Democracy and elections

Elections are the hallmarks of democracy; they also serve the purposes of peaceful change in the government and confer political legitimacy on the government. Viewed from this prism, elections represent the expression of the sovereign will of the people. However, the conduct of elections in plural society like Nigeria is often fraught with animosities and violence. This paper, therefore, aimed at examining the economic implications of electoral violence on Nigeria's democratic trajectory. The paper makes use of qualitative and quantitative sources of historical data. It also employs and applies frustration aggression and systemic theory in discussing the economic basis of electoral violence in Nigeria. The study establishes the fact that elections in Nigeria since the return of democracy in Nigeria are hardly free and fair. They are manipulated and characterized with violence with grave implications on the country's economic development. The paper concludes that in order to do away with the teething challenges that usually translate to electoral violence in Nigeria certain things need to be done. In this connection, the paper recommends granting of full autonomy to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC); this would engender administrative efficiency and professionalism of the body. It also recommends among others, the reduction in wages and allowances of political office holders. The idea is to make politics less financially attractive so that leaders will see themselves as agents of development than money mongers.

This study was conducted with the aims to study the effectiveness of the World Bank primary education rehabilitation program and to study the girl’s primary school teacher’s perception about the development of girl’s primary education post-2009 in Swat district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. For this both primary and secondary data was collected and were analysed with the help of SPSS for obtaining the results. It is evident from the findings of the study that in the study area most of the respondents belong to young age group and having bachelor level of education. Most of the respondents having PTC level of professional training and having 16-20 years length. In the area most (77%) of sample respondents got trainings from non- governmental organizations and these training were beneficial and have better output for respondent in school management and awareness of child rights. After 2009 incentives were also received by the respondents and the incentive providing agencies were non-governmental organizations. The students were also given incentives after 2009 by the non-governmental organizations and this helps in rising student’s enrollment in the school and literacy ratio. The study investigates a positive relationship between incentives and schooling. Most of the respondents view that community involve in functional participation in school management. It was also observed that parent’s teacher association is working properly and is helpful in rehabilitation and reconstruction of schools. There is change occurs in girl’s education at primary level in post 2009. Most of the sample respondents are satisfied with the education restoration, school construction and rehabilitation process. The study as a whole conclude that the World Bank policy for education restoration and development in the area working efficiently for the better satisfaction of the teacher and students. The study recommends that more focus should be given to the sustainable restoration and improvement of girl’s primary education in the area by putting check and balance and monitoring end evaluation of the government and nongovernmental organization by the community members of the area.

Ghana practices a two round balloting system that leads to show ballot positions of Presidential Candidates and Parliamentary Candidates. In the electoral system before the election year 2000, ballot positions were determined primarily on first come first serve basis at the Office of the Electoral Commission (Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2010:38). That is day and time of presentation and acceptance of nomination forms played the major role in apportioning ballot positions, and this reflected in the 1992 and 1996 General Elections.

However, the Electoral Commission introduced the balloting system of picking ballot positions for the 2000 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections. This one way practice was also used for determining ballot positions for Presidential and Parliamentary Candidates in the 2004, 2008, 2012 and 2016 General Elections.

To improve the balloting system in Presidential and Parliamentary Elections, the Electoral Commission adopted the two round balloting system in 2020. This was purposed driven to instill confidence in the election process and political parties, party candidates and independent candidates.

Its rich literature information and comparison with other countries highlights the continuous necessity and importance of transparency, credibility and confidence in the balloting process and procedures for candidates in public elections. Its a masterpiece for Election Management Bodies and a learning tool for scholars and students alike.

This review paper examines the reliability, effectiveness and outcomes of the Nigerian courts within the framework of the country's criminal justice system from a criminological perspective. It uses a literature and document analysis, to explore perceptions of judicial reliability, identify significant challenges affecting the integrity of the courts, and propose recommendations for reform. According to the findings, there is moderate confidence in the judiciary. However, concerns persist about corruption, delays in case processing, transparency, and accountability. Corruption continues to be a significant challenge, eroding public trust in the judiciary. Delays in resolving cases contribute to issues with access to justice and reduce the perceived reliability of court decisions. Furthermore, transparency and accountability mechanisms are viewed as inadequate, indicating a need for reform in these areas. The paper's review findings emphasize the importance of strengthening anti-corruption measures, streamlining case management procedures, providing comprehensive judicial training, promoting transparency and accountability, improving access to justice, and engaging stakeholders in collaborative reform efforts. It also offers empirical insights into the challenges facing the Nigerian judiciary and presents evidencebased recommendations to enhance its reliability, integrity, and effectiveness. These findings are pertinent for policymakers, legal practitioners, civil society organizations, and other stakeholders involved in reforming and improving the Nigerian criminal justice system.

