Diachronic Typology

This article deals with Polish reflexive constructions of the type dom się buduje 'the/a house is being built'. They are traditionally described as passive but it is argued here that they could more adequately be described as extended anticausatives. They constitute a small, lexically restricted voice construction expressing delegated or anonymised agency. From a diachronic perspective this construction is interesting in that it shows a possible path of development from anticausative to passive.

The discussion is structured around the Obligatory Coding Principle, according to which all verbal predicative constructions in a given language must include a nominal term showing a particular type of coding that can be viewed as the default type of argument coding in the language in question. This definition is intended to capture the tendency toward consistency in morphological alignment between transitive and intransitive predications. The possible links between the diachronic processes affecting argument coding systems analyzed here and so-called ‘deep/syntactic ergativity’ are not discussed in this chapter, although a plausible connection is mentioned in section 4.2. 2

In West Germanic, the Germanic s-declension has developed into an r-plural declension in which the stem-forming suffix -( )r- < germ. *-( )z- < Indo-European *-es-/-os- was restricted to the plural and could thus be reanalyzed as a plural marker. The OHG type kelb-ir-Ø with umlaut-causing -ir- is contrasted in the rest of continental West Germanic, including Middle Franconian, by the umlaut-less type kalv-(e)r-e, which corresponds to OE cealf-r-u, calf-er-u. What type of suffix ablaut underlies this type remains a difficult question. While the r-plural class in (non-Frisian) continental West Germanic gains lasting stability through early growth, in Old English and Old Frisian it contains only three to five words and is therefore very unstable. This and the competitive pressure from the “overstable” plural markers -s and -en will be responsible for the demise of the r-plural declension in English and West Frisian.

This paper provides the first cross-linguistic study on non-exhaustive connectives. After defining non-exhaustivity and briefly exploring the range of linguistic strategies encoding it across languages, the methodology underlying the study will be discussed. Based on the analysis of 35 languages, for which at least one non-exhaustive connective was found, it will be argued that non-exhaustive connectives exhibit quite homogenous distributional properties and derive from a restricted set of recurrent diachronic sources. Speakers are indeed likely to mobilizei) elements already encoding or implying non-exhaustivity,ii) elements expressing an epistemic condition of uncertainty, oriii) elements expressing exemplification.

For the Tocharian B lexeme śrāy pl. ‘men’ only plural forms are known
thus far. In the present paper I argue that a singular form—namely, the
oblique B śrān ‘man’—is also attested, in B128a3. I then discuss the
inner-Tocharian prehistory of B śrāy ‘men’, tracing it back to an n-stem
Pre-PToch. *g̑érh2-ōn- << *g̑érh2-o-n- ‘the old one’ and showing that all
forms attested in Tocharian B can be derived from this pre-form in a regular
way. Finally, I address the Indo-European etymology of Pre-PToch.
*g̑érh2-o-n- ‘the old one’, which is an individualizing derivative in *-nto
the *h1reu̯dʰ-ó- type adjective PIE *g̑erh2-ó- ‘old’ > Arm. cer ‘old
(person)’.

This article explores denominal and deadjectival verb formation strategies (DVFSs), commonly known as verbalizers, as potential diachronic sources of anticausative strategies (ASs). Specifically, it examines whether the anticausative function can serve as a bridgehead through which DVFSs extend into the domain of voice. To address this, we analyze synchronic relationships between the two strategies across a balanced sample of languages. Our findings reveal two distinct types of synchronic connections between DVFSs and anticausatives: (1) occasional anticausatives, where the DVFS applies to a limited set of non-nominal/non-adjectival roots to form intransitive change-of-state verbs that describe spontaneous events, and (2) established anticausatives, where the DVFS is more systematically used to derive intransitive counterparts of transitive verbs. We then propose a diachronic scenario to account for these patterns, suggesting that occasional and established anticausatives represent two stages in the reinterpretation of DVFSs as ASs.

This paper, presented in the "egophoricity" panel at the SLE in Helsinki, discusses my preliminary diachronic account of the evidential contrasts found in Kutang (see Donohue & Gautam 2019) but not the closely related varieties of Northern and Southern Ghale (Paudel 2008).

