgesetzten Vermutung, daß sich bei diesen Denkern und Schriftstellern Impulse zu einem Verständnis des Problems des Schmerzes finden, die bisher im philosophischen Denken noch nicht eingeholt worden sind. Ohne diesen Anspruch hier selbst einholen zu können, möchte ich wenigstens Prolegomena zu diesem Themenkreis vortragen, die sinnvollerweise nur zur weiteren Auseinandersetzung anregen

«Occorre che la gente impari a non muoversi, a non collaborare, a non produrre, a non farsi nascere bisogni nuovi, e anzi a rinunziare a quelli che ha… «Tutto ciò che ruota, articola, scivola, incastra, ingrana e sollecita sarà abbandonato. Poi eviteremo tutte le materie sintetiche, iniziando dalla cosiddetta plastica… «Saranno scomparse le attività quartiare, e anzitutto i grafici, i PRM, e i demodossologi. Spariranno quindi le attività terziarie, e poi anche le secondarie. Le attività di tipo primario-coltivazione della terra-andranno man mano restringendosi, perché camperemo principalmente di frutti spontanei» 1. Luciano Bianciardi fantastica un mondo ideale dove non servirà la tecnica meccanica e industriale. È lo sfogo di un anarchico insofferente alla macchina sociale contemporanea. Masanobu Fukuoka ha agito sotto la spinta di una simile intuizione poetica. La sua ispirazione si chiama agricoltura naturale. Un ossimoro tutto orientale: una prassi del non fare. La tecnica agricola viene pensata come il centro di un mandala. Reazione spontanea a un mondo percepito come accelerato dove la forza centrifuga ha ormai sopraffatto quella centripeta e la vita civilizzata non ha più un perno, ma una direzione.
...

As a singular witness and actor of the tumultuous twentieth century, Ernst Jünger remains a controversial and enigmatic figure known above all for his vivid autobiographical accounts of experience in the trenches of the First World War. This article will argue that throughout his entire oeuvre, from personal diaries to novels and essays, he never ceased to grapple with what he viewed as the central question of the age, namely that of the problem of nihilism and the means to overcome it. Inherited from Nietzsche’s diagnosis of Western civilization in the late nineteenth century to which he added an acute observation of the particular role of technology within it, Jünger would employ this lens to make sense of the seemingly absurd industrial slaughter of modern war and herald the advent of a new voluntarist and bellicist order that was to imminently sweep away timorous and decadent bourgeois societies obsessed with security and self-preservation. Jünger would ultimately see his expectations dashed, including by the forms of rule that National Socialism would take, and eventually retreated into a reclusive quietism. Yet he never abandoned his central problematique of nihilism, developing it further in exchanges with Martin Heidegger after the Second World War. And for all the ways in which he may have erred, his life-long struggle with meaning in the age of technique and its implications for war and security continue to make Jünger a valuable interlocutor of the present.

From ubiquitous surveillance to drone strikes that put “warheads onto foreheads,” we live in a world of globalized, individualized targeting. The perils are great. In The Eye of War, Antoine Bousquet provides both a sweeping historical overview of military perception technologies and a disquieting lens on a world that is, increasingly, one in which anything or anyone that can be perceived can be destroyed—in which to see is to destroy.

Arguing that modern-day global targeting is dissolving the conventionally bounded spaces of armed conflict, Bousquet shows that over several centuries, a logistical order of militarized perception has come into ascendancy, bringing perception and annihilation into ever-closer alignment. The efforts deployed to evade this deadly visibility have correspondingly intensified, yielding practices of radical concealment that presage a wholesale disappearance of the customary space of the battlefield. Beginning with the Renaissance’s fateful discovery of linear perspective, The Eye of War discloses the entanglement of the sciences and techniques of perception, representation, and localization in the modern era amid the perpetual quest for military superiority. In a survey that ranges from the telescope, aerial photograph, and gridded map to radar, digital imaging, and the geographic information system, Bousquet shows how successive technological systems have profoundly shaped the history of warfare and the experience of soldiering.