With the collapse of cold war between two ideological rivals in 1990s, democracy became the only acceptable system of government the world over. The autocratic regimes in Africa saw the need to key into democratization process which became the measuring rod for accountable governance. Not long after this, African governments started sliding back to authoritarian regimes camouflaging as democratic governments. In Africa, public offices are not used to serve national interest but kinship ties due to the segmented nature of African societies. Therefore, leadership recruitments through democratic process is fraught with irregularities for narrow and primordial interests as the basic tenents of democracy are subverted. Nigeria took steps back to democratic governance in 1999. Elections since then have been mired in controversy due to lack of transparency. If 2015 general election was an improvement over the previous ones, the 2019 general election was a reversal of modest gains made from the previous elections. Having reviewed the extant literatures on democratic principles, the papers concludes, that lack of free and fair election, security, rule of law, financial independence of I.N.E.C and independent judiciary constituted is enabling environment for the deepening of democratic process. The widespread violence, intimidation and subversion of people's will, impunities are testimonies to this observation. Recommendations are made that, for democratic process to take root without reversal in Nigeria, the basic democratictenents should be strictly observed and that relevant institutions for electoral process should be strengthen to deepen democracy and confidence building mechanisms should be used to boost the morales of the citizenry in the electoral process.

Introduction Elections remain the most acceptable means of choosing leaders and on it rest the concept and practice of democracy. On paper, elections are straightforward and simple. But in reality, various factors come to play and determine whether election is free, fair and/or credible. Since the replacement of direct democracy with representative democracy and its attendant benefits to those elected and obvious shortcomings to those being represented (electors/electorate)--as it is the aggregation of their opinions that the representative would defend,- more and more problems are becoming apparent with representative democratic elections. This is true of both developed and developing democracies/countries. But more acute is the problem of integrity and credibility of elections in Africa. The seemingly political economy of poverty resulting in sit tight syndrome, winning at all cost and do-or-die politics as well as the bogus allowances attached to representatives seats are all par...

The article argues that the reoccurring infractions that have characterized electoral process in Nigeria, to large extent have undermined national security. This follows the failure of political leadership produced by successive elections in Nigeria to address basic needs of the masses. Moreover that violence usually associated with such elections has led to alienation, apathy and facilitated the decomposition of the physical safety of the state, which collectively sum up to national security. The theory of post colonial state was employed as framework of analysis. Data were generated using documentary method while qualitative-descriptive method was applied in the analysis of the data .The article recommends drastic cut in the benefits accruable to political offices as disincentive for intense struggle and contestation for power which gives rise to repeated flawed elections in Nigeria.

The major focus of this paper is to demonstrate the application of content analysis as a methodological tool especially in data collection in social research. In order to contextualize the essence of the paper, an assessment of the role of citizens’ participation in electoral process in Nigeria with particular reference to Edo state 2016 Governorship Election in Nigeria was done. The entire research process, starting with problem identification, study, objectives, research theme, data collection, analysis, findings and conclusion were carried out. Though a purely methodology paper, it demonstrated succinctly the expected harmony between the object of research and the tool or technique with which it is carried out.Key Words: Content analysis, methodology, social research, electoral process, citizens’ participation

Literature on election is mostly anchored on how the voting exercise was carried out successfully or rigged in favour of one candidate over another. These scholars were only interested in analyzing the outcome of election with little or no effort to understand why electorates who cast their votes during election do not choose their leaders. While we acknowledged that vote buying, snatching of ballot boxes, intimidation, and different pattern of malpractices among others contributed to these, we equally noted that scholars have not really tried to find out why the electoral system in Nigeria could not allow candidates that would not only attract massive support but become irresistible during and after election. Therefore, what is often witnessed among presidential flag bearers in Nigeria are candidates who the electorates knew would not make significant impact if elected. As a result, make them (electorates) see voting during election as a routine exercise that must be fulfilled with...

This study aims at examining Nigeria's political behaviour, which not only fails in its trial to shape the political spectrum and or polarity but also misconstrues the precise connotation of 'free choice and political freedom of the common people' as suggested by true liberal democracy. God-fatherism is being developed in a form of neodictatorial system of governance through the lens of free choice of the people by which dictatorial democracyin a passive move of imposing oneself over others in various ways-proves its existence in today's Nigerian politics. This paper testifies that the Nigerian politicians and electorates misuse the unsurpassed provision of true liberal democracy, and thus turn the populace in a gravity of antagonism, fear, and prejudice. The study concludes that the multiparty system that aims at maximizing more political opening to cover wider opinions of the people so as to ensure general inclusiveness in political life constructs another side of intolerance and death-defying consequences against opposition groups. This continues to inculcate and or create a close affinity between democratically elected civilians and military dictators in the era of postcolonial Nigeria.