This paper provides a diachronic typology of what we call 'heterogeneous plurals', an overarching term comprising associative plurals (expressions meaning X [person] & company) and similative plurals (expressions meaning X and similar entities). Based on a 110-language sample, we identify the most recurrent sources of these two types of plurals by means of various types of evidence (homophony/identity, internal reconstruction, comparison with cognate languages). The two types of plurals develop out of different source types: while the sources of associative plurals include elements that work as set constructors (plural anaphoric elements, plural possessives, names meaning 'group'), those of similative plurals comprise elements with vague reference such as interrogative/indefinite items or uncertainty markers. There are also a few source types that may develop into both associative and similative plurals, such as connectives ('and/with') and universal quantifiers ('every/all'). The differences in the diachronic pathways leading to the two types of plurals are explained in terms of the different referential properties of the nominal bases from which they are formed (proper names/kin terms vs. common nouns), but also taking into This article is the result of joint work. Caterina Mauri is responsible for Sections 1, 2, 4.2, and 5, while Andrea Sansò is responsible for Sections 3, 4.1, and 6. We wish to thank Michael Daniel, an anonymous referee and the editorial board of Linguistic Typology for useful comments on an earlier draft of the article. This research was developed within the SIR project 'LEAdhoC-Linguistic expression of ad hoc categories' (prot. n. RBSI14IIG0), funded by the Italian Ministry of Education, Universities and Research and coordinated by Caterina Mauri. The usual disclaimers apply.

This article aims to fill a gap in the typological literature by discussing the typology of overt denominal verb formation strategies, i.e., morphosyntactic strategies other than conversion/zeroderivation that are used to derive a verb from a nominal base. We analyze the morphological, syntactic and semantic properties of these strategies in a variety sample of 222 languages. These properties include the morphological status, the productivity, and the semantic effects of the overt verbalizer, as well as the features of the nominal base and the polysemy patterns that characterize verbalizers across languages. The typological survey is complemented by a section on the diachronic typology of overt denominal verb formation strategies, in which we identify the most common diachronic sources of overt verbalizers and discuss the diachronic dynamics that involve them in relation to other denominal verb formation strategies such as conversion/zero-derivation.

Aspiration Conclusion References Double Shift Sound change POc… to Vamale *p-→ v-*pulu 'body hair' fuduu-*t-→ c-*tuqud 'stand up' cuut *d → t- ,-l-*doŋoR 'to hear' tena *dua 'two' (tha)-loo *s-→t-*qusan 'rain' uta *k-→j-*kudon 'cooking pot' iila *q-→ɣ-/-*qata 'man' ɣaju

This paper investigates on the syntactic and semantic continuity between the lexical and the copulative uses of the verb εἰμί in ancient Greek. Kahn (2003 [1973]) challenged the traditional linguistic view according to which the lexical meaning of the verb is more ancient than the copulative use. In particular, he was against the hypothesis of a primitive locative meaning of the original Indo-European root, since there would be no diachronic development that explains the diversity of usage from an originally basic word with a concrete or spatial meaning. Moreover, since in the Homeric poems the locative-existential uses of εἰμί are by far less frequent than the more common use as nominal copula, it would be the copula that represented the main function of εἰμί. This function would be primarily syntactic, as a mark of 'sentencehood' that is used to distinguish between a simple NP and a sentence (Kahn 2003 [1973]: 189). Thus, the locative-existential meaning would be a secondary development, given that the copula can assert the existence of its subject, and then the same verb would be used to assert existence independently from the copula construction. However, if the problem is tackled from a typological linguistic perspective, at both synchronic and diachronic levels, it turns out that many languages of the world typically exhibit the 'demonstrative-to-copula' path of evolution (Diessel 1999; Lionnet 2012), a grammaticalization process that originates from the socalled 'topic mechanism' (Li & Thompson 1977). After having considered a similar diachronic evolution for the Indo-European root *h1es-'to be here/this', by hypothesizing a common deictic predicative source for both its verbal and nominal uses (cf. Stassen 1997; Dixon 2003; Killian 2022; cf. Shields 1978; 1997), I will analyse the distribution, the meaning and the contexts of use of εἰμί in a sample of early Greek philosophical texts (Diels & Kranz 1951), in order to determine whether there is a semantic continuity between the deictic locative meaning and the foundation of Being.

Cet atelier, organisé par Françoise Rose dans le cadre du séminaire de l'axe de recherches «DIversité LInguistique et ses Sources » (DILIS), a pour objectif de créer un espace de présentation et de discussion dans le domaine de la morphosyntaxe, dans une perspective typologique et fonctionnelle. En savoir plus… Thématique(s) de l'année 2021-2022 :

