Electoral politics

The lecture to review the state of democracy in Africa in the context of the third wave, a global wave of democracy that began in 1974 with the end of the Estado Novo regime of Marcelo Gaetano in Portugal. That wave of democracy caught up with Africa in the late 1980s, a period that Nzongola-Ntalaja has periodised as the age of democratic renewal. The analysis revealed a mixed bag of progress and decline, especially improvement in the democratic process, and institutional and political culture in Africa.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melakukan analisis bibliometrik terhadap literatur oligarki dan demokrasi Indonesia. Studi ini merupakan penelitian pertama yang menyediakan tinjauan bibliometrik terkait topik tersebut serta berupaya untuk dapat memahami pola dan arah penelitiannya secara luas. Penelitian ini mengumpulkan 1,627 total artikel terkait oligarki indonesia dan demokrasi indonesia yang diambil dari database scopus selama rentang tahun 1958-2024 dengan menggunakan VOSviewer, OpenRefine software dan Microsoft Excel. Penelitian ini berargumen bahwa tidak adanya rising scholars atau peneliti baru yang menjadi rujukkan penting dalam topik tersebut. Selain itu, tema penelitian yang ada terkesan kurang berkembang dan terus berkutat pada pembahasan yang sudah ada. Sebagian besar peneliti berpengaruh tentang topik ini berasal dari Australia. Hasilnya, penelitian ini mengidentifikasikan 2 (dua) tema penelitian literatur oligarki dan demokrasi Indonesia, yakni (1) Dinamika pengorganisasian dan tren penguatan oligarki pasca reformasi, dan (2) Penurunan demokrasi di Indonesia

The decline in popular resistance in Assam between the passing of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act in 2019 and its implementation in 2024 has been analysed in the context of Hindutva identity politics and economic populism manifested in state beneficiary schemes, as well as the role of a collective memory shaped by the state’s history of political violence and militarism.

Through the lens of three distinct representation lenses, this article examines the systemic barriers preventing women in Appalachia from achieving political representation. Pitkin's theory of representation highlights the necessity of women in office for substantive policy change that reflects women's needs, while Enloe's work underscores the often invisible yet vital political roles women play in informal spaces, challenging patriarchal structures. Krook's research on gender quotas suggests that institutional reforms like quotas could help increase women's political representation, disrupting entrenched male-dominated political systems in Appalachia. Together, these frameworks call for a multifaceted approach to empowering women, including mentorship, policy reform, and greater access to resources to ensure that women's voices are heard and their needs are addressed in political decision-making.

The study of the quality of elections is spreading very rapidly. This article aims to provide a general overview of the state of the art to introduce an empirical analysis of the quality of elections for the Italian parliament. After reviewing the definitions of 'quality of elections', the article thoroughly examines the two main measurement tools. One is based on the experts' perceptions and promoted as part of the Electoral Integrity Project. The other is based on objective data called the Elections Performance Index. Finally, the article applies the measurement method based on the residual vote to the Italian case.

Papua New Guineans use the word "kaikaimanism" to characterize a political system whereby goods or services are exchanged for political backing, perhaps including an either explicit or implicit quid pro quo. It often involves behaviors driven by self-interest or the anticipation of return. The purpose of this article is to investigate the variables that contribute to the kaikaimanist approach to politics, which has such a negative influence on PNG's political and economic performance. The most likely explanation for the rise and persistence of patron-client politics is that voters are ignorant about the potential outcomes of their votes and the range of political options available to them. A further aspect that contributes to the perpetuation of this impression is the ongoing decline of institutions, such as those in charge of peace and order, which has led to the idea that better political choices are not accessible.

Psk.ist3.il stepped into 1970 with renewed hope 3 nd vi-Cfouir. Democratic political processes which had remained suspended since Ayub Khan's military coup in 1958 were re- stored on New Year's Day. The country witnessed an eleven month period of hectic political activity and campaigning by the aspirants to political power. On December 7, 1970, for the first time since independence in 1947, direct elections were held on a national scale. For the first time on the basis of universal adult franchise, and one man one vote, Pakistans set out to vote in a National Assembly entrusted with the task of framing a new constitu- tion.