At the end of the 1980s, under the newly implemented Organic Law of the Village
Committees, selected villages in the People’s Republic of China (hereafter, PRC or China) had their first elections.
Elections at the grassroots level excited observers of Chinese politics because they thought that China’s authoritarian regime had opened a democratic pathway in the country. After analyzing survey data from various sources and appealing to some of the most advanced research studies on village elections published in the last years, I will contest that grassroots democracy in the PRC has no real depth. Furthermore, I would like to go beyond and ask what can be considered proper criteria when evaluating whether a village system is democratic. In addition, how and under which conditions could the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) really allow openly contested elections at village level? Is the CCP facing the same selfdelusion of the Queen in Snow White, when after asking her mirror whom the fairest in the
kingdom was, the mirror said: you are… until Snow White arrived?
In assessing these issues, I will first outline what the literature defines for democratic
elections. I will narrow the scope of democratic elections, highlighting that contested elections do not guarantee democracy. Then, I will describe how villages in China have held elections, for which I will thoroughly analyze the results of different surveys that have collected the most accurate data.
Third, I will outline how authorities in China exercise power, and to what extent
the electoral system accomplishes the objective of self-governance. Finally, even though having elections does not mean that the PRC is paving a route for democratization, I will conclude with some suggestions on ways for freer and fairer elections at the village level to succeed.

The emergence of the internet has propelled the influence of social media among tertiary students all over the world. This study investigates the effect of social media on the academic lives of University of Ghana undergraduate students as well as their coping strategies in dealing with the social media pressures. By relying on a mixed method approach and a sample of 420 students from the University of Ghana, the study shows that WhatsApp is the mostly used social media platform among University of Ghana students for academic purposes. Also, the study showed that social media platforms are often used to communicate with their family and friends rather than for academic purposes. While the use of social media positively impacted on academic performance through research, the study also showed that it impacts negatively on academic lives given its addictive nature. Thus, to cope with this effect, the study revealed that respondents prefer to put off their mobile data or WiFi when study...

Introduction Like the way secrecy and ignorance resulted in peoples' displeasures and brought about revolutions in medieval Europe, (1) immature democracies today are facing the danger of reversal to authoritarianism due to their peoples' lack of knowledge about nationhood and the governing machinery. Exploiting this knowledge gap, incumbent political parties prove unwilling to relinquish power, while for their part, the opposition tends to sensationalize their message to win mass support. (2) Making things worse, this political contestation discourse is usually masked by religious and elite manipulation, including the media, in which political party leaders and influential persons sway the public to the directions that serve their agenda best. (3) This situation, as a consequence, brings no viable solution to the problems other than to polarize the populace and further destabilize the nation. Amidst scant literature on how the existing Tanzania Union structure and resource ...

The use of social media has met a rapid growth among the few past decades. This growth make it very popular for the communication amongst university students especially Tabuk university students.  In fact, these social websites can be a good manner to exchange the information between students and even with their teachers. However, excessive social media can affect the student academic performance and make this use in question. This research tries to investigate about the benefits and the drawbacks of the social media use on student academic performance by conducting a survey on university students in Saudi Arabia especially in Tabuk university. The survey also explored which social network is the most popular amongst Tabuk university students and which one is useful for their academic skills. The survey has received 270 responses and descriptive statistics shows the relationship between the numbers of hours spent exploring the social media sites and the academic performances for the...

Freedom of the press covers the field of written, oral, and visual media, generally recognized as freedom of the press, which includes the right of the individual to express his views and opinions through publications such as newspapers, books, magazines, pamphlets, and advertisements, without pre-publication or publication. On top.Here, the researchers explore the pressures, security, legal, political, social, economic, and professional barriers that hinder journalists in the Kurdistan Region and the journalism profession in the Kurdistan Region. This study is considered to be a descriptive study that used a survey method to gain the opinion of journalists in the Kurdistan Region on the impact of press freedom on the journalism profession in the Kurdistan Region. The research community includes journalists from the Kurdistan Region, the sample of which represents the research community, and consists of (50) journalists from various newspapers, television, radio, and electronic site...

Action for Empowerment and Accountability (A4EA) is an international research programme which explores how social and political action can contribute to empowerment and accountability in fragile, conflict, and violent settings, with a particular focus on Egypt,

The emergence of the internet has propelled the influence of social media among tertiary students all over the world. This study investigates the effects of social media on the academic lives of University of Ghana undergraduate students as well as their coping strategies in dealing with the social media pressures. By relying on a mixed method approach and drawing a sample of 420 students from the University of Ghana, the study shows that WhatsApp is the most used social media platform among University of Ghana students for academic purposes. Also, the study showed that social media platforms are often used by students to communicate with their families and friends rather than for academic purposes. While the use of social media positively impacts academic performance through addictive nature. Thus, to contain this effect, the study revealed a number of coping strategies that students employ to shove off the social media pressure. Critical among them are putting off their internet data or WIFI, limiting the number of social media applications on their phones, and deleting all social media accounts such as Facebook and WhatsApp during examination periods. It is recommended that the University of Ghana, through the Careers and Counselling Centre embarks on sensitisation programmes for students on how to balance and manage their study times vis a vis social media usage for optimal results..

