East Asian International Politics

Despite being a treaty ally of the US and a key stakeholder in the emerging regional order, South Korea's approach to the Indo-Pacific has been a policy of 'strategic ambiguity'. It entails a cautious engagement with Indo-Pacific initiatives of different countries under the ambit of 'New Southern Policy' without endorsing the concept or articulating the Korean position on the Indo-Pacific regional construct. Explaining the strategic outlook of Korean foreign policy in a transforming regional strategic environment, this article provides a detailed account of the evolution of Korea's approach to the Indo-Pacific. It argues that Korea's ambiguous approach to the Indo-Pacific' is determined by the prioritization of maintaining a 'balanced diplomacy' in its relations with the US and China in a context of intensified strategic competition between the two.

This article studies the formation of Japanese ventures in family planning deployed in various villages in Asia from the 1960s onward in the name of development aid. By critically examining how Asia became the priority area for Japan's international cooperation in family planning and by analyzing how the adjective humanistic was used to underscore the originality of Japan's family planning program overseas, the article shows that visions of Japanese actors were directly informed by Japan's delicate position in Cold War geopolitics, between the imagined West represented by the United States and "underdeveloped" Asia, at a time when Japan was striving to (re)establish its position in world politics and economics. Additionally, by highlighting subjectivities and intra-Asian networks centered on Japanese actors, the article also aims to destabilize the current historiography on population control, which has hitherto focused either on Western actors in the transnational population control movement or on non-Western "acceptors" subjected to the population control programs. Keywords international cooperationÁfamily planningÁpopulation controlÁ Japanese Organization for International Cooperation in Family Planning (JOICFP)Á Chojiro KuniiÁNobusuke Kishi Acknowledgments I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments. Also, I thank the staff at the Japanese Organization for International Cooperation in Family Planning for their generosity in having shared their sources and provided me with a workspace during this project. Finally, I acknowledge the Wellcome Trust, which has supported the work on which the article is based [085926/Z/08/Z].

We are living at a time when people appear to have become more aware of the power of narratives in international politics. Understanding how narratives exercise power is therefore more pertinent than ever. This special issue develops the concept of narrative power for international relations research by focusing on East Asia-the region that has been at the centre of debates about international power shifts since the 1990s. This introduction seeks to elucidate and define four key binary distinctions: (a) narrative power as understood from the perspective of an individualist versus a narrative ontology; (b) narrative power as explanandum versus explanans; (c) narrative power as more prone to continuity or change; and (d) the scholar as a detached observer of narrative power versus the scholar as a narrative entrepreneur and a potential wielder of power. Informed by the individual contributions, the introduction demonstrates how and with what implications research on narrative power can negotiate and traverse these binary distinctions.

We are living at a time when people appear to have become more aware of the power of narratives in international politics. Understanding how narratives exercise power is therefore more pertinent than ever. This special issue develops the concept of narrative power for international relations research by focusing on East Asia-the region that has been at the centre of debates about international power shifts since the 1990s. This introduction seeks to elucidate and define four key binary distinctions: (a) narrative power as understood from the perspective of an individualist versus a narrative ontology; (b) narrative power as explanandum versus explanans; (c) narrative power as more prone to continuity or change; and (d) the scholar as a detached observer of narrative power versus the scholar as a narrative entrepreneur and a potential wielder of power. Informed by the individual contributions, the introduction demonstrates how and with what implications research on narrative power can negotiate and traverse these binary distinctions.

Japan’s recent steps to heighten its security are pathbreaking and important, because they suggest an expansion of its security remit to potentially include  kinetic contingencies across the Taiwan Strait. This policy article explores the underappreciated legal and strategic revolutions underway and also makes suggestions to enhance deterrence, as well as reassurances to China, to promote regional stability.

When and why does a perpetrator state take a contrite stance on its past wrongs? More specifically, why do Japanese behaviors differ over time in addressing apology and compensation with regard to the comfort women issue? In this article I address these questions by testing two hypotheses, utilizing an instrumentalist approach and a transnational-political activism model. The former posits a perpetrator state is more likely to take a contrite stance on its past misdeeds when it calculates such action is in its security and/or economic interests. The latter hypothesizes that when transnational activism is powerful and a perpetrator state is led by a progressive ruling coalition, the state is more likely to adopt conciliatory policies toward historical issues. I find that the transnational-political activism model possesses more explanatory power than instrumentalism for within-case variations in Japanese behavior toward the comfort women issue. The two approaches are not, however, mu...