This article addresses the protracted state of political violence developed in and around the Borana and Guji zones of Oromia region after the introduction of the ethnic federalism in Ethiopia. In order to account for the persistence of the role of certain groups during different phases of the conflict, an attempt is made to elaborate on the connections between ethnic identity, natural resource and customary institutions by introducing the notion of primary identity. Since the turn of the millennium there is in Ethiopia a theoretically grounded attempt to co-opt customary institutions and elders into modern governance, particularly in the pastoral sector and with reference to both the political field and development. The field-research focused on the interplay of customary and modern politics on occasion of two electoral events, the 2004 referendum organised to solve the border issue between the Somali Regional State and Oromia, and the 2005 political elections. The analysis of the political dynamics and of local political history suggests that the constitutional provisions were transformed by the federal strategic need to control the insurgency of the Oromo Liberation Front, and by the peripheral motivations bound to the primary groups. The combined effect of these two factors produced a systematic abuse of human rights and the manipulation of development and refugees policies, involving the various actors in an informal 'demographic politics of space'. As a result the Borana Oromo were displaced from a large portion of their customary territory and were relegated into a state of permanent food dependency. Under these conditions, the opportunistic cooption of elders and customary leaders can only lead to the most destructive outcomes. It is here suggested that human and indigenous rights as defined by the relevant international instruments may better contribute to constructively valorise the potentials of customary governance.

Politics in India is predominantly perceived as a male-dominated sphere where women have a limited role to play. Despite the Indian constitution guaranteeing equal rights for both genders, women remain significantly underrepresented in the country's political landscape. In Nagaland, women constitute nearly half of the electorate; however, entrenched patriarchal socio-cultural values and practices have resulted in their exclusion
from political representation. The present paper attempts to examine the twin role of women in Nagaland electoral politics, encompassing their roles as both voters and representatives. The secondary data source was utilized in present study, which was analyzed and interpreted using different statistical and cartographic techniques.
Findings reveal that, despite a higher voter turnout rate among women in the state assembly elections, there has been no female representation in electoral matters since independence, until two women made history by becoming the first MLAs in Nagaland's legislative assembly in 2023. Relative to the national average, Nagaland exhibits a more favourable gender balance in voter turnout, with an average of 80.15% female participation in assembly elections. This paper recommends that the government should take proactive initiatives and develop realistic policy measures for the Implementation of the Women's Representation Bill to encourage the active participation of women in political institutions, particularly at the grassroots level- an urgent necessity for Nagaland's political landscape.

The views expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) or its Board of Governors or the governments they represent. ADB and AusAID do not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this publication and accept no responsibility for any consequence of their use. Use of the term "country" does not imply any judgment by the authors or ADB and AusAID as to the legal or other status of any territorial entity. ADB encourages printing or copying information exclusively for personal and noncommercial use with proper acknowledgment of ADB. Users are restricted from reselling, redistributing, or creating derivative works for commercial purposes without the express, written consent of ADB.

The views expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) or its Board of Governors or the governments they represent. ADB and AusAID do not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this publication and accept no responsibility for any consequence of their use. Use of the term "country" does not imply any judgment by the authors or ADB and AusAID as to the legal or other status of any territorial entity. ADB encourages printing or copying information exclusively for personal and noncommercial use with proper acknowledgment of ADB. Users are restricted from reselling, redistributing, or creating derivative works for commercial purposes without the express, written consent of ADB.

Electoral reforms are public desires and expectations to bring about changes and improvement in the electoral system. Electoral system is therefore the institutions and structures that operate within the parameters of the political system that lead to the conduct of national elections where votes translate into seats and representation. Key variables centre on the electoral formulae such as plurality, majoritarian, proportional representation and mixed proportional representation (International IDEA:5). 

Electoral reforms in Ghana are not a recent phenomenon but progressive over the years to address challenging areas in the electoral system. They occur alongside political reforms as a result of the friendly partnership between the electoral system and the political system. The symbiotic theory of electoral reforms attests to this assertion with much investigative work to be done and emphasize the connection between the two giants of democracy or refute on the basis of no significance connection in established and emerging democracies.

The methodology used is analysis of quantitative and qualitative data and information to attain project objectives, conclusions and recommendations. It reveals that the electoral system is not static but flexible, adaptive and innovative to ensure consistent improvements in the work of the Election Management Body and Stakeholders.

Its rich literature review provides a broad spectrum of ideas and information to reflect the various research variables that have been carefully selected to provide great insight into the reform areas. 

Consequently, the research study provide a wide variety of recommendations that has near and future electoral reforms in Ghana when prevailing conditions necessitates their implementation.

Ghana practices a two round balloting system that leads to show ballot positions of Presidential Candidates and Parliamentary Candidates. In the electoral system before the election year 2000, ballot positions were determined primarily on first come first serve basis at the Office of the Electoral Commission (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2010:38). That is day and time of presentation and acceptance of nomination forms played the major role in apportioning ballot positions, and this reflected in the 1992 and 1996 General Elections.

However, the Electoral Commission introduced the balloting system of picking ballot positions for the 2000 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections. This one way practice was also used for determining ballot positions for Presidential and Parliamentary Candidates in the 2004, 2008, 2012 and 2016 General Elections.