A work of grand historical sweep and remarkable analytical power, The Eye of War explores the implications of militarized perception for the character of war in the twenty-first century and the place of human subjects within its increasingly technical armature.

An instant is the shortest span in which time can be divided and experienced. In an instant, there is no duration: it is an interruption that happens in the blink of an eye. For the ancient Greeks, kairos, the time in which exceptional, unrepeatable events occurred, was opposed to chronos, measurable, quantitative, and uniform time. In The Moment of Rupture, Humberto Beck argues that during the years of the First World War, the Russian Revolution, and the rise of fascism in Germany, the notion of the instant migrated from philosophy and aesthetics into politics and became a conceptual framework for the interpretation of collective historical experience that, in turn, transformed the subjective perception of time.

According to Beck, a significant juncture occurred in Germany between 1914 and 1940, when a modern tradition of reflection on the instant—spanning the poetry of Goethe, the historical self-understanding of the French Revolution, the aesthetics of early Romanticism, the philosophies of Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche, and the artistic and literary practices of Charles Baudelaire and the avant gardes—interacted with a new experience of historical time based on rupture and abrupt discontinuity. Beck locates in this juncture three German thinkers—Ernst Jünger, Ernst Bloch, and Walter Benjamin—who fused the consciousness of war, crisis, catastrophe, and revolution with the literary and philosophical formulations of the instantaneous and the sudden in order to intellectually represent an era marked by the dissolution between the extraordinary and the everyday. The Moment of Rupture demonstrates how Jünger, Bloch, and Benjamin produced a constellation of figures of sudden temporality that contributed to the formation of what Beck calls a distinct "regime of historicity," a mode of experiencing time based on the notion of a discontinuous present.

Es conocida la sentencia de Hegel según la cual así como el indivi­duo es siempre hijo de su tiempo, también la filosofía es su propio tiem­po aprehendido en pensamientos. La sentencia marca, por cierto, un condicionamiento histórico de la filosofía. Sin embargo, ser hijo de su tiempo no equivale, sin más, a ser esclavo de él. Y la tarea propia de la filosofía no consiste, según Hegel, simplemente en replicar su tiempo sino, más bien, en elevarlo al plano del concepto y, con ello, al mismo tiempo en restituir y ·conservar la totalidad de sentido que el tiempo mismo, más bien, ha disgregado. Parece, pues, que la filosofía, al refle­jar su tiempo a través del pensamiento, a la vez, ya lo ha trascendido y, en cierto modo, superado. Así corresponde, asimismo, a una relación filial genuina y lograda que, como tal, contiene necesariamente en sí tanto el momento de la continuidad con el pasado como también el de la proyección al horizonte abierto del futuro.
Más allá de la dispersión casi inabarcable que parece signarlo, tam­bién el pensamiento filosófico contemporáneo ha hecho justicia, a su modo, a las exigencias que derivan de la caracterización formulada por Hegel. Y, tal vez, haya que decir incluso que esa misma dispersión, que tan poco confortable suele resultar a la hora de abordarlo, debe verse, en definitiva, como un rasgo inevitable de la respuesta que el pensa­miento filosófico del presente ha debido dar a la peculiar interpelación que procede de su propio tiempo. En efecto, si ha ele creerse al diagnós­tico más ampliamente difundido entre los propios pensadores contem­poráneos, la dispersión y la fragmentación deberían verse como dos de los  caracteres más reconocibles de una época signada fundamental­mente por el imperio in-estricto de la tecnociencia a escala planetaria y por la crisis definitiva de los metarelatos, es decir, de los dispositivos discursivos de justificación dotados de pretensiones máximas de vali­dez universal y destinados, como tales, a proveer una visión de conjun­to unitaria y comprensiva, que hiciera posible una instalación más o menos apacible por parte del hombre en la compleja y amenazante rea­lidad que lo rodea. En el plano estrictamente filosófico, puede decirse incluso que el último intento sistemático ele carácter totalizador se en­cuentra, precisamente, en la propia filosofía hegeliana, cuya crisis, poco después de la muerte de Hegel, trajo consigo un agotamiento ele la voluntad especulativa y una dispersión de discursos filosóficos que, vis­tas las cosas retrospectivamente, al parecer no hacían sino presagiar los rasgos que iban a ser dominantes, tiempo después, en la totalidad de la cultura europea.
No es azaroso, por tanto, que pensadores ele la talla de Nietzsche y Heidegger hayan visto en el advenimiento del nihilismo el fenómeno definitorio del estado de la civilización en la época de la tecnociencia, bastante antes de que las formas más dramáticas de expresión del fe. nómeno pudieran alcanzar a desplegarse en toda su dimensión. Sería, sin embargo, un enorme error suponer que el de haber anunciado el advenimiento del nihilismo constituye un privilegio reservado tan sólo a las voces de esos dos grandes titanes de la filosofía posthegeliana.