Women’s political participation strengthens their political as well as their empowerment in other fields of life. The discourse of women’s political participation is a matter of concern in the academic circles across the world. The main aim of this study is to provide a complete analysis of changing orientation in the women politics of Charsadda, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), Pakistan. This study focuses on the effect of political reforms on women’s political participation in Pakistan. Furthermore, this study focuses on the effect of political reforms on women’s public and civic engagements which further contribute to their political participation. The main question that guides the study is that how can political participation of women transform the public sphere of KP, and how would then the transformed public sphere (i.e., the greater political participation of women) enhance democratic politics of KP? Feminist theories i.e., Liberal Feminist Theory and Radical Feminist Theories are us...

The paper examines the extent to which inept and corrupt leadership have over the years, adversely affected the development of Nigeria as a nation. It argues that Nigeria's failures have come about largely as a result of frequent leadership challenges; lack of ideology, policy reversal and weak institutional patterns. The study adopts descriptive approach and content analysis as its methodological orientation. The paper also examines the leadership selection process in Nigeria and found that the leadership selection process in Nigeria takes the imposition pattern and that Nigerian leaders have frequently come to their position with limited experience. Hence, the decline in moral and high level of corruption caused by bad policies, eroded professional standards and ethics and weakened the system of governance. The paper observes that for Nigeria to overcome the crises of leadership in the country, those on whom the burden of leadership will fall in the future must fully comprehend their responsibilities, duties and obligation. They must also be exposed and be prepared to face the challenges of leadership in developing society. Since the long term salvation of our country depends on the quality of its future leaders. The paper concludes that only leadership that has maximum empathy for the people can be relevant to the qualitative development of Nigeria.

Elections are usually accompanied with controversies and irregularities in Nigeria emanating from several factors such as the procedures, regulations, nature of political culture and political gameplay in the country and elites’ attitudes towards power. The 2019 Gubernatorial election in Nigeria was enshrouded in controversies, malpractices and inconsistencies because of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) guidelines for the conduct of election which provided for inconclusive elections in some circumstances. This study examined critically some states in Nigeria that are affected by the politics of inconclusive elections where the elections were extended for additional two weeks due to some issues that could not allow for the final declaration after the first date of the election. The inconclusive election heralded several problems and a setback to election in Nigeria because of recorded violence, malpractices, rigging and other related obstacles. The research employ...

Question: The Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania of 1977 has been amended from time to time, briefly discuss the impact which has been created on each amendment. Constitutional amendment: Referred to different changes that are made in a particular Constitution can be either to impose new items or removing the existing ones so that to facilitate

The article argues that the reoccurring infractions that have characterized electoral process in Nigeria, to large extent have undermined national security. This follows the failure of political leadership produced by successive elections in Nigeria to address basic needs of the masses. Moreover that violence usually associated with such elections has led to alienation, apathy and facilitated the decomposition of the physical safety of the state, which collectively sum up to national security. The theory of post colonial state was employed as framework of analysis. Data were generated using documentary method while qualitative-descriptive method was applied in the analysis of the data .The article recommends drastic cut in the benefits accruable to political offices as disincentive for intense struggle and contestation for power which gives rise to repeated flawed elections in Nigeria.

The article focuses on incidents and causes of post-electoral violence in the 2019 general election in Nigeria. The post-electoral violence recorded during the general election is one of the most violent in the history of democratic dispersion in the country. Ballot box snatching, burning of properties, various degree of injuries and loss of lives were the basic feature of the elections. Relying on the available records from various secondary sources and with the use of content analysis the current found that the main causes of the level of violence could be attributed to ethnicity and sectional in politics, in-depth ignorance, political impunity, lack of internal democracy, negative perception inflammatory campaign. The article recommended amendment of the electoral act as well as re-strategized the security architecture for elections in the country.

The introduction of biometric voter registration and biometric voter identification on election day is a new trend in most African countries. This development in turn has necessitated massive political data mining. Yet, the nexus between elections and technology poses challenges on protection of personal information. This article offers a critical discussion of legal and regulatory frameworks that govern protection of personal information in an election context. Using the international standards for personal data protection and lessons from Kenya and Ghana, it notes that Tanzania does not have a systematic regime for personal data protection. This leaves voters' personal data without adequate protection. Accordingly, the adoption of the biometric technology in the process of registration of voters creates greater potentials for violations of personal data than it was the case with the optical mark recognition technology.