Using the framework of centripetal and centrifugal force, this article analyzes alternating periods of peace and conflict in South Korea-Japan mutual perceptions since 1998 when the two nations took unprecedented conciliatory actions. Centripetal force is comprised of political leaders' reconciliation initiatives, restrained historical/territorial disputes, and common security threats. Centrifugal force incorporates heated historical/territorial disputes, political leaders' use of those disputes for their political purposes, and divergent security priorities. This article suggests that top political leaders in both nations can play a significant role in improving or aggravating mutual perceptions between the two neighbors. However, political leaders' conciliatory initiatives are a necessary but insufficient condition in reconciling the two former adversary states.

1 The question of reconciliation amongst East Asian countries, particularly between Japan and its neighbors, has long been a source of tension and debate. Many assert that the region’s past, as well as disputes over that history, have affected regional security and hindered the development of a regional identity in East Asia. Why has the process of reconciliation in East Asia been more difficult than in Western Europe? How can the region develop a shared history and a shared strategic interest to engage in reconciliation? Will building a common regional identity in East Asia ease security tensions and aid the process of reconciliation? Such questions were addressed by leading experts at the East Asia Institute’s third Smart Talk on July 9, 2009. The EAI invited Mike Mochizuki, associate professor of political science and international affairs at the Elliot School at George Washington University, to examine this complex issue of historical reconciliation in East Asia. Mochizuki discu...

Confronting an ugly past is often regarded as essential not only to achieving some justice for the victims but also for allowing those held historically responsible to move on. This is sometimes a prerequisite for the 'normalization' of relations between states whose shared histories may contain events in which one party believes they have been grievously wronged by the other. The paradigm case in which an almost permanent impasse exists in coming to terms with a difficult war past is Japan vis-à-vis its immediate neighbours in East Asia. Japan's new Prime Minister, Taro Aso, although a conservative, is unlikely to follow the path of his Prime Minister Koizumi in visiting the now infamous Yasukuni Shrine-visits which so inflamed passions on the other side of the Sea of Japan. But the cycle of apologetics and denials will almost certainly continue as deep contestations over war memories continue within Japan while at the same time political leaders seek a more prominent role for their country as a 'normal' actor in international affairs. This paper assesses the problem of Japan's 'normalization' efforts with particular reference to issues of nationalism, state identity and normative theory. _______________________________________________________________________ _

Korea and Japan, neighboring democratic countries in Northeast Asia, announced their first COVID-19 cases in January 2020 and witnessed similar patterns of disease spread but adopted different policy approaches to address the pandemic (agile and proactive approach versus cautious and restraint-based approach). Applying the political nexus triad model, this study analyzes and compares institutional contexts and governance structures of Korea and Japan, then examines the differences in policy responses of the two Asian countries. This study first reviews the state of COVID-19 and examines changes in the conventional president-led political nexus triad in Korea and the bureaucracy-led political nexus triad in Japan. Then, this study examines how the differences in institutional contexts and governance structures shaped policy responses and policy outcomes of the two countries in managing the COVID-19 crisis. Points for practitioners •  Institutional and governance structure in a societ...

This dissertation could not have been completed without the generous help of many people. I want to first express my special gratitude to Professor Mike Mochizuki, who served both as my academic advisor and dissertation director with intellectual and personal generosity. His advice, balanced between warm encouragement and insightful comment, always kept me on the right track throughout the entire research and writing process. I am also indebted to committee members Harvey Feigenbaum and Holger Schmidt, and to reviewers J.J. Suh and Lily Gardner Feldman. They offered helpful comments and suggestions on a number of earlier drafts. Professor Youngshik Bong of American University often provided me with his valuable insights on East Asian historical issues. Professors Cheolhee Park of Seoul National University and Wondeog Lee of Kookmin University helped make my field research in South Korea and Japan fruitful. Pastor Mikang Yang also introduced numerous interview subjects, particularly civil activists in both South Korea and Japan. Professor Unsuk Han of Korea University helped me to find important research materials regarding the German-Polish History Textbook Commission at the Georg-Eckert Institute in Germany. Several institutions also contributed to my field research in South Korea, Japan, and Germany. I received generous financial assistance from the Korea Foundation; the

The present paper investigates the latest developments in the Japan-South Korea economic and political relationship, reviewing the recent (2019) far-reaching consequences of the conflict over the compensation for forced labour. The paper argues that the issue of wartime forced labour has been intensely politicized by both governments, and their inability to find consensus on this particular historical issue has severely corroded economic and diplomatic ties. Ultimately, the analysis of bilateral relations shows that both governments have been acquiring political capital from positioning themselves one against the other.

“Stop the war”
“Make apologies and reparations to the victims”
“Record the crime in the history textbooks and educate the public”
“Disclose the truth, find and punish those responsible”

Through 30 years of activities, we have seen, listened and learned directly that our daughters’ world is different than ones of men. We have met children of ethnic minority who had to stand on lines of migration watching their own people killed and forcibly deported went through the war and armed conflicts from the moment of born in everyday life. We have also learned that the issue of the Japanese military sexual slavery system is standing with the history of women around the world through meeting with stories of women of sexual violence victims whose dignity was infringed from the moment of born because they were women. We have also met sexual violence victims whose dignity was infringed for being born as a woman. Through meeting with these women, we have learned that the issue of the Japanese military sexual slavery shares the context with women's history in other countries. The world reproduces war and the war destroys dignity of life. While capital grown through war talks about human rights and peace, we have been fighting for ‘system change’ to prevent recurrence of wartime sexual violence. Victims’ movement for restoration of human rights is not only for themselves who suffer now, but also for becoming the society where no recurrence of sexual violence happens for future generation. Thus we have shouted “Peace Together.”

We are living at a time when people appear to have become more aware of the power of narratives in international politics. Understanding how narratives exercise power is therefore more pertinent than ever. This special issue develops the concept of narrative power for international relations research by focusing on East Asia—the region that has been at the centre of debates about international power shifts since the 1990s. This introduction seeks to elucidate and define four key binary distinctions: (a) narrative power as understood from the perspective of an individualist versus a narrative ontology; (b) narrative power as explanandum versus explanans; (c) narrative power as more prone to continuity or change; and (d) the scholar as a detached observer of narrative power versus the scholar as a narrative entrepreneur and a potential wielder of power. Informed by the individual contributions, the introduction demonstrates how and with what implications research on narrative power can negotiate and traverse these binary distinctions.

This study investigates the causes of Japan's failure to reconcile the matter of South Korean "comfort women" from World War II. It draws on reconciliation theory to determine the cause of failure by Japan. After a review of the literature on this issue with an emphasis on its history, the effect of Japan's problem-solving attempts, and the backlash after the 2015 "com-fort women" agreement, we call attention to Japan's weak civil society and its distortion of history in textbooks as internal causes of this failure. Moreover , we highlight the US-ROK-Japan trilateral security cooperation as an external cause of the deterioration of the reconciliation attempts. We conclude by noting that internal and external factors have made it more difficult for Japan to reconcile the matter of South Korean "comfort women."

A nation's memory is a reconstruction of the past. Accordingly, this study explores how South Korean television (TV) dramas Eyes of Dawn (1991) and Snowy Road (2015) helped shape the collective memory of Japanese colonial rule. Both dramas highlighted the experiences of comfort women, Korean women forced to provide sex to Japanese soldiers. This study analyzes the representations, technical factors, and newspaper discourse of the dramas to examine how they influenced collective memories of comfort women. By comparing and contrasting the dramas, this study reveals that while both generated public awareness and controversy, Eyes of Dawn and Snowy Road represented differently oriented colonial memories of comfort women: A patriotic-oriented memory and a humanism-focused memory, respectively. Specifically, in illuminating colonial rule, Eyes of Dawn showed a traditional good and evil dichotomy, while Snowy Road revealed a more complex and diverse context. Given the socio-political contexts of 1991 and 2015, this study suggests that Eyes of Dawn functioned to inform the public about the comfort women, whereas Snowy Road aimed to reflect upon the impact of comfort women in South Korean society. Thus, while acknowledging that collective memory is a construct that can change over time, we contend that the media's role (especially TV drama) is critical in this process. More generally, this study contributes to the study of memory, journalism, history, and popular communication.

The differing confluences of historical memory, identity, and nationalism in South Korea and Japan have prevented the two countries from resolving their history disputes in order to achieve reconciliation. How the Koreans and the Japanese view historical events is deeply interwoven with how they define themselves and the emotional attachment to their countries. Therefore, it is the convergence of these three factors that lies at the heart of these disputes and is what makes the latter so volatile and difficult to resolve. This paper will first examine how the intertwining of the three factors has led to mutually conflicting identities in South Korea and Japan and why that has hampered reconciliation between the two countries. It will then analyze what they can do to overcome those obstacles by analyzing the case of Germany's reconciliation with its former historical enemies.

Using the framework of centripetal and centrifugal force, this article analyzes alternating periods of peace and conflict in South Korea-Japan mutual perceptions since 1998 when the two nations took unprecedented conciliatory actions. Centripetal force is comprised of political leaders' reconciliation initiatives, restrained historical/territorial disputes, and common security threats. Centrifugal force incorporates heated historical/territorial disputes, political leaders' use of those disputes for their political purposes, and divergent security priorities. This article suggests that top political leaders in both nations can play a significant role in improving or aggravating mutual perceptions between the two neighbors. However, political leaders' conciliatory initiatives are a necessary but insufficient condition in reconciling the two former adversary states.

When and why does a perpetrator state take a contrite stance on its
past wrongs? More specifically, why do Japanese behaviors differ over
time in addressing apology and compensation with regard to the comfort
women issue? In this article I address these questions by testing two
hypotheses, utilizing an instrumentalist approach and a transnational political activism model. The former posits a perpetrator state is more
likely to take a contrite stance on its past misdeeds when it calculates
such action is in its security and/or economic interests. The latter hypothesizes that when transnational activism is powerful and a perpetrator state is led by a progressive ruling coalition, the state is more
likely to adopt conciliatory policies toward historical issues. I find that
the transnational-political activism model possesses more explanatory
power than instrumentalism for within-case variations in Japanese behavior toward the comfort women issue. The two approaches are not,
however, mutually exclusive and are complementary in some regards.
The effect of transnational activism is heightened when the target state
is faced with other geopolitical incentives and/or when the target state
is led by a progressive ruling coalition and has weak conservative reaction.

This article addresses the question of what gets transmitted in cross-national diffusion and why. It does so by analyzing the spread of rights-based activism from Japanese to South Korean leprosy (Hansen's disease) survivors in the 2000s. Previous scholarship would predict extensive diffusion of mobilizing frames and tactics, especially since Korean lawyers learned an effective legal mobilization template while working with Japanese lawyers to win compensation for Korean leprosy survivors mistreated by Japanese colonial authorities before 1945. Yet the form of subsequent activism by Korean leprosy survivors for redress from the Korean government differed from the original Japanese model. This case suggests the need for scope conditions on theories about isomorphism and the agency of brokers. In particular, it draws attention to how the structure of a country's public sphere—and especially its legal profession, news media, and activist sector—affects the feasibility of imported innovations related to activism and legal mobilization.

How and to what extent did both transnational activist networks and Japanese conservative forces affect Japanese historical narrative and textbook policy during the period of 1995-2010? Addressing this question, this article first establishes the concepts of Type I and II transnational activism regarding history textbooks. The article argues that starting in the late 1990s, a positive trend of Japanese historical narrative and textbook policy was reversed by a systematic conservative campaign, despite the presence of strong Type I and II transnational activism. Nevertheless, Type I transnational activism—pushing for a perpetrator state to change its policy—played a pivotal role in lowering the adoption rate of Japan’s nationalistic history textbooks at the local level, although not turning around the conservative direction of Japan’s historical narrative and textbook policy at the state level. In the long run, with vibrant Type I transnational activism it would be necessary to strengthen Type II transnational activism—textbook cooperation and historians’ dialogue—in order to resolve the issue of biased Japanese historical textbooks.

This thesis has two main aims. The first of these is to study available methodologies for researching the future in the social sciences, and particularly in political science and international relations (IR). To be more specific, it attempts to determine whether it is possible to establish, given the present state of scientific knowledge, a relatively rigorous method for examining the futures of socio-political phenomena. The second aim is to set out to use the methodological approach(es) established in the first part of the study to examine the future of China, both as an applied example of the use of the methodology as well as an end in itself within IR’s sub-field of China studies. Thus, the thesis fits within the areas of future studies and China studies, but with a particular focus on the implications of the research for political science and IR within the broader social sciences.
The research reveals that the most suitable candidate for researching socio-political futures, at least until computer modelling and complexity theory are refined enough to examine the future with greater accuracy (if this is possible), is scenario construction, given that it deals not with prediction of definite outcomes, but with future possibilities. Since scenario construction, however, is a faute de mieux methodology (meaning that, despite inadequacies, it is less inadequate than the alternatives), there is a need to develop it further. The thesis’ primary research attempts to do this by taking and adapting Delphi method’s premise that consensus expert opinion can, at least to a degree, act as a counterweight to individual bias, and thereby constructing scenarios on the basis of a typology of expert forecasts. The main part of the research thus focuses on constructing scenarios of China’s future out of a typology of expert forecasts concerning China’s development up to 2050. The ultimate goals are to assess the degree of success of the resulting scenario construction project, and to develop a basis for further research into both China’s future in particular and the study of socio-political futures in general.

This article looks at the characteristics of "frictions over history" in ROK-Japan relations since the 1990s, with a focus on Korea's responses. It addresses some hypotheses on the characteristics and trends shown in the political process of "blundering" through comparative analysis of sixty-one cases, and additionally presents an in-depth case study on Prime Minister Abe Shinzo's remarks of 2007 concerning the comfort women issue. This research shows that the responses to blunders and the political process were the products of interactions between the agent's speech acts and are a type of language game that is linguistically inter-constituted. Moreover, the 2007 comfort women case study shows that conflicts and the process of negotiations regarding blunders are a type of constructive language game in which the agents construct rules of engagement, modify mutual perceptions, and transform actors themselves through a series of speech acts.