To improve the balloting system in Presidential and Parliamentary Elections, the Electoral Commission adopted the two round balloting system in 2020. This was purposed driven to instill confidence in the election process and political parties, party candidates and independent candidates.

Its rich literature information and comparison with other countries highlights the continuous necessity and importance of transparency, credibility and confidence in the balloting process and procedures for candidates in public elections. Its a masterpiece for Election Management Bodies and a learning tool for scholars and students alike.

We present a theoretical model of a parliamentary democracy, where party structures, government coalitions and fiscal policies are endogenously determined. The model predicts that, relative to proportional elections, majoritarian elections reduce government spending because they reduce party fragmentation and, therefore, the incidence of coalition governments. Party fragmentation can persist under majoritarian rule if party supporters are unevenly distributed across electoral districts. Economic and political data, from up to 50 post-war parliamentary democracies, strongly support our joint predictions from the electoral rule, to the party system, to the type of government, and to government spending.

This two-part essay deals with subjects of great interest to Canadian Jews: the pro-Palestinian encampments established at more than two dozen of the country’s public universities in spring 2024, and Canadian attitudes toward Jews and Israel in the wake of the Israel-Hamas war that began on October 7, 2023. It is based mainly on the results of two surveys conducted in February and May 2024. Initial results of the  February poll were published in April. Part 2 of this essay provides ten new insights derived from analysis of the data from that survey. Part 1, based on the May survey, provides a brief overview of the encampment movement and analyzes the characteristics of its Canadian supporters and opponents.

This paper examines the 2005 elections in Zimbabwe in the context of persistent gender inequalities that have existed since 1980. These inequalities have been exacerbated by an entrenched patriarchal culture and an electoral system that neither facilitates nor adds value to the increased representation and participation of women. The 31 March 2005 parliamentary elections in Zimbabwe were held amid profound struggles and disagreements over how best to change the formal political machinery. At the same time, struggles by the opposition to broaden and deepen political, economic and civil rights had intensified. Within this same struggle for democratisation the women's movement has defined itself by a liberal human rightsbased agenda and has waged the struggle at two levels. The first is the level of a feminist consciousness, where women have fought a war against patriarchy since 1980, through a critique of discriminatory legislation and demands for committed measures to increase women's political representation. The second is at the oppositional level, where some women's groups in alliance with other civil society organisations and opposition political parties have challenged the state and the legitimacy of the ZANU-PF rulers and the lack of a free participatory environment. A reflection on the results of the 2005 elections shows that women have not won these two battles. Patriarchy still remains entrenched in political institutions and political parties. A culture that uncritically accepts the need for women as political leaders does not exist. The under representation of women in Zimbabwe has been so stark since 1980 that the injustice seems beyond question. When women occupy a mere 16 per cent of the seats in Parliament, it should be clear that there is something unsatisfactory in the current political arrangements or in the electoral system.

This article provides theoretical and contextual background to The Academic Question of Palestine. Building on the work of Edward Said, we maintain that Palestine constitutes a unique question with special status in international academic spaces, particularly in the West, because of its entanglement with other imperial and settler colonial forms of dispossession. We argue that the special place that Zionism and its defence has occupied for decades in academia has rendered Palestine one of the thorniest and most divisive issues of our time. In the new millennium, the birth of the BDS movement; the emergence of new solidarities with global anti-racist movements; the scholarly and human rights consensus that Israel constitutes a regime settler colonial apartheid; the acceleration of Zionist violence, until the Gaza genocide, have generated new forms of repression and resistance in the academic space. This Special Issue offers the tools for understanding these recent transformations of the question of Palestine.

In France's 2024 legislative elections, two-thirds of the candidates who qualified for the runoff withdrew from the competition. The media argued that this was a deliberate strategy to reduce the radical right's chances of winning an absolute majority of seats. This kind of strategic behavior is based on rationality and collective action that hardly covers the full range of possibilities. This article seeks to identify the reasons why candidates pulled out before the second round of the national legislative elections in France. Our analysis uses semi-structured interviews with candidates who withdrew and identifies several explanations for their decision: electoral tactics driven by coercion, the long-term prospects of profile-raising benefits, voter pressure, disaffection with the campaign content, and the personal examples of other candidates. These results indicate that the decision to leave the race involved rationality, responsiveness to public preferences, emotions, and a learning process.