The challenge of women's political participation in Pakistan's big cities Pakistan adopted universal adult suffrage in 1956, granting all women and men aged 18 and above the de jure right to vote. However, severe gender inequalities in electoral participation have persisted since 1970 when the first national assembly elections were held on the basis of universal adult franchise. At the time of the 2018 general elections, women comprised forty-four percent of registered voters indicating approximately 12 million missing women in the vote register. Equally important, the male-female gap in voter turnout in the 2018 general elections stood at 9.1 per cent, with 11 million fewer women exercising their right to vote than men. Pakistan will need to address this gender inequality in electoral participation if it is going to transition to a gender inclusive democratic polity. This will require overcoming the twin challenges of gender inequality in voter registration and turnout. Gender inequality in voter registration has been recognized as an important challenge by the Elections Act 2017.2 The Election Commission of Pakistan's (ECP) efforts added about 10.6 million men and 9.1 million women to the electoral rolls since the election of May 2013, a total increase of 19.7 million voters that brought the size of Pakistan's current electorate to 105.9 million (FAFEN 2018a). While reducing the gender gap in voter registration is a necessary condition for building a gender inclusive democracy, it may not be sufficient if the gender gap in turnout remains high. It is for this reason that the Elections Act 2017 also recognizes reducing the gender inequality in voter turnout as an important goal. The focus of the Act is to provide redress for situations in which community, elite or group-based restraints by agreement constrain women from exercising their right to vote. The legislation enables the ECP to order re-polling in a set of

Action for Empowerment and Accountability (A4EA) is an international research programme which explores how social and political action can contribute to empowerment and accountability in fragile, conflict, and violent settings, with a particular focus on Egypt,

Constitution, and also there will be non-Union matters which are all others that are not matters of the Union. (4) Each instrument mentioned in this paragraph will be established and will carry its responsibilities in accordance with other conditions contained in this Constitution. In this Section of this Chapter, except when indicated otherwise, the word "Government" shall mean the Government of the Union Republic and the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar, local authorities and also anyone exercising any authority on behalf of the Government. 7. Application of conditions in Section Two (1) Without regard to the contents in subparagraph (2), the Government all its instruments and all the people or any Authority holding governing responsibilities, responsibilities in law-making or responsibilities in administering justice, will have an obligation to comply, pursue and implement all the conditions in this Section of this Chapter. (2) The conditions in this Section of this Chapter will not receive the legal backing of any court of law. No court of law in the country will have the powers to offer judgement on a course of action or lack of action on an issue against a person or any Authority, if the law or any judgement is in compliance with the conditions in this Section of this Chapter. 8. The Government of the people (1) The United Republic of Tanzania is a nation which adheres to the values of democracy and social justice, and therefore:-(a) The people are the foundation of all Authority, and the Government will receive its authority and all its powers from the people in accordance with this Constitution; (b) The main objective of the Government will be the well-being of the people; (c) The Government will be answerable to the people; (d) The people will participate in the affairs of their Government in accordance with the stipulations of this Constitution. (2) The foundation of the Government of the United Republic and the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar, or of any of any of its instruments and the administration of its affairs, will be sustained through the forging of national unity in the Union Republic and the commitment to fostering national unity and maintaining national integrity. 9. Building socialism and self-reliance (1) The aim of this Constitution is to enable the Union Republic to develop as a nation of equal and independent people, who enjoy freedom, justice, brotherhood and peace by following the policies of socialism and self-reliance, which require the implementation of the philosophy of socialism by taking into account the existing conditions in Tanzania.

Do multiparty elections facilitate or hinder the process of democratic consolidation in Zanzibar? Since Tanzania’s return to a multiparty system in 1992 three rounds of general elections have been held in Zanzibar, all of them marred by gross irregularities, fraud, violence, and insecurity. All three elections were also followed by a political stalemate, with a major opposition party rejecting defeat, refusing to recognise the elected government, and challenging the results. Consequently, the legitimacy of the elected government has remained questionable for more than a decade. This puts in question the reliance on the ‘election-centric concept’ of the ‘consolidation’ phase, which tends to place a great deal of hope in the holding of periodic elections. This by no means suggests that elections do not matter in Zanzibar. They matter in terms of keeping the flame of democratic struggle alive. Also, as the findings in this article indicate, there is a need to pay attention not only to ...