Im folgenden sollen mehrere Formeln, die ausdrücken, daß die Gottheit dem König Leben gibt, gemeinsam analysiert werden: 1. Die typische Gottesrede an den König, dj-n-j' n-k r nh usw. 2. Der Zusatz dj-f r nh usw. zu Gottesnamen 3. Der Zusatz dj r nh zum Namen des regierenden Königs 4. Der Ausdruck jr-k r nh-tj am Ende mancher Gottesrede bzw. der Ausdruck jr-f(n-f) r nh am Ende von Überschriften (Beischriften) zu Opferhandlungen u. dgl. 2 5. Der Ausdruck jr-f dj r nh am Ende von Überschriften (Beischriften) zu Opferhandlungen u. dgl. bzw. der Ausdruck jr f(n-f) dj r nh am Ende der Weihformel 3 Die Phrasen haben unter anderem gemein, daß parallel zu r nh noch Wörter wie ddt, wis, snb, >wt jb stehen können (allerdings nicht in allen Fällen in substantivischer Form). Diese Substantive können mit nb "alles" erweitert sein. Ferner kann mj R r dt "wie Re ewiglich" (oder nur mj R c oder nur dt) angefügt sein. Grundsätzlich ist klar, daß der Geber des Lebens die Gottheit ist und der Empfänger der regierende König. Dies kommt mitunter in der Genus-und Numeruskongruenz zum Ausdruck. Bei den Pronomina der 2. und 3. Person ist das Genus unterschieden, bei allen Pronomina der Numerus 4. Dies betrifft prinzipiell die Gottheiten). Der regierende König ist hingegen nach dem Dogma erstens nur einer und zweitens männlich. Zu letzterem gibt es eine berühmte Ausnahme. Hatschepsut machte sich in vollem Umfang zum Pharao; dabei behielt sie in den traditionellen Phrasen teilweise das maskuline Genus, in anderen Fällen ließ sie feminin formulieren. Aus diesem Grund sind die Inschriften dieser Herrscherin wichtig für die Beurteilung der Struktur der angeführten Phrasen 1. 1 Die in der neueren deutschen Ägyptologie beliebte Lesung (r)dj statt (r)dj beruht auf Edel, Altäg. Gramm. § 459, wo Doublettenschreibungen mit für aufgezeigt werden. Es handelt sich um zwei Personennamen auf Denkmälern der 6. Dynastie sowie eine Sargtext-Variante (Birsha 2, Bologna). Das sind Perioden, für die der partielle Ubergang von der palatalen zur nichtpalatalen Artikulation des d bereits in Betracht kommt; sie sind methodisch wertlos.-Korrektursatz: Nach einer neuerlichen Untersuchung der Inschrift der Frauenstatue Turin Kat.-Nr. 3065 aus der 3.

. Historical syntax as an emerging eld e present volume is a collection of articles resulting from the international workshop "Syntactic change and syntactic reconstruction: new perspectives" held at the University of Zurich in September 2012 and is devoted to various topics of historical syntax. As is well known, syntax has been less investigated than phonology or morphology in Indo-European studies, and as a consequence thereof, in historical linguistics, which to a large extent has been conducted on Indo-European languages. Although excellent syntactic studies were produced in the research traditions of Neogrammarians and of Structuralists in the XIX century and in the rst half of the XX century (cf.

In Malayic languages, prefixes derived from Proto-Malayic *(mb)AR- are characterized by an unusual multifunctionality pattern. On the one hand, continuators of *(mb)AR- may encode functions that are typical of middle markers across languages. On the other hand, they are used as denominal verb formatives. The aim of this article is to provide a diachronic explanation for such an unusual combination of functions. The denominal verbalizing function of *(mb)AR- appears to be primary, and a diachronic scenario can be sketched through which a denominal verb formative has extended to cover a portion of the functional space cross-linguistically encoded by middle markers.

Middle voice systems are characterized by the distribution of a middle marker over two macro-classes of verbs: oppositional and non-oppositional verbs. In diachronic studies, it has been proposed that the historical link between the two groups is unidirectional, with middle marking spreading from oppositional to non-oppositional verbs. In this paper, we challenge this assumption and discuss two case studies, one from Anatolian and one from Paman languages, that show evidence for the opposite development, that is, from non-oppositional to oppositional. In both cases, we argue, constructions that originally had a lexically determined distribution develop grammatical functions connected with valency reduction.

This paper discusses the position of Set B pronouns in Proto-Mayan. While previous reconstructions differ from each other with regard to the exact position that Set B pronouns occupied with respect to the predicate (always preceding, always following or sometimes preceding and sometimes following the predicate word), all of them assume that Set B pronouns attached to the predicate just as they usually do in the modern Mayan languages. Based on cases in modern and colonial Mayan languages where Set B pronouns attach either to a non-predicate or the false predicate, in this paper it is proposed that Set B pronouns were second-position enclitics (ultimately derived from free personal pronouns) in Proto-Mayan which attached to the first word of the clause regardless of the host’s word class. That Set B pronouns attach to the predicate in the modern Mayan languages is an innovation that results from the common clause-initial positioning of verbs in Mayan languages.

 Does this feature of APs correlate with similar tendencies with respect to object deletion in spoken language?  We shall test this hypothesis by performing a quantitative analysis of object encoding strategies in a corpus of spoken Italian (The KIParla corpus, cf.

Euskararen atzizki partitibo eta ablatiboen garapena morfosintaktikoki eta semantikoki ikuspegi sinkroniko batetik hurbilketa tipologiko-diakroniko baterantz, batez ere suomieraren atzizki analogoak aintzat hartuz.
EHUko Euskal Hizkuntzalaritza eta Filologia doktorego programaren lantegian aurkeztua 2022ko maiatzaren 20an.