This essay analyzes the historical struggle of the Muslim community to have a voice in Kenyan politics and the Islamic topics that have surfaced during electoral periods. A minority group in Kenya, Muslims have faced political marginalization more on the basis of race and ethnicity than religion. The pre-independence period saw the development of racially-based Muslim organizations made up of Arabs and Asians. The colonial regime, which viewed its subjects in racial rather than religious terms, accorded Arabs and Asians privileges of representation which they did not extend to Africans. This influenced the shape of Muslim political activity after independence. The first president, Jomo Kenyatta, primarily concerned with ethno-regional balancing, coopted individual Muslims in the governments, but these Muslims did not stress their religious affiliation. With the 1990s shift to multi-party politics, Muslims tried to form their own political party (the Islamic Party of Kenya or IPK). However, the government banned the IPK on the grounds that it was discriminatory, and tried to split the Muslim constituency along racial lines by creating its own party (United Muslims of Africa). Since 1990, Kenyan Muslims have managed to coalesce around perceived attempts at marginalization or discrimination, such as their reaction to the succession act of 1981 (which Muslims considered contrary to Islamic law) and Moi's singling out of Somali Muslims to carry additional identification. While Muslims won concessions on both issues, the author contends that these were acts of appeasement by the government to win Muslim votes. He concludes that Muslim political unity is being more clearly articulated now than anytime since the IPK period; at the same time, however, race and ethnicity continue to be divisive factors.

Partai berlambang Moncong Putih berhasil menolak semua bujukan berkoalisi membangun sebuah lawan kontestasi enteng bernama Kotak Kosong, untuk memuluskan agenda dinasti Joko Widodo melalui Pilkada Sumatera Utara 2024. Di Jakarta mungkin Anies sedang akan merasakan hal yang sama, juga akan ditinggal oleh PKS. Anies tak berhasil membangun koalisi, itulah narasi PKS ke publik.

Dengan perginya PKS, tentu dapat dihitung potensi kemerosotan peluang Edy Rahmayadi. Katakanlah pintu PDI-P tetap terbuka lebar untuknya, namun kondisi ini potensil mirip sebuah mission impossible, atau dengan ungkapan lain, extremely dangerous or difficult mission.

: This paper attempts to explore the impact of built-up areas on groundwater levels in district Faisalabad.
To understand the rate of built-up area expansion and changes in the level of groundwater in the study area, groundwater
data has been acquired from the Land Reclamation Department for all tehsils in district Faisalabad. This study was
conducted to assess spatial and temporal variation of groundwater level because of the built-up area change. Descriptive
statistics (Scatter Plot correlation technique) have been applied to figure out changes in groundwater levels. Furthermore,
some built-up area extraction methods have been incorporated that are always found to be effective tools for the
assessment of built-up area change. The spatial analysis tool Spline has applied to 79 bore points in all tehsils of district
Faisalabad. Results clearly show that a built-up increase of 41 km2
in Faisalabad city is causing 1-foot depletion in
groundwater as compared to other tehsils, where a built-up increase is negligible. Such research studies of groundwater
changes would assist the planners to adopt effective sustainable measures.

En el presente capítulo se realiza una serie de reflexiones surgidas desde la experiencia metodológica en la construcción de verdad en el Eje Cafetero, orientado desde una apuesta descriptiva y narrativa, cuya búsqueda es denotar en la región los matices del conflicto armado, al servirse de las relaciones que hacen posible la emergencia de virajes en el abordaje del estudio de actores armados (ilegales). Situado en sentido y visión de época de posacuerdo y persistencias de las violencias -a fin de cuentas- en perspectiva de transición.Al obturar las dinámicas en clave escalar, donde los factores diferenciales de las violencias permitan el reconocimiento de su territorialidad, diversificación de repertorios, como también factores de temporalidad imbricados entre el pujante desarrollo regional enunciado por las élites políticas y la mordaz proliferación de las violencias del conflicto armado.Para ello, surge imperante la revisión de algunas de las principales bases de datos estadístic...

In the aftermath of the 2022 Italian legislative elections, but also during the entire electoral campaign, several claims were made that much of the electoral support for the Five Star Movement had been triggered by the 'Reddito di cittadinanza'the welfare policy introduced in 2019 by the yellow-green government. This research note first distinguishes between distributive politics and policy voting, and then explores the empirical relationship between the geographical provision at the municipal level of the citizenship income and the vote for the party led by Giuseppe Conte. While traditional multivariate analyses fail to reveal any spurious relationship, matching techniques help highlight the absence of any causal relationship between the two variables.

A surprising verdict has emerged out of Nagaland's 2024 General elections result. After long being missing from the high corridor of electoral politics in Nagaland, Congress managed to defeat the formidable force of the ruling conglomerate led by Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party and Bharatiya Janata Party. In examining the 2024 verdict, the article underlines the need to locate the shifting dynamics of Nagaland electoral politics against the embedded web of historical and political processes that have come to define the Naga context.