The Constitution (17th Amendment) Act 2018, passed on this 8th July 2018, provides for the tenure of the reserved seats for women in Parliament to be extended for a period of 25 years from the first day of the 11th parliament. In Bangladesh, there is a consensus in general that women's political participation is necessary for both the democratic development of the country and women's empowerment. Studies and research on the constitutionality of the Reserved Seat Provision for women in Parliament show that this Reserved Seat Provision does not actually help women impact in the political process in Parliament and/or in achieving the goals of women empowerment. Hence, this paper shall discuss how this Reserved Seat Provision is affecting the election system, leaving a scope for it to be less democratic, effective, and meaningful. This paper shall highlight that merely a sizable presence of women in Parliament for such a long period won't aid in achieving the aims and objectives of women empowerment. This paper shall conclude with the recommendation that the Reserved Seat Provision may be integrated in the Constitution in a manner that provides for direct election of reserved seat nominations for women in Parliament and that too should not be in the Constitution for an indefinite period.

At this juncture, I humbly acknowledge the ALMIGHT GOD for giving me strength, patience and many other countless and invisible blessing. It is through him I stand today, fully determined and sound both by body and spirit Also I would like to acknowledge and give thanks to my mother, the woman whom I adore in my life, for always loving me and encouraging me to do the best in my studies and also I would like to give thanks and Respect to my father Late, YOBU KINABO who always inspired me and believed in me during his life time, also I will not forget to give thanks to my brother Meleckzedeck Y. Kinabo for always believing in me and putting me support, encouragement in my studies. Furthermore I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor Mr. Frank Akyoo for his consistence support and guidance in this research paper, the strictness, guidance and feedback as well as recommendation and input are appreciated for they have highly contributed the accomplishment of this research paper. Also, I'm enthusiastic to articulate my gratitude to Adv. Felix Yobu Kinabo for his thoughtful support during my studies, also my relative Bright Yobu Kinabo together with my friends Joshua G. Mghase and DavinaYusto Shango, I do appreciate for their support in my studies as well as this Research Paper, they have been my corner Stone's when I encountered difficulties during the preparation of this research paper v

At this juncture, I humbly acknowledge the ALMIGHT GOD for giving me strength, patience and many other countless and invisible blessing. It is through him I stand today, fully determined and sound both by body and spirit Also I would like to acknowledge and give thanks to my mother, the woman whom I adore in my life, for always loving me and encouraging me to do the best in my studies and also I would like to give thanks and Respect to my father Late, YOBU KINABO who always inspired me and believed in me during his life time, also I will not forget to give thanks to my brother Meleckzedeck Y. Kinabo for always believing in me and putting me support, encouragement in my studies. Furthermore I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor Mr. Frank Akyoo for his consistence support and guidance in this research paper, the strictness, guidance and feedback as well as recommendation and input are appreciated for they have highly contributed the accomplishment of this research paper. Also, I'm enthusiastic to articulate my gratitude to Adv. Felix Yobu Kinabo for his thoughtful support during my studies, also my relative Bright Yobu Kinabo together with my friends Joshua G. Mghase and DavinaYusto Shango, I do appreciate for their support in my studies as well as this Research Paper, they have been my corner Stone's when I encountered difficulties during the preparation of this research paper v

At this juncture, I humbly acknowledge the ALMIGHT GOD for giving me strength, patience and many other countless and invisible blessing. It is through him I stand today, fully determined and sound both by body and spirit Also I would like to acknowledge and give thanks to my mother, the woman whom I adore in my life, for always loving me and encouraging me to do the best in my studies and also I would like to give thanks and Respect to my father Late, YOBU KINABO who always inspired me and believed in me during his life time, also I will not forget to give thanks to my brother Meleckzedeck Y. Kinabo for always believing in me and putting me support, encouragement in my studies. Furthermore I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor Mr. Frank Akyoo for his consistence support and guidance in this research paper, the strictness, guidance and feedback as well as recommendation and input are appreciated for they have highly contributed the accomplishment of this research paper. Also, I'm enthusiastic to articulate my gratitude to Adv. Felix Yobu Kinabo for his thoughtful support during my studies, also my relative Bright Yobu Kinabo together with my friends Joshua G. Mghase and DavinaYusto Shango, I do appreciate for their support in my studies as well as this Research Paper, they have been my corner Stone's when I encountered difficulties during the preparation of this research paper v

This paper examines the strength of political parties in Tanzania Mainland focusing on the local government councilors by-elections of 2004. The first part provides an introduction, which explains the two types of strengths; that is, the number of voters supporting the party and the number of contestants willing to contest through the same. The second part covers the administration of local government elections in Tanzania. The third part covers the strength of political parties and the number of parties which participated in the elections and their stances. Managing political parties is the fourth part, and the conclusion is the fifth part. I find that the strength of political parties varies and is associated with several factors, including youthfulness and ability to manage political parties as organizations. However, the strongest party in terms of the averages of votes attained is United Democratic Party (UDP), while the strongest party on the aggregate of the factors assessed is Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). On the other hand the party that has experienced the most drastic fall is NCCR-Mageuzi and the party that is experiencing most tremendous growth is Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA). The study has further revealed that Civic United Front (CUF) has kept pace in winning more electors in the Tanzania mainland than in the past elections.