Wie beeinflußt eine totalitäre Epoche das Leben und die ethischen Ansichten von Ärzten? Der Schnittpunkt Medizinethik und Menschenrechte ist maßgeblich, um die Situation der Mediziner als Akteure während der Militärdiktatur in Argentinien, Chile und Uruguay (1972 - 1989) zu erhellen. Eine Dokumentation über die Rolle und Bedeutung der Medizin damals (verglichen mit der Medizin im Nationalsozialismus) sowie die Befragung ärztlicher Akteure, die eindeutig Position bezogen hatten ("Pro","Neutral" und "Opposition"), lassen ein exemplarisches und menschlich bewegendes Bild von Medizinern in Zeiten der Krise und danach entstehen. Die Sudie betritt durch die unmittelbare Einbeziehung ärztlicher Zeitzeugen Neuland. Damit eröffnet sich der Fachöffentlichkeit methodologische Anregungen sowie erstmalige Befunde. Allgemein am Thema interessierte vermittelt sie bislang nicht zugängliche Antworten auf die Frage, welche persönliche Grundlage Ärzte zum Gehorsam beziehungsweise zur Auflehnung gegenüber der Diktatur und ihrer Mißachtung ethischer Prinzipien befähigte.

How does a totalitarian epoch affect the lives and ethical views of doctors? The intersection of medical ethics and human rights is essential to illuminate the situation of physicians as actors during the military dictatorships in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay (1972 - 1989). A documentation of the role and importance of medicine at that time (compared to medicine under National Socialism) and the questioning of medical actors who had clearly taken a position ("pro", "neutral" and "opposition") leave an exemplary and humanly moving picture arise from medical professionals in times of crisis and afterwards. The study breaks new ground through the direct involvement of contemporary medical witnesses. This opens up methodological suggestions and initial findings to the specialist public. For those who are generally interested in the subject, she provides hitherto inaccessible answers to the question of what personal basis enabled doctors to obey or to rebel against the dictatorship and its disregard for ethical principles.

Middle markers are characterized by a distribution halfway between grammar and the lexicon: with some verbs, middle marking encodes valency change, while with others it obligatorily occurs with no obvious synchronic motivation. Despite the existing cross-linguistic work on middle markers, their history is still largely unknown. In the typological literature, the standard view is that middle markers predominantly have their origin in reflexive markers, and that, in their development, it is invariantly the grammatical component that expands to the lexical component. In this paper, I challenge these assumptions based on the analysis of a sample of 129 middle marking languages. As I show, the sources and pathways whereby middle markers come about are much more numerous and varied than what has been reported in the literature. By taking a source-oriented approach, I also discuss how recurrent cross-linguistic trends in the distribution of middle markers can in part be explained by looking at their history.

The (anti)causative alternation, that is, the alternation whereby languages contrast intransitive verbs expressing spontaneous events with transitive ones expressing externally caused events, has been the object of extensive language-specific and cross-linguistic studies. Within this type of alternation, marking on the intransitive member goes under the name of anticausative marking, while marking on the transitive member is causative marking. Historical research has mostly focused on causatives, while the diachrony of anticausative markers has largely been neglected. In the literature, only two possible cross-linguistic sources of anticausatives are mentioned: reflexive and passive markers. In this paper, I explore the sources of anticausative markers in a sample of 98 languages and show that they are much more varied than what is currently reported in the literature. Taking this richer diachronic evidence into account also sheds light on some yet controversial aspects concerning the relationship between anticausativization and reflexivity.

This paper provides the first cross-linguistic study on non-exhaustive connectives. After defining non-exhaustivity and briefly exploring the range of linguistic strategies encoding it across languages, the methodology underlying the study will be discussed. Based on the analysis of 35 languages, for which at least one non-exhaustive connective was found, it will be argued that non-exhaustive connectives exhibit quite homogenous distributional properties and derive from a restricted set of recurrent diachronic sources. Speakers are indeed likely to mobilize i) elements already encoding or implying non-exhaustivity, ii) elements expressing an epistemic condition of uncertainty, or iii) elements expressing exemplification.

This paper provides a diachronic typology of what we call ‘heterogeneous plurals’, an overarching term comprising associative plurals (expressions meaning X[person] & company) and similative plurals (expressions meaning X and similar entities). Based on a 110-language sample, we identify the most recurrent sources of these two types of plurals by means of various types of evidence (homophony/identity, internal reconstruction, comparison with cognate languages). The two types of plurals develop out of different source types: while the sources of associative plurals include elements that work as set constructors (plural anaphoric elements, plural possessives, names meaning ‘group’), those of similative plurals comprise elements with vague reference such as interrogative/indefinite items or uncertainty markers. There are also a few source types that may develop into both associative and similative plurals, such as connectives (‘and/with’) and universal quantifiers (‘every/all’). The di...

