Danish Politics

The author presents an analysis of the political decision making process regarding the teaching of religion in Denmark from 1900 until 2007. The author uses Norbert Elias's concept of the survival unit as the analytical framework of the study. Instead of a classic secularization narrative in which the secular and religious spheres of society are differentiated into separate realms as the process of modernization unfolds, a different narrative emerges in which the State has used the teaching of religion as an instrument to further its vital interests, especially with regard to its international relations. Keywords religious change, secularization, State and religion, teaching of religion Résumé L'auteur analyse le processus d'élaboration de la décision politique concernant l'enseignement de la religion au Danemark de 1900 à 2007 en utilisant le concept de l'unité de survie de Norbert Elias comme cadre analytique de l'étude. Contrairement à la version classique de la sécularisation qui postule que le processus de modernisation se traduit par une séparation des sphères séculière et religieuse, une autre version émerge de cette étude : celle dans laquelle l'État utilise l'enseignement de la religion comme un instrument servant ses intérêts vitaux, particulièrement pour ce qui concerne ses relations internationales.

RESUMEN:
Desde el siglo XIX, el Derecho penal y penitenciario de los países nórdicos llamó la atención de los países hispanohablantes. No obstante, casi no existen abordajes integrales de su normativa. Este trabajo presenta un análisis de su legislación penal y penitenciaria, a fin de contextualizarla en los que tuvieron lugar en Europa. Así, lleva a cabo una introducción a su Derecho penal, antes de pasar a los principios de la Ley Penitenciaria Danesa y de su órgano de aplicación. Se tienen en cuenta, asimismo, las opiniones de numerosos juristas daneses, europeos y latinoamericanos, y se indaga en profundidad en el contenido de varios documentos y leyes. La conclusión muestra algunas características del sistema penal y penitenciario danés y la importancia del estudio de su legislación en el contexto de la integración regional.
ABSTRACT:
Since the nineteenth century, the criminal and penitentiary law of the Nordic countries attracted the attention of Spanish-speaking countries. However, there are almost no comprehensive approaches to its regulations. This paper presents an analysis of its penal and penitentiary legislation, in order to contextualize it in those that took place around Europe. Thus, it introduces Danish criminal law before moving on to the principles of the Danish Prison Act and its organs of enforcement. It also considers the opinions of numerous Danish, European and Latin American jurists, and delves into the content of various documents and laws in depth. The conclusion shows some characteristics of the Danish penal and penitentiary system and the importance of studying its legislation in the context of regional integration.
PALABRAS CLAVE: derecho penal danés – derecho penitenciario danés – historia del derecho penal danés – fuentes del derecho penal danés – derecho penal europeo comparado.
KEYWORDS: Danish Criminal Law – Danish Prison Law – History of Danish Criminal Law – Sources of Danish Criminal Law – European Comparative Law.

Let it be noted that this underlying agenda often imposes such restraints on investigations carried out in this vein that they are unable to fulfill even their inherent functional objectives: to predict outcomes and aid decision making processes. See Sidney Tarrow's remark below. •Particularly, the initial Danish rejection of the Maastricht Treaty in June 1992 worked as a catalyst for realizations of this nature. For an illuminating recording-as well as a symptom-of the reorientations of perspective and discourse that the "NO" vote gave rise to, see:

È andato in stampa quest’anno un lavoro di Igor Tavilla, un giovane studioso italiano specialista dell’opera kierkegaardiana, intitolato The Reader, the Lover, the Prophet. Views on Kierkegaard (Kierkegaard Circle, Toronto-Lubiana, 2023). L’opera che presentiamo qui prosegue quindi nell’indagare le tematiche che Igor Tavilla ha affrontato nei libri precedenti: approfondendo il fondamento biblico dell’opera kierkegaardiana e integrandone i concetti chiave (“ripetizione”, “stadi”, “salto”, “via della vita”) in un contesto morale e religioso più ampio, specificamente cristiano.