The main thrust of this paper is to examined elections and democratic consolidation in Nigeria with reference to the 2019 General elections. Elections are central to the existence, stability and development of democracies; and political parties play significant role in such democracies. The viability and preference of democracy as a form of government above others is predicated on the unique prominence, relevance and opportunity it affords for popular participation. It is against this backdrop that this work examines the successes and challenges recorded in the 2019 General elections in Nigeria with a view to providing a better alternative for an improved election in the future. This study adopted the Elite theory by Gaetano Moscoa, Vilfredo Pareto and Robert Michels as its framework of analysis. The data used for this study were collected through the secondary sources which were obtained from the review of related literature. Despite the appreciation that only credible election can consolidate and sustain Nigeria's nascent democracy, election often result to confrontations that continue to threaten the political stability, peace and the very existence of the nation. The major findings of the research are: that the 2019 general elections were to a large extent fraudulent as they did not largely reflected voters choice due to inflation of election result figures, multiple voting, falsification of election results, delay in commencement of voting, result manipulation and wholesale subversion of the will of people which were largely perpetrated by the incumbents. The study also found out that the 2019 general elections have lower democratic quality and higher credibility deficit as compared to 2015 general elections. Most voters were induced with money by politicians both those in power and those seeking to be in power to influence voter's choice of candidate or political party in order to retain or capture political power. The research recommends that the areas that recorded significant improvement should be maintained while in the areas where there were of challenges should be looked into against future elections.

شاع فهمٌ غير دقيق وسط الكثير من المتابعين والباحثين والسياسيين في مصر بعد ثورة 25 يناير 2011 بأن الديمقراطية هي إجراء انتخابات برلمانية ورئاسية لملء المؤسسات الشاغرة بعد 11 فبراير 2011، وأن عملية التحول الديمقراطي هي إجراء هذه الانتخابات في أقرب فرصة ممكنة وعدم إطالة المرحلة الانتقالية. هذا فهم يتناقض مع مفهوم الدولة الديمقراطية وأسس عملية بنائها، ومع أبجديات إدارة عمليات التحول الديمقراطي المنتشرة في أدبيات السياسة. ولهذا تحاول هذه المقالة أن تجيب على ثلاثة أسئلة محورية ذات صلة، وهي: هل الديمقراطية التمثيلية مجرد إجراء انتخابات؟ وكيف يمكن إدارة المراحل الانتقالية في أعقاب الثورات للوصول إلى انتقال ديمقراطي حقيقي؟ وهل يمكن للانتخابات أن تجهض الثورات والديمقراطية؟

دکتۆر سومەییە حەمدانی بڕوانامەی دکتۆراکەی لە زانکۆی پرینستۆن لە بواری مێژووی ئیسلام وەرگرتووە. پەرتووکەکەی لە ژێر ناوی "لەنێوان شۆڕش و دەوڵەت: پێکهاتنی شەرعییەتی فاتیمییەکان" (2006) پەرەپێدانی وێژەی یاسایی و مێژوویی لەلایەن دەوڵەتی شیعەی ئیسماعیلی فاتیمییەکان تاوتوێ دەکات. ناوبراو مێژوونووس و مامۆستان لە بەشی زانستە مرۆیی و کۆمەڵایەتییەکانی زانکۆی جۆرج مەیسۆن. لە بوارەکانی بیری شیعە، مێژووی ئیسلام، دۆخی ژنان لە ئیسلام، و پێکهاتنی شوناس لە کۆمەڵگاکانی کەمینە موسڵمانەکانی باشووری ئاسیا لە سەردەمەکانی کۆلۆنیال و پاش کۆلۆنیالدا لێکۆڵینەوەی هەبووە. د. سومەییە حەمدانی لە لیژنەی راوێژکاریی ئەنجومەنی توێژینەوە لەسەر رۆژهەڵاتی ناوەڕاست، دامەزراوەی ئەمریکایی توێژینەوە لەسەر یەمەن، ئەنجومەنی ئەمریکای باکوور بۆ توێژینەوەی ئیسلامی و لەسەر موسڵمانان کاری کردووە. ئەو هەروەها بەرنامەی توێژینەوە ئیسلامییەکانی لە زانکۆی جۆرج مەیسۆن دامەزراند و لە ساڵی 2003-2008 بەڕێوبەری بووە.
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Abstracts of International Conference “Elections in Africa”. First joint Conference of the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Centre of African Studies of the Porto University in the “Internal Changes and Foreign Policy of African Countries” Conference Series. Moscow, Russia. November 1–2, 2018.

paper was published in african readings jornal in arabic, in october 2016,
the abstract:
In the 2016, the African continent witnessed general elections of heads of the executive branch of government in more than 15 countries. However, this electoral momentum does not reveal a real change in most of these countries. This study analyzes the electoral scenes in certain African countries to determine the future of elections and democracy and the prospects for Africa’s political development. In particular, it reviews the electoral procedures in Benin, Congo Republic, Chad, Djibouti, Uganda, Gambia, Gabon, and Sao Tome and Principe, and discusses their reasons and post-election consequences. The results shed doubts on the future of democracy in Africa. The democracy question here concerns the procedures rather than the usual question of absent content and substance of democracy in Africa.