Overview 1. Aim, sample, definitions 2. Realis and irrealis markers in directives 2.1 Irrealis markers 2.2 Realis markers 2.3 Both or none: directives out of the realis/irrealis dichotomy 3. Broadening the scope: the lesson of diachrony 3.1 The sources of directive constructions 3.1.1 Paths of grammaticalization 3.1.2 Different persons as different "doors" to the directive function 3.2 Neighbouring domains: the functional space around (and behind) the directive function 4. Conclusions: realisness as an inherited status *** AV.IRR-1PL.NOM-again AV:drink AV.IRR AV:drink OBL wine 'Let's have (another) drink'" 'Drink wine!' Other functions of the irrealis auxiliary in Tsou: (i) habitual; (ii) predictive future; (iii) hypothetical; (iv) counterfactual.

Seongha Rhee. 2004. A Comparative Analysis of Grammaticalization of English
and Korean Adpositions. Studies in Modern Grammar 40, 195-214. The
objective of this paper is twofold: examining the adpositional systems in
English and Korean from a grammaticalization perspective, and comparing the
two systems to show commonalities and differences. Based on the description
of these adpositional systems, we attempt to identify theoretical implications of
the findings and offer explanations. Focusing on such theoretical issues as
frequency, source characteristics, form-meaning isomorphism, conceptual
division, and semantic change patterns, it is argued here that the two languages
show differences not only in recruiting source lexemes but also in the patterns
of grammaticalization processes. These differences are attributable to the
different syntagmatic environments in these two typologically dissimilar
languages. In particular, some of the differences are attributable to the
idiosyncrasy of the two languages, such as heavy reliance on verb serialization
and preposition-adverb intercategorial fluidity. It is also shown that certain
morphosyntactic change mechanisms as well as some semantic change
mechanisms are commonly operative in the two languages.

In the Jê languages standard negators tend to take a post-verbal position. This paper asks why this should be the case and therefore discusses earlier accounts relating Jê standard negators to either negative verbs or privative postpositions. We argue that these accounts do not have to exclude each other. In particular, we propose that an existential negator can be reanalyzed as a privative one. We also argue that if the origin of the standard negator is a verb with the meaning ‘finish’, we may be dealing with a scenario that is similar to the ‘Negative Existential Cycle’. In both, the existential negator denies the existence of a state of affairs and then turns into a standard negator. But whereas in the Negative Existential Cycle the non-existence of a state of affairs is modelled on the non-existence of an object, in the ‘new’ scenario the non-existence of a state of affairs derives from the fact that a process or event has come to an end.

The Georgian language can look back on an uninterrupted written tradition of more than 1500 years (the oldest written evidence are inscriptions from the 5th century CE), it is ideal for diachronic analyses. A distinction is usually made between an Old Georgian (approx. 5 th-11 th century), a Middle Georgian (approx. 12 th-18 th century) and a Modern Georgian period (since the 18 th century). The topic of definiteness and its representatives, especially articles, is counted among the most interesting research areas. These definite articles, which were mostly present and functional in Old Georgian, are identical to demonstratives aside some morphosyntactic and typological changes, e.g. 1. as an article, Old Georgian mostly uses the demonstrative pronoun igi (3 rd-level deictic) but the other demonstratives appear in this function, too (though much less frequently than igi); 2.when placed postnominal, they function as definite articles; in prenominal placement, they maintain their function as demonstratives; 3. articles mostly take the second position (also called Wackernagel position) in the NP (which can be simultaneously the last position if the NP consists only of a noun and an article); 4. within an NP in the nominative, if the head of the article is marked for plural, the article typically stays in the singular. Nonetheless, a few examples with the head and article agreeing in the plural can be found (from the 10th century):

The aim of this paper is to provide the first cross-linguistic study on non-exhaustive connectives. After providing a definition of non-exhaustivity and briefly exploring the range of linguistic strategies encoding it across languages, we will identify the semantic and distributional properties of nonexhaustive connectives. The methodological choices underlying the analysis will be the object of a detailed discussion, followed by the description of the synchronic and diachronic patterns attested in 35 languages having at least one non-exhaustive connective. It will be argued that this phenomenon shows a scattered distribution across families and areas of the world. It will be further shown that non-exhaustive connectives exhibit quite homogenous distributional properties and derive from a restricted set of recurrent diachronic sources, for which a common underlying process of reanalysis can be identified. The diachronic typology of non-exhaustive connectives shows that speakers are likely to mobilize i) elements already encoding or implying non-exhaustivity, ii) elements expressing the discourse motivations underlying non-exhaustivity, typically an epistemic condition of uncertainty, or iii) elements expressing the mechanism through which non-exhaustivity can be processed and interpreted, namely exemplification. These findings point to the need for further studies on the pervasiveness of non-exhaustivity in discourse and in grammar.