Social democrats were the original Eurosceptics. When the integration project first emerged in the 1950s, social democratic parties in several countries-both in the original six member states and in others that initially chose to remain outside the new organisation-were at the forefront of opposition. Other parties were perhaps more outspoken in their criticism, but the scepticism evident in social democracy was arguably more significant because social democracy emerged in the postwar era as a powerful parliamentary and governmental force in almost all Western European democracies. This chapter analyses the development of European social democracy's relationship with integration. The relationship between these two

This paper develops a theoretical approach towards understanding treaty opt-outs from EU common policies by drawing on Putnam‟s Two-Level Games theory. In doing so, the paper first presents treaty opt-outs as defections from negotiations by looking at previous research regarding opt-outs. Then, the paper goes on to concentrate on different European integration theories in order to explain their shortcomings in explaining defection from negotiations. Drawing from this discussion, the thesis presents Putnam‟s two-level games approach as the theoretical basis chosen in order to study opt-outs as defections from negotiations. Focusing on Putnam‟s theoretical insights regarding defection, a theoretical framework based on three analytical dimensions is built in order to explain opt-outs. Finally, four cases of opt-outs from EU common policies are analysed empirically, by comparing them along the three analytical dimensions. The purpose of this comparative analysis is to assess whether the...

The narrative of Danish director Nicolo Donato’s 2009 film, Brotherhood, demonstrates how both the coming out and outing of a gay Neo-Nazi creates dramatic moments of transformation within the film’s storyline. As a result, the audience has to confront the representation of unstable and asymmetrical acts of sexual, social, and political identification. These moments of identification involve acts of violence and betrayal that lead to the creation of a fluid sexual identity on screen. This article examines the choices of the characters within the film and the homosocial world that those characters purposely construct. In order to carry out that examination, key aspects of contemporary Danish political culture are assessed with a view to better understand the ascendency of the far right, anti-migration rhetoric, and the centrality of that political culture within the stories that are told in Brotherhood. The collisions within the Neo-Nazi group over what defines hyper-masculinity, family, violence against migrants, and same-sex desire are best observed through an interdisciplinary analysis that combines film, queer, and sociological research. In the film, a violent, hyper-masculine Neo-Nazi authors a coming-out moment that is both unique and tragic. This assessment of the collisions between homosociality and homoeroticism in the lives of these men creates space for the important and productive analytical deconstruction of hyper-masculinity in a fictionalized Danish far-right political movement.

(Article written in Danish) This is the second of two news articles that was written as part of my studies in journalistic communication at the Danish School of Media and Journalism during the 2019 Danish general election. I wanted to illuminate that the far-right political party Stram Kurs and its leader Rasmus Paludan's  rise among young voters was the result of social media that serve as entertainment platforms, where the line between humor and information is blurred. I wanted to tell this because, on the one hand, this could help show the attitudinal circumstances that caused young voters to vote for the party, and on the other hand, because it may have had consequences for Stram Kurs' election results, as they did not clearly define whether they are "provocateurs" or "political". Methodically I am quite proud of these news articles, as all informants were given the articles ahead of time, so they all were able to verify that they were portrayed accurately. They all thought they were portrayed accurately in the first draft.

(Article written in Danish) This is the first of two news articles that was written as part of my studies in journalistic communication at the Danish School of Media and Journalism during the 2019 Danish general election. I wanted to illuminate that the far-right political party Stram Kurs and its leader Rasmus Paludan's rise among young voters was the result of social media that serve as entertainment platforms, where the line between humor and information is blurred. I wanted to tell this because, on the one hand, this could help show the attitudinal circumstances that caused young voters to vote for the party, and on the other hand, because it may have had consequences for Stram Kurs' election results, as they did not clearly define whether they are "provocateurs" or "political". Methodically I am quite proud of these news articles, as all informants were given the articles ahead of time, so they all were able to verify that they were portrayed accurately. They all thought they were portrayed accurately in the first draft.