Die KandidatInnen für die Staatspräsidentschaftswahl und die Wahlbündnisse für die Parlamentswahl am 24. Juni 2018 stehen offiziell fest: In Federführung der regierenden AKP hat sich mit ihrem faktischen Juniorpartner der ultranationalistischen MHP die sog. „Volksallianz“ gegründet. Da es unsicher war, ob die MHP die in der Türkei bis heute geltende Zehn-Prozent-Hürde bei der Parlamentswahl überwindet, wurde im Rahmen der Wahlgesetzänderung der AKP im März 2018 indirekt die Regelung einer sog. „Null-Prozent-Hürde“ eingeführt. Diese ermöglicht es nun, auch kleineren Parteien in einem Wahlbündnis in das Parlament einzuziehen, sofern mindestens eine andere Partei aus ihrem Bündnis die Zehn-Prozent-Hürde erreicht.

This Chapter interrogates the logics and technologies underlying the governance of elections in Africa. It defines elections, their nature and logics. It argues that elections are tools, which integrate electoral processes and systems to deliver on the people's choice of who will govern them. 'Free and fair' presuppose the existence of a 'free and fair' electoral commission, 'free and fair' machineries to run the elections, 'free and fair' systems and procedures for the conduct of those elections. It interrogates the role of stakeholders, before, during and after the elections and argues that elections reflect the independence and sovereignty of any nation. The Chapter presents a 5Vs framework of Volume (how many vote); Velocity (Speed) – the regularity of the elections; Value (the value of the elections as perceived by voters; Veracity (the trustworthiness and authenticity of the systems and outcomes); and Variety (diversity of voters and diversity of political parties). The Chapter argues that the prerequisites to hold free and fair elections include political will from the polity; transparency; a politically educated citizenry capable to act; unity in diversity (there can be many parties and tribes), faith and trust in the electoral systems, political parties and themselves; astute and smart systems and processes and bureaucracy.

بابەتی بەردەست کردەی رامیاریی (سیاسی) ئایین لە رۆژهەڵاتی کوردستان، سەرەتاکانی شۆڕشی 1979ی گەلانی ئێرانی لێکدەداتەوە کە تێیدا تەوەرێتی دراوە بە لێکدانەوەی "رەوتی مەکتەبی قورئان" وەکوو گرنگترین رەوتی ئیسلامخواز لەو رۆژەی کوردستاندا. لە پەنای ئەوەشدا هەڵوێست و روانگەی حکوومەتی ناوەندیی، هەندێ لە گروپ و حێزبە سەرەکییەکانی کوردستان لە بەرانبەر ئاییندا پیشان دراوە. هەروەها هەوڵ دراوە ئارمانخوازیی ئیسلامی و ناکۆکی ئایدۆلۆژیکی نێوان ئایین و چەپ و ئاکامەکانی ئەوە و ئەو کاریگەریانەی کە لەسەر رووداوەکانی کوردستان هەیانبووە، تاوتوێ بکرێن. دەسکەوتەکان پیشان دەدەن کە چ لایەنێک زۆرترین کەڵکی لە کردەی ئایین وەرگرتووە. کەواتە بەپێی روانگە تیۆریکە جیاوازەکان سەبارەت بە ئایین و کردەی سیاسی-کۆمەڵایەتی ئەوە، هەندێ بابەت وەک: کورتەیەک لە چالاکییە سەرەکییەکانی زانایانی ئایینی کوردستان، ئایین وەک ئامرازی سیاسی حکومەتە ناوەندییەکان لە کوردستاندا، چەپی تۆخ و دژایەتی لەگەڵ ئایین، گروپە مامناوەندەکان و راهاتن لەگەڵ ئایین، رەوتی مەکتەب و پێکهاتنی حکوومەتی ئیسلامی، رەوتی مەکتەب و دژایەتی لەگەڵ چەپ، رەوتی مەکتەب و خەباتی چەکدارانە، رەوتی مەکتەب و حکوومەتی ناوەندیی، و پەڕاوێزکەوتی سیاسی مەکتەب لێکدراونەتەوە.