The third wave of democratization which hit the world led to a spontaneous wave of democratization in most African states in the early 1990s. The reinstatement of democratic governance brought hope and relief to most citizens. This is as a result of the promulgation and entrenching of human rights clauses in respective countries constitutions. There is now a clarion call for democracy to be consolidated. It is significant to mention that Ghana and Kenya have practiced democracy over two decades. The process of consolidating democracy has become necessary owing to pockets and mass violence in Ghanaian and Kenyan elections respectively. The use of minimalists' conceptualization of measuring democracy based on elections must be discarded and give way to the maximalists approach. Dahl refers to this as the polyarchy of democracy. The study is placed within the liberal democratic theory by Dahl. The central question to ask is what roles have the judiciary played in consolidating the Ghanaian and Kenyan democracy from its inception? This is important to address this fundamental question in the new democracies like Ghana and Kenya because the more independent the judiciary and other democratic institutions, the higher the rate of democratic sustenance is guaranteed. This research is significant because the courts have been used as dispute resolution arena. It aims at investigating the role that courts have played to consolidate democracy. In 2012 Ghana's opposition party leader went to the state's Supreme Court to seek redress about electoral irregularities and malpractices. While the 2017 Kenyan elections dispute and irregularities were settled in the court. The study uses quantitative and qualitative data as its primary data source. Data from the Afro barometer survey is used. And published court rulings are used. Qualitative data via interviews of judges and political Parties officials.

Afrocentrism, that is, the complete placement of Africa as the centerpiece of Nigeria's foreign policy has been the defining characteristic of Nigerian foreign policy since independence. Nigeria has participated in numerous peacekeeping missions both in Africa and outside the continent. Gambian electoral crisis presented a good opportunity for Nigeria to demonstrate its foreign policy commitment by intervening in the dispute to broker peace. Having rejected a result he earlier accepted, the stage was set for physical confrontation between President Jammel's military, Adama Barrow's supporters and the ECOWAS contingent determined to enforce the wishes of Gambians, even via the means of war. This article assesses the role played by Nigeria as the strongest military power in the sub-region and in line with its foreign policy thrust. It is the conclusion of this article that Nigeria performed remarkably well in setting the stage for dialogue, accepting to go on mediation talks, and deploying its military in accordance with the agreement reached through the auspices of ECOWAS. The article aligns with the school of thought which claimed that Nigeria's conduct was spot on in spend human and material resources for the duration of the dispute in the Gambia. The article uses content analysis method, and relies completely on secondary sources.

This study reveals the underlying factors promoting electoral-related violence and its effects in the Tamale metropolis. The case study design guided the research, with a mixed-methods approach used for the data collection. Two hundred and fifty closed and open-ended questionnaires were administered to respondents, while five key informant in-depth interviews were conducted. Quantitative data was analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS), and a thematic approach was used to analyse the qualitative data obtained from the study. It was revealed that electoral violence is engendered by multifaceted root causes, encompassing political, social, and economic dimensions. However, poverty was noted as the leading cause of electoral violence in the Tamale metropolis, representing 34.8%. The research found that election-related violence has significant effects on the socioeconomic development of Tamale metropolis. These include the maiming of people, deaths, and destruction of public and private properties. These findings confirm the conceptual framework on which this study is anchored. Drawn from identity and interest-group theories, the conceptual framework posited that election-related violence leads to loss of lives, loss of property, harassment of citizens, displacement of citizens, disruption of public order, and maiming of citizens. It was further established that addressing the problem of electoral violence in the Tamale metropolis requires a comprehensive and multi-faceted approach that involves various stakeholders, including government agencies, civil society organisations, political parties, and the local community. Therefore, it is recommended that the government work in collaboration with non-governmental and civil society organisations and community stakeholders to address unemployment in the country, parricularly among youth by creating employment opportunities.

Our sociological inquiry emerged in the process of crossing the border between France and Catalonia in 2016. Our objective was to understand the political, social, and activist trajectories of certain individuals who were elected to the new Barcelona municipal government (and of their supporters) as closely as possible to their personal dimensions. Having won the elections, in May 2015, in what the European media considered to be quite a surprising victory, Ada Colau, a figure from the social movements that were fighting against housing evictions, became the mayor of Barcelona and was steadfastly determined to “deglobalize” the city. We decided to go meet this new political generation, which had been shaped by the “not in our name” intellectual and activist contexts of the early 2000s, and won over to the methods of empowerment and continuous deliberation, often learned in the framework of their professional experience in cooperation and development networks in Latin America. In the wake of the so- called 15-M Movement (15 May, 2011), the multiple crises (economic, financial, and of political representation), and the realization that urban services were being increasingly privatized, encouraged the implementation of a model based on municipal governance and founded upon this new political grammar.