Globalt kulstofkredsløb 4.1 Den langsomme og hurtige cyklus 5 Kulstofgaeld og tilbagebetaling 5.1 Kulstofgaeld i relation til den globale kulstofcyklus 5.2 Kulstofgaeld i relation til opgørelsessystemet 5.3 Kulstofgaeld i relation til virksomhedsperspektivet 5.4 Bagvedliggende antagelser 6 Forudsaetninger for kulstofneutralitet 6

Abstract: The three states that acceded in 1973 are often framed as problematic partners in contemporary debate in the European Union (EU), given the numerous times their national debates have clashed with other discourses. By way of contrast, this paper argues that Denmark, Ireland and the UK have all–in different ways–helped to make the Union fit for purpose in a globalising, post Cold-War world. The original post-1945 compact between France and Germany was appropriate for its time and its objectives, but was ill-suited to ...

The task of stance detection consists of classifying the opinion within a text towards some target. This paper seeks to generate a dataset of quotes from Danish politicians, label this dataset to allow the task of stance detection to be performed, and present annotation guidelines to allow further expansion of the generated dataset. Furthermore, three models based on an LSTM architecture are designed, implemented and optimized to perform the task of stance detection for the generated dataset. Experiments are performed using conditionality and bi-directionality for these models, and using either singular word embeddings or averaged word embeddings for an entire quote, to determine the optimal model design. The simplest model design, applying neither conditionality or bi-directionality, and averaged word embeddings across quotes, yields the strongest results. Furthermore, it was found that inclusion of the quotes politician, and the party affiliation of the quoted politician, greatly ...

The Danish–German border in the Schleswig region was drawn in 1920. It separated a hitherto economically and socially integrated region, taking into account the right of national self-determination. Since the late 20th century, Danish and German stakeholders have celebrated a narrative of overcoming the border. Thus, it came as a shock to local stakeholders when the border was closed in mid-March 2020 to contain the spread of the COVID-19 virus. The border subsequently reopened in steps with more or less free travel in the summer. Since October, however, new restrictions were imposed as infection numbers began rising in both countries.

Søren Kierkegaard (1813-1855) was a radical Christian thinker. As a philosopher, he emphasized the paradoxicality and irreducibility of faith against the dogmaticspeculative view on Christianity, which conceived faith as an objective and systematic knowledge. With regard to his existential commitment, Kierkegaard fought against the religious establishment of his time, accusing it of hypocrisy. The present article recalls Kierkegaard's dispute against Christendom and his critics of Protestantism.

Social democrats were the original Eurosceptics. When the integration project first emerged in the 1950s, social democratic parties in several countries-both in the original six member states and in others that initially chose to remain outside the new organisation-were at the forefront of opposition. Other parties were perhaps more outspoken in their criticism, but the scepticism evident in social democracy was arguably more significant because social democracy emerged in the postwar era as a powerful parliamentary and governmental force in almost all Western European democracies. This chapter analyses the development of European social democracy's relationship with integration. The relationship between these two

We aim to contribute to a better understanding of the dynamics that are driving EU politicization and the rising Euroscepticism of workers and unions in the public sphere. One explanation frames the rise in Euroscepticism in cultural terms, emphasizing workers’ alleged primordial attachment to their nation. A second uses socioeconomic frames, linking growing Euroscepticism to the increasingly neo-liberal direction of the EU. The weight of these competing frames in the referendum campaigns on the EU Constitution in France and the Lisbon Treaty and the Fiscal Treaty in Ireland cannot be measured easily, as the categorization of a phrase as socioeconomic or cultural is in itself subject to political classification struggles. We therefore presents the findings of an inductive lexical analysis of all Irish Times, all Le Monde and all workeror union-related articles published in almost all national media outlets during the mentioned referendum debates. This was made possible by the Alcest...

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union (EU) increases awareness of how far the Euroscepticism ideas spread among EU's members. As one of the pivotal EU members, the UK's withdrawal will bring consequences, especially how other countries' members perceived this action. The research focuses on how far the Eurosceptic party's critical ideas are manifested in the European Union treaties. This type of research is descriptive and qualitative. The scope of this research will focus on the Euroscepticism parties and movements in Austria, France, Italy, Netherland, and the United Kingdom. In this study, the authors use the concept of Euroscepticism to explain the classification of parties into the Euroscepticism Hard and Soft category and Neil J. Smelser's Value-Added Collective Behaviour scheme to describe the determinants of their collective action against the European Union. The result of this research is that Euroscepticism spreads throughout Euro...