The aim of this paper is to describe and explain the role that linguistic interaction plays in category construction and communication, by looking at naturally occurring data of spoken language. First, it will be argued that there is a way of building categories that is inherently interactional and indexical, namely ad hoc categorization. Ad hoc categorization will be defined as a bottom-up exemplar driven process, that is dependent on context for both its construction and its interpretation, and crucially relies on non-exhaustivity and exemplification. After a brief overview of the linguistic strategies that may encode ad hoc categorization, we will concentrate on linguistic interaction, taking the perspective of so-called languaging. It will be shown that categorization is frequently instrumental to intersubjective aims, such mutual agreement, negotiation, and the general management of the speakers' positioning. In turn, it is collaboration between the interlocutors that allows to fine-tune categorization and achieve mutual understanding. Finally, we will focus on the incrementality of ad hoc categorization in interaction along two dimensions, namely, the identification of the category borders and the progressive anchoring of the category to the interlocutors' experience.

The analysis of basic clause structures shows that clauses in Bahasa Siladang consist of verbal and non-verbal predication. The non-verbal predicate can be filled by an adjective, noun, numeral or prepositional phrase. The analysis of the argument structure shows that the intransitive predicate requires one NP argument as the only argument functioning as the grammatical subject, which can be an agent or a patient. Meanwhile, the transitive verb predicate requires two or more arguments. The presence of these arguments in the predicate in transitive sentences is mandatory. The conclusion from the analysis of the grammatical behavior in syntactic construction is that SL is a language which has a grammatical alignment system which gives the same treatment to A and S, and a different treatment to P. It can be categorized as an accusative language, marking the direct object of transitive verbs, making them different from the subject of both transitive and intransitive verbs. Keywords: cla...

Software component plays a significant role in the functionality of software systems. Component of software is the existing and reusable parts of a software system that is formerly debugged, confirmed, and practiced. e use of such components in a newly developed software system can save effort, time, and many resources. Due to the practice of using components for new developments, security is one of the major concerns for researchers to tackle. Security of software components can save the software from the harm of illegal access and damages of its contents. Several existing approaches are available to solve the issues of security of components from different perspectives in general while security evaluation is specific. A detailed report of the existing approaches and techniques used for security purposes is needed for the researchers to know about the approaches. In order to tackle this issue, the current research presents a systematic literature review (SLR) of the present approaches used for assessing the security of software components in the literature by practitioners to protect software systems for the Internet of ings (IoT). e study searches the literature in the popular and well-known libraries, filters the relevant literature, organizes the filter papers, and extracts derivations from the selected studies based on different perspectives. e proposed study will benefit practitioners and researchers in support of the report and devise novel algorithms, techniques, and solutions for effective evaluation of the security of software components.

In the Jê languages standard negators tend to take a post-verbal position. This paper asks why this should be the case and therefore discusses earlier accounts relating Jê standard negators to either negative verbs or privative postpositions. We argue that these accounts do not have to exclude each other. In particular, we propose that an existential negator can be reanalyzed as a privative one. We also argue that if the origin of the standard negator is a verb with the meaning 'finish', we may be dealing with a scenario that is similar to the 'Negative Existential Cycle'. In both, the existential negator denies the existence of a state of affairs and then turns into a standard negator. But whereas in the Negative Existential Cycle the non-existence of a state of affairs is modelled on the non-existence of an object, in the 'new' scenario the non-existence of a state of affairs derives from the fact that a process or event has come to an end.

Reconstructing constructional semantics 537 3. In contrast to the claims of Bauer (2000) and Lühr (2011) who argue that cognates across the early IE languages are almost nonexistent, Barðdal & Smitherman (2013) have in fact documented a few well-defined sets of cognate predicates instantiating the Dative Subject Construction across the early Indo-European languages. To be sure, the number of cognates is not high, approximately a dozen or so, at this initial stage of their research. 4. Here we can also add that some of the morphological cases have merged with each other in the history of the Indo-European languages, such as dative, locative, and instrumental in Ancient Greek, and dative, ablative, instrumental, and locative in Germanic (cf. Luraghi 1987, Barðdal & Kulikov 2009, inter alia). This, however, seems to have affected object marking and prepositional phrases rather than subject marking in our languages.

This paper proposes a diachronic typology for the various patterns that have been referred to as Hierarchical Alignment or Inverse Alignment. Previous typological studies have tried to explain such patterns as grammatical reflections of a universal Referential Hierarchy, in which first person outranks second person outranks third person and humans outrank other animates outrank inanimates. However, our study shows that most of the formal properties of hierarchy-sensitive constructions are essentially predictable from their historical sources. We have identified three sources for hierarchical person marking, three for direction marking, two for obviative case marking, and one for hierarchical constituent ordering. These sources suggest that there is more than one explanation for hierarchical alignment: one is consistent with Givón’s claim that hierarchical patterns are a grammaticalization of generic topicality; another is consistent with DeLancey’s claim that hierarchies reflect the...