Among the many words Heidegger explores in order to elucidate his primary matter for thought, one would not likely expect Schmerz (‘pain’) to play a prominent role. And yet, in a selection of notes recently published in a limited German edition under the title Über den Schmerz, Heidegger goes so far as to claim that pain is being itself. In this paper I analyze Heidegger’s ontological treatment of pain and his etymology of its Greek counterpart, asking whether he does not ultimately anesthetize his readers to pain’s most rending effects.

Biografisk overblik og materiale til filosoffen Hans Lipps for årene 1918-1941. Omfattende stort set alle kendte personer, som har en relation til Lipps i disse år. Lipps' universitetskarriere, hans forhold til kolleger og som underviser for sine studerende.
Det er således også muligt ud fra indholdsfortegnelsen at finde relevant information om personer, der har særlig interesse, f.eks. K. E. Løgstrups studieophold hos Lipps.
Et overblik over det intellektuelle miljø i mellemkrigsårene, specielt den "livsideologi", der af krigsveteranerne på grundlag af fronterfaringerne udformes til eksistensfilosofi og "revolutionær konservatisme".
Alle data til Lipps i NS-tiden, hans tilknytning som soldat, feltlæge, til den regulære hær, Reichswehr, og til de paramilitære organisationer Stahlhelm, SA og SS. Og en vurdering af Lipps' ideologiske forhold til NS og antisemitisme.
Dette biografiske overblik er tillige ment som et grundlag for læsning af Lipps' to "soldaterskrifter", "Der Soldat des letzten Krieges", 1934 og "Wandlung des Soldaten", 1939.

This paper outlines the major ideas (ethnic-cultural nationalism/separatism, conservative socialism, authoritarianism, elitism, anti-liberalism, cultural pessimism) and intellectuals of the German Conservative Revolution and distinguishes it from Fascism and National Socialism. The thinkers whose basic ideas are briefly overviewed are the following: Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, Edgar Julius Jung, Oswald Spengler, Ludwig Klages, Othmar Spann, Hans Zehrer, Werner Sombart, Ernst Jünger, Ernst Niekisch, Carl Schmitt, and Karl Haushofer.

I consider that my books are a part of Germany’s moral an intellectual armament for the next war […] I am a disciple of Nietzsche, and take the greatest delight in a struggle for power wherever it occurs and whoever wins.
(Ernst Jünger, Evening Chronicle, 29.11.1929)

My translation of an interview with Armin Mohler in Éléments 80 (1994). Of particular interest to the history ideas must be his comments on the applicability of the category “conservative revolution” to France. Mohler’s best known work is his history of the Conservative Revolution in Germany, recently translated into English by F. R. Devlin (2018), which began as a doctoral dissertation in 1949 supervised by Karl Jaspers, and went through many editions over the years.