The effect of legislative changes on same-sex unions on people’s attitudes toward homosexuality is a fairly well-researched topic. There is less research on how state legislation on same-sex unions has affected churches’ attitudes and policies on registered partnership and same-sex marriage. In this paper we focus on attitudinal polarisation in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland (ELCF) in the matter of same-sex marriage and why there is a gap in the attitudinal development of the church and the society. The analysis is based upon six sets of representative surveys among the Finnish population, the employees of the ELCF and the elected officials of the ELCF between the years 2012–2017. Whereas the majorities (55%) among the Finnish population and among the ELCF members (54%) are already favourable to the idea that same-sex couples should have the right to marry in the church, the ELCF has not approved of it. This situation has polarised the ELCF from within. Empirical analysi...

Sociale ongelijkheid in Kopenhagen en de terugkeer van het huisvestingsvraagstuk Armoede bestaat in Denemarken nauwelijks als politiek begrip. De hoog ontwikkelde verzorgingsstaat heeft, dankzij een hoog belastingniveau, de zorg voor sociale problemen altijd aangekund. Echte stedelijke sociale problemen werden pas aan het eind van de jaren tachtig voor het eerst erkend en werden beschouwd als een kwestie van het uitbreiden en moderniseren van de verzorgingsstaat. Helaas wordt deze eerste poging om stedelijke armoede ter discussie te stellen nu overstemd door een nationalistische retoriek, die beweert dat de toenemende armoedeproblematiek en behoefte aan stedelijk beleid veroorzaakt wordt door immigranten en buitenlandse invloeden, zoals de Europese Unie. HANS THOR ANDERSEN Van buitenaf gezien lijkt Denemarken een opmerkelijke uitzondering op het recente algemene verval van de verzorgingsstaat. Het land overleefde zowel de drastische veranderingen in de mondiale economie als de druk op de overheid om te komen tot een meer monetaire beleidsagenda gericht op een stabiele munteenheid, lage rentetarieven en begrotingsevenwicht ten koste van sociale rechtvaardigheid. Zelfs de liberale en conservatieve partijen, traditioneel de oppositie tegen de uitbreiding van de verzorgingsstaat, werpen zich nu op als verdedigers ervan. Dit effende de weg naar de macht voor de liberalen, van wie de leider beweert zelfs beter te zijn in het handhaven van de sociale verworvenheden dan de sociaal-democraten. Binnen de westerse wereld kende de Deense samenleving lange tijd een relatief geringe sociale ongelijkheid. Dit kwam onder meer door de bescheiden omvang van het land, die de sociale differentiatie in veel opzichten verminderde. Andere oorzaken waren het opkomen van een sterke nationale gemeenschapszin in de negentiende eeuw en de ontwikkeling van een machtige sociaal-democratische partij en sterke vakbonden. Dit zorgde voor een sterk gevoel van solidariteit. De ontwikkeling van de verzorgingsstaat vanaf de jaren dertig heeft <lit begrip van nationale identiteit en gezamenlijke omstandigheden verder aangewakkerd. Armoede is iets <lat zich in andere landen voordoet; de Deense verzorgingsstaat zorgt voor diegenen die het nodig hebben. Het algemene sociale discours houdt zich niet bezig met armoede en ongelijkheid, maar met aansluiting op de arbeidsmarkt. Sociale problemen worden gerelateerd aan specifieke kwesties zoals echtscheiding, misbruik, ziekte of werkloosheid. Hierdoor is enerzijds een zienswijze ontstaan die armoede als uitkomst van nationale processen afwijst. Aan de andere kant reduceert of ontkent het bestaande spanningen en problemen in de Deense samenleving. Deze onmiskenbare sociale problemen worden daardoor vaak gerelateerd aan Van symbool van vooruitgang tot object voor een negatief discours.