In this chapter we set out to discuss some issues concerning the diachrony of non-verbal predication. The first issue is what diachronic sources can be singled out for copula constructions. Secondly, we discuss how predicative inflection constructions, as defined by the Position Paper (Creissels, Bertinetto, and Ciucci, this volume), emerge, based on the available evidence. Thirdly, we try to answer two related questions, namely whether or not non-verbal sources of copula constructions tend to acquire verbal characteristics in the course of time, and, conversely, whether or not verbal sources of copula constructions tend to lose verbal characteristics when developing into copulas. The chapter is organized as follows. Section 2 deals with the main sources of copulas attested cross-linguistically. These include verbal sources such as existential and postural verbs, as well as verbs meaning 'become', 'come' and 'see', and non-verbal sources such as demonstratives, third person pronouns, and indefinite articles. Section 3 discusses the processes through which predicative inflection constructions come about, while Section 4 is devoted to morphosyntactic changes that characterize the various diachronic trajectories from the source to the target. Other issues such as the sources of functive marking (i.e. the use of markers functionally similar to English as) are also discussed in Section 4. Finally, some conclusive remarks are presented in Section 5. 2. Sources of copulas This section is devoted to a survey of the main sources of copulas. In §2.1, we will discuss copulas originating from verbs, in §2.2, non-verbal sources of copular elements. 2.1. Copulas from verbs Various verbs are attested across languages as sources of copulas. These include existential and postural verbs, change of state predicates such as 'become', as well as less expected sources such as perception verbs, verbs meaning 'have', and verbs meaning 'do/make'. In the following subsections, we will discuss each of these sources in detail, with a view to sketching possible diachronic scenarios through which they have evolved into copulas. 2.1.1. Copulas from existential verbs Copulas may derive from verbs meaning 'live', 'be alive'/'be there', 'exist', and the like. For the purposes of this chapter, we group these verbs together under the label of 'existential verbs'. These verbs are generally used in what Creissels (2019) calls inverse-locational constructions, a sub-type of locational predication (see also the Position Paper). In some languages, they are also used as copulas in other semantic types of non-verbal predication, such as inclusion and identity predication, and/or in possessive predication. This makes it possible to hypothesize a diachronic pathway from existential verbs to copula in which these verbs are first used as copular elements in inverse-locational predications. A case in point is Mohave, as discussed by Munro (1977a). In Mohave, the copula construction has the structure in (1): (1) Mohave (Yuman; Munro 1977a: 445) John k w aθʔide:-č -ido-pč J. doctor-SBJ 3SG-COP-PFV 'John is a doctor.' In (1), the lexical element bearing the subject suffix-č is the one meaning 'doctor', i.e. the nucleus of the predicate phrase, and not the subject of the predication (John). Moreover, the structure in (1) violates the positional constraint whereby the element marked as subject in Mohave must appear in the first position in the clause. To account for these peculiarities, Munro (1977a) hypothesizes that the former subject of the copula in structures such as (1) is an embedded verbless sentence John doctor (a type of juxtaposition construction that is still possible in Mohave as a non-verbal predication strategy), and what synchronically functions as a copula was originally an existential predicate. Thus, according to her analysis, the construction exemplified in (1) would represent an originally existential construction that could be paraphrased as "There is [John [is] doctor]". Since subjects of embedded clauses in Mojave and other Yuman languages are not č-marked (Munro 1977: 451), this would explain why John, the subject of (1), does not bear the subject suffix-č. Moreover, the fact that the subject marker is attached to the predicate noun finds a straightforward explanation under this analysis: it "follows the predicate noun simply because that noun is the last element of the embedded sentential NP" (Munro 1977: 451). 1 An argument in favor of such a reconstruction is provided by the behavior of non-3 rd person subjects in copula constructions: in these cases, as exemplified by (2a) and (2b), respectively, the copula may either agree with the notional subject (1 st /2 nd person) or may maintain 3 rd person agreement. The latter is the original agreement pattern with an embedded sentence functioning as subject of the existential predication. The fact that the copula may also agree with a 1 st person subject suggests that the reinterpretation of the former complex existential construction as a simple copula constructionwhereby the predicate nucleus shifts to the nominal elementis in progress: (2) Mohave (Munro 1977a: 453) a. ʔin y ep k w aθʔide:-č ʔ-ido-pč 1SG doctor-SBJ 1SG-COP-PFV 'I'm a doctor.' b. ʔin y ep k w aθʔide:-č -ido-pč 1SG doctor-SBJ 3SG-COP-PFV 'I'm a doctor.' In one of the copula constructions of Chalcatongo Mixtec exemplified in (3a), the copula is ko(o) /žo(o) (respectively potential and realis), an existential verb that is still used with its original function, as in (3b), and for inverse-locational predications, as in (3c): (3) Chalcatongo Mixtec (Amuzgo-Mixtecan; Macaulay 1996: 129-130) 'I live in the house my father built.' a. kisi žó= xáá pot exist=3SG new 'The pot is new.' b. ko sãã̀ ñã́žĩũ exist.POT many people 'There will be a lot of people.' c. inì kaxá wã́ã žoo tenànà inside box ART exist tomato 'In the box there are tomatoes.' 