This study delves into the intricate relationship between godfatherism and electoral politics in Nigeria's Fourth Republic, with a specific focus on the 2018 gubernatorial election in Osun State. Godfatherism has emerged as a prevalent phenomenon in Nigerian politics, where influential figures play significant roles in shaping political outcomes. Using a human security analytical approach, this study critically examines the link between godfatherism and electoral politics in Nigeria's fourth republic and its implication for human security, focusing on the micro-political analysis of the Osun state gubernatorial election in 2018. Employing a mixed-methods approach, this study draws on descriptive research methodology and the Elite theoretical framework to uncover the complexities of godfatherism and its implications for electoral politics. The findings indicate that godfatherism, despite its potential benefits for the democratic balance of power, has taken an unsettling turn ...

These statistics reflect that the PPP is the choice of the average voter in Sindh even with the awareness of governance issues and alleged corruption. The rigging mantra is not going to cut it for opposition parties anytime soon. What they need is a comprehensive assessment and analysis of their mistakes and a broad-based strategy to engage with the voters. If they cannot do this, they will be on the streets again after yet another round of elections.

In my humble opinion, neither technocrats nor politicians alone can solve the chronic problems, chiefly economic, the country has been facing. However, a combination of both may steer the sinking ship to the shore. Technocrats should be pitched against traditional bureaucrats to do away with the latter’s hold over the levers of the state. In other words, the real problem lies with the bureaucrats. A viable solution therefore lies in a combination of technocrats and politicians: the technocrats can provide the skills and politicians the legitimacy for their decisions.

The postponement of the second phase of the local government elections in Sindh has once again triggered the debate about the future of local governments in the province. It has also raised the question of the provincial government’s will to strengthen the local government system (LGS) and to extend democracy to the grassroots level. It has been alleged that the elections are delayed on the demand of the provincial ministers and the members of the provincial assembly who are reluctant to hand over development funds to a local government setup. Instead, they want to hold these funds to build their personalised networks of patronage. Another reason can be the fear of a PPP defeat at the hands of the Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI), mainly in Karachi.

The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf’s (PTI) demand for fresh elections this year is unlikely to be met. If Imran Khan cannot compel the incumbent government and the concerned circles to call early elections, which is most likely, the next general elections will be held in the latter half of 2023. He has already started his campaign by holding mass rallies in various cities across the country. He has been largely successful in mobilising the youth — aged between 15 and 29 years – comprising almost 29 percent of the population. The young voters – aged between 18 and 35 – makes up 47 percent of the entire electorate in the country. Those aged between 18 and 29 are almost 29.4 percent of the registered voters. It can be said that a motivated and mobilised young electorate will decide the country’s political future. These young voters are being tipped as potential game changers.

Wlectables will remain relevant to the politics at least for the next few decades due to the following reasons: first, the demographics and the political system favour them; second, they will remain formidable constituency candidates having made a reputation for providing service delivery, community standing, prestige, and patronage to their constituents; third, political parties need electables because without them they have little hope of attaining or maintaining political power; and fourth, contesting an election due to the huge expense involved is beyond the reach of the poor or the middle class — it has become an altogether elite activity.

devolution of power and decentralization of decision-making and governance have become crucial worldwide due to the rise in government activities, population growth, and development needs. No doubt in Nigeria, the three tiered system of government has become inadequate due to population and increased government activities. The top-down development model preferred by the government in Nigeria have rather aided disjointed and total absence of development in rural communities. This gives rise for the need to study bottom-up development model that suit the African history of small autonomous nationalities to galvanized development. This paper, therefore, explore the roles(s} of various government, and nongovernment actors in the development governance of projects, and to what extant their involvement has impacted the success of local initiatives in Anambra state. The study is primarily a qualitative one and adopts explanatory research design. Data was generated from secondary sources. The secondary data was complemented with key informant interview (KII) while the secondary data were sourced from books, government publications and other relevant document. The bulk of data generated was analyzed through textual method of data analysis. Using the Public Choice theory, the study argues that the Project though a bottomtop developmental model could not achieve much community development due to combination of factors. These includes but not limited to lack of law to recognize communities as a tier or arm of government that should spelt out functions of the PGs and traditional leaders of the communities. The result further shows that the people were not substantially involved in the decision-making at the grass-root and that there were pervasive corruption and looting of common wealth by staketakers (stakeholders) of the communities and party members among others.

Straipsnio tikslas – ištirti Serbijos rinkimų politikos bruožus ir rezultatus žlugus Jugoslavijai bei per pirmus daugiapartinius rinkimus 1990 m. Straipsnyje aptariami prezindentiniai ir parlamentiniai rinkimai. Priešingai nei kitose Centrinės ir Rytų Europos šalyse, 1990 m. pradžioje Serbijoje nevyko politinės transformacijos procesas iš totalitarinės vienos partijos kontroliuojamos rinkimų sistemos į daugiapartinę rinkimų sistemą. „Pereinamasis laikotarpis be pereinamojo laikotarpio“ – tai politinė formulė, kurią diegė valdančioji Serbijos politinio gyvenimo partija Jugoslavijos žlugimo laikotarpiu. Politiniame gyvenime demokratija buvo pritaikyta tik formaliai, be stiprios paramos šiam režimui. Serbijos Socialistų partija diegė savas taisykles ir kontrolės mechanizmus prezidentinių ir parlamentinių rinkimų metu, taip diskredituodama demokratines vertybes. Galiausiai autoritarinė politinė sistema buvo pritaikyta buvusios partinės nomenklatūros, o ne daugumos Serbijos piliečių inte...

The current delimitation drive in Assam which is being done on the basis of 2001 census has instilled a great deal of concern among Assamese citizens and political parties because of the communal demographic change in the state. BJP as ruling party in the state has taken advantage of the situation to do the political manoeuvring and to create narratives which favours its political agenda in the state. In this article, authors have made an attempt to critically analyse various debates, contestations and policy decisions taken in conjunction with the ongoing Delimitation process in Assam which can have far reaching impact on the politics of the state.

The Frozen Democracy: Godfatherism and Elite Corruption in Nigeria follows in the footsteps of contemporary political science as well as leadership books on Nigeria's postcolonial condition. It is a book of seven chapters; it also has an epilogue that catalogues the incidence of brazen client-patron culture in Nigerian politics and its ancillary woes that reverberate with disempowerment of people, who ought to constitute the epicentre of politics as well as the reason for politicking:

Skripsi dengan judul “Pesan-pesan Dakwah Khofifah Indar Parawansa Dalam Eskalasi Politik Pilgub Jawa Timur 2018” adalah hasil penelitian non-kancah dengan menggunakan analisis deskriptif kualitatif. Terdapat fokus masalah yang diteliti pada skripsi ini yaitu : bagaimana pesan dakwah yang disampaikan Khofifah Indar Parawansa saat kampanye pilgub Jatim 2018. Untuk mengungkapkan masalah tersebut secara menyeluruh dan mendalam, dalam penelitian ini digunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dengan analisis deduktif induktif, yang berguna untuk memberikan fakta dan data yang konkrit terkait pesan dakwah yang disampaikan Khofifah saat momen kampanyenya diajang pilgub Jatim 2018. Dalam penelitian ini disimpulkan bahwa dalam persaingan politik di pilgub jatim 2018 terdapat pesan dakwah yang disampaikan oleh Khofifah Indar Parawansa. Dan kemengan Khofifah di wilayah yang tingkat masyarakat religiusnya tinggi ini, dikarenakan sosok yang berangkat dari organisasi dakwah juga dengan memb...

While the COVID-19 is shaking the whole world, India too has not remained untouched. By the time of writing this article, about 7 million people in this country have suffered and about 1 lakh have died due to this virus. Since partition in 1947 to date, the country has witnessed the largest migration of individuals and families across states. The GDP of India shrank 23.9% in the second quarter (April-June) of 2020. Although the centre and state governments have taken many preventive and curative measures to minimize the loss of health and wealth. But when the nature and impact of the crisis becomes social rather than just medico-economical, it becomes necessary that society should show equal readiness and determination to fight against the crisis. India is very fortunate that it has some organizations which are constantly working with the government for the betterment of India and its people during any crisis. Some of them served to awaken the cultural strength of India, which is very important for any country in tough times. At some places, these organizations are also successful in reaching to the people where the government and its plans and policies could not reach even today. This article focuses on such an organization, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, active in cultural renaissance and public welfare in India since its inception in 1925. It has consistently reiterated that the strong rooted Indian culture is capable of empowering India and its people in any disaster. According to the RSS, COVID crisis is not only an opportunity for India to be self-reliant, but is also an opportunity for it to lead the whole world. India has presented an example of the uniqueness of Indian culture throughout the world in this crisis. In this context, it becomes necessary that not only extensive economic and political analysis of COVID-19, but also its socio-cultural study should be undertaken. This article will examine the claims which establish India’s cultural preparedness in dealing with the pandemic.

menawarkan analisis kritis terhadap fenomena populisme Islam yang kian menonjol dalam lanskap politik Indonesia. Melalui pendekatan akademis yang mendalam, buku ini mengaitkan tren populisme dengan dinamika kesalehan religius, politik identitas, dan ancaman

Populisme Islam muncul dalam berbagai bentuk dan konteks, mulai dari gerakan sosial hingga partai politik. Prof Amal—penulis buku ini—menggambarkan bagaimana populisme Islam berbeda dari bentuk populisme lainnya dengan menekankan elemen keagamaan yang kuat. Populisme Islam seringkali menantang prinsip-prinsip demokrasi, terutama pluralisme dan toleransi. Gerakan populis Islam cenderung mengadopsi retorika eksklusif yang membatasi ruang bagi kelompok minoritas dan oposisi.
Strategi yang digunakan oleh kelompok populis Islam untuk mempengaruhi politik di Indonesia. Strategi-strategi ini meliputi penggunaan media sosial untuk menyebarkan pesan keagamaan, pengorganisasian demonstrasi dan aksi massa, serta partisipasi aktif dalam proses pemilu.
Beberapa dampak utama adanya populisme Islam yang diidentifikasi oleh penulis adalah: Pertama, Polarisasi Sosial. Populisme Islam seringkali menciptakan polarisasi di kalangan masyarakat, dengan memisahkan “kami” (umat Islam sejati) dari “mereka” (kelompok lain yang dianggap sebagai musuh). Polarisasi ini dapat memperdalam perpecahan sosial dan melemahkan kohesi nasional.
Kedua, Erosi Nilai-Nilai Demokrasi. Penulis mengamati bahwa beberapa kelompok populis Islam cenderung mengabaikan atau bahkan menentang prinsip-prinsip dasar demokrasi, seperti kebebasan berpendapat dan perlindungan hak asasi manusia. Ini dapat mengarah pada erosi nilai-nilai demokrasi dan melemahkan institusi-institusi demokratis.
Ketiga, Peningkatan Otoritarianisme. Dalam beberapa kasus, populisme Islam digunakan oleh pemimpin politik untuk memperkuat kekuasaan mereka dan membatasi oposisi. Ini dapat menyebabkan peningkatan otoritarianisme dan membatasi ruang bagi partisipasi politik yang inklusif.
Penulis berhasil mengidentifikasi faktor-faktor kunci yang menyebabkan erosi nilai-nilai demokrasi dan menunjukkan bagaimana populisme Islam dapat berkontribusi pada polarisasi sosial dan peningkatan otoritarianisme. Studi kasus yang disajikan memberikan konteks empiris yang kuat dan memungkinkan pembaca untuk memahami dinamika konkret di lapangan.
Seiring dengan menguatnya populisme Islam dengan karakternya yang konservatif dan radiklalis, atau dalam istilah global dikenal dengan istilah populisme kanan (right populism), perkembangan kualitas demokrasi Indonesia pasca Orde Baru kian mengalami penurunan.
Setelah mengalami perkembangan progresif pada periode 1999 samai 2004, perkembangan demokrasi Indonesia mengalami stagnasi (2005-2014). Bahkan pada periode berikutnya (2015-2019), tren perkembangan demokrasi Indonesia dan global pada umumnya justru mengalami kemerosotan, terutama dalam bidang kebebasan sipil.
Dalam konteks ini, kebangkitan populisme (bawah seperti populisme Islam dan atas seperti populisme elit politik) memberikan andil yang tidak kecil bagi dekonsolidasi demokrasi Indonesia pasca Orde Baru.
Satu hal yang cukup menarik untuk kasus Indonesia ialah kemunculan aksi mobilisasi massa yang dipelopori oleh agen-agen Islam politik seperti FPI, FUI, HTI, dan lainnya. Gerakan mobilisasi massa dalam Aksi Bela Islam (411, 412), Aksi Bela Ulama, Reuni 212, sampai people power disebut-sebut sebagai ekspresi populisme Islam paling fenomenal dan mendapatkan perhatian luas dari banyak kalangan, termasuk para ahli baik dari dalam maupun luar negeri.
Gerakan mobilisasi massa yang menggunakan simbol-simbol agama ataupun politik identitas ini, tidak sebatas meramaikan kontestasi kekuasaan baik di tingkat lokal (Pilkada DKI Jakarta) maupun nasional (Pilpres). Bagaimanapun kehadirannya telah berperan penting dalam mengubah lanskap kepolitikan dan keislaman di Indonesia. Tidak sedikit ahli yang menilai bahwa kemunculan aksi mobilisasi massa terbesar dalam sejarah Indonesia pasca Orde Baru ini, berhasil menempatkan kelompok-kelompok Islamisme dalam arus mainstream perbincangan publik