The study is addressed to the dialectical analysis of the necrophilic feeling towards the dead body of the soldier: on the one hand, within the First World War as ‘love’ for the death and for the corpse of the enemy. On the other hand, during the postwar time as a ‘stimulus’ to be spread by the veterans, who had the task to foster the myth of the war experience within which the erotic drive is addressed to the fallen friend.

The article seeks to disclose the phenomenon of Conservative Revolution as an attempt at the fullest projection of Nietzscheanism in philosophical and social fields, in particular, resting on the work of its face and recognized Nietzschean Ernst Jünger who earned it the fame of the "supermodern." In turn, results of polemic by Martin Heidegger, another key thinker of this current, with omnipresent in Jünger's work Friedrich Nietzsche's motif of the transvaluation of all values have become not only the deepest philosophical reconstruction, criticism and "upgrading" of Nietzscheanism but also the groundbreaking milestone of Nietzsche-studies and, as of now, the pinnacle of discussions on the prospects for overcoming nihilism and a new Western metaphysics.

This paper examines the philosophical anthropology developed in the later work of the historian and philosopher Oswald Spengler (1880-1936), particularly his Man and Technics (1931). It has two aims. The first is to argue that Spengler sought to correct the ‘pessimism’ of his earlier work by developing a distinctive philosophical anthropology in which technology could be harnessed to realise the creative and existential potential of human nature. The second is to offer a corrective account of Man and Technics. I conclude that this book represents an important development of Spengler’s developing account of human culture by developing a philosophical anthropology that reconciles technology with human nature.

La Revolución Conservadora alemana hace referencia a un amplio movimiento intelectual y político surgido en Alemania y Austria a principios del siglo XX, principalmente en el período de entreguerras, durante la República de Weimar. El movimiento tuvo sus raíces en las obras de antiguos filósofos y autores del siglo XIX, como Friedrich Nietzsche, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Ferdinand Tönnies, Constantin Frantz, Friedrich List, Paul de Lagarde y Julius Langbehn, entre otros, haciendo uso de sus ideas o llevándolas más lejos e integrándolas en nuevas filosofías . La Revolución Conservadora fue liderada por grupos de intelectuales que habían comenzado su trabajo antes y durante la Primera Guerra Mundial, pero cuyas contribuciones revolucionarias más importantes comenzaron después de la guerra, en parte como reacción a las crisis política, económica y social que Alemania experimentó repentinamente como consecuencia de su derrota.

The psychedelic community is popularly conceived as having a liberal, anti-authoritarian outlook that seeks to extend civil liberties. However, the cultural history of psychedelics does not support the assumption that this is necessarily the case. Colin Campbell’s concept of the ‘cultic milieu’ is used to describe the cultural arena in which psychedelic culture operates. Because of a number of overlapping negations, psychedelic culture converges with groups such as Traditionalists, which may shade into racist and nationalist values. The nature of the ‘cultic milieu’ provides an easy environment for ‘entryism’ in the form of deliberate or casual importation of alien ideologies. The political outlooks of three influential twentieth century drug adventurers Ernst Jünger, Julius Evola and John Michell, demonstrate varying shades of reactionary conservatism. The central question of the relation of reactionary politics and psychedelics is addressed by asking why the writings of Julius Evola, who had a close relationship with both Fascism and Nazism, have been republished by a New Age publisher that is also a major publisher of important works on psychedelics. Different ways of explaining and understanding the commonalities of New Age culture in general with the reactionary conservatism of the New Right, with reference to psychedelic culture in particular are considered. Walter Benjamin’s concept of ‘profane illumination’ emerging from his drug experiences, places Benjamin as a left wing analogue of Ernst Jünger. Jünger, Evola and psychedelic culture all place a value on extreme experience as a form of heroic initiation. Given these commonalities, what can the psychedelic community learn an examination of these issues? A video of the talk itself can be found at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9gMu7m5A7qQ