2.1.2. Copulas from verbs meaning 'become' Verbs meaning 'become' are a common source of inchoative and change-of-state auxiliaries. Hengeveld (1992: 253-254; see also Heine and Kuteva 2002: 64) mentions two languages in which a verb meaning 'become' has taken on copular functions. One of them is Ngalakan, where the inchoative suffix-men ('become, get') may be used statively in specific tenses that inherently disfavor a change-of-state reading, such as the past imperfective or the future. As a matter of fact, the forms in (4a) and (4b), as opposed to the simple (zero-marked) present in (4c), depict the situation in its static phase rather than in the dynamic process of change: (4) Ngalakan (Gunwinyguan; Merlan 1983: 57-58) a. ϕ-ŋolko-men-iñ 3SG-big-COP-PST.CONT 'He was big.' b. gu-ϕ-ṇoṇʔṇoṇʔ-men-a CL-3SG-small-COP-FUT 'He will be small.' c. ϕ-ŋolko-men 3SG-big-COP 'He is getting big.' For a similar development from a 'become' verb to a copula in Uralic, see Ajanki-Forslund and Laakso (this volume). 2.1.3. Copulas from verbs meaning 'come' A grammaticalization path involving a verb meaning 'come' as the source of a copula is discussed by Nordhoff (2011). This path is attested in Sri Lanka Malay, where the copula is homophonous with the conjunct participle of the verb dhaatang 'come', and is used for naming people and for group assignment. In (5a), dhaatang is used with its original function, while in (5b) its use as a copula is exemplified: (5) Sri Lanka Malay (Malayic; Nordhoff 2011: 106-107) a. oorang mlaayu siithu=dering dhaathangapa cinggala man malay there=ABL come.CP Sinhala raaja=nang=le anà-banthu king=DAT=ADD PST-help 'The Malay men came from there and helped the Sinhalese king.' (Lit. 'Having come from there, the Malay men…') b. kàthama aanak dhaathangapa klaaki first child COP male 'My oldest child is a boy.' According to Nordhoff (2011: 120), the grammaticalization path at issue involves a first stage in which the participle of the verb 'come' is reinterpreted as a resultative marker ('having come' > 'having become'), and a second one in which a resultative is reinterpreted as a stative marker ('having become' > 'being'), as in the case discussed in §2.1.2. The Sri Lanka Malay copula is limited to identity predication and to a subset of inclusion predication, namely indicating "membership in ethnic, professional or gender classes or groups" (Nordhoff 2011: 107). This limitation is possibly a case of persistence of the original meaning of the source, names of professions and groups being the bridgeheads in which the reinterpretation has taken place. Another language in which the verb meaning 'come' has developed limited copula functions is Romanian, where it is used, among other kinds of predicates, with kinship terms as in (6): Ion îmi vine cumnat John 1SG.DAT comes brother-in-law 'John is my brother-in-law.' A copular prefix derived from a verb meaning 'go' is attested in Nahavaq (see below, Section 3.1). 2.1.4. Copulas from postural verbs ('sit'/'stand'/'lie') Postural verbs, i.e. verbs meaning 'sit', 'stand', 'lie' etc., are subject to two distinct evolutions (see Heine and Kuteva 2002: 278, 282). They may lose their specific postural meaning and acquire the function of a general locational copula. One case in point is Arrernte, where aneme, 'sit', can be predicated of any entity to indicate its relation to some specific locus of existence: (7) Arrernte (Central Pama-Nyungan; Goddard and Harkins 2002: 227) picture wall-kerleke ane-me picture wall-CONNECT sit-NPP 'There's a picture on the wall.' Postural verbs may also acquire non-locational uses such as inclusion or identity predication. 3 This is shown by the well-known case of the Spanish copula ser, in whose irregular paradigm forms of the Latin verbs sedēre 'to sit' and esse 'to be' are conflated. In Chantyal, the root ci-'sit' has acquired copular functions paraphrasable as 'to be in a profession': (8) Chantyal (Bodic; Noonan and Grunow-Hårsta 2002: 87) (27) Joóla Fóoñi (Central Atlantic; Denis Creissels, personal...

The present paper provides a typological study of the semantic shift from ‘word’ or ‘speech’ and from speech act verbs to nouns with the meaning ‘thing’. The evidence for such a shift was found in various Indo-European and Semitic languages, as well as in Japanese, Hurrian, and Chatino. This semantic shift is unidirectional. The meaning ‘thing (material object)’ can be developed from ‘word’, ‘speech’ or verba dicendi only through the stage ‘matter’. The semantic change in question can have an areal nature. Ancient Near East is an area where it is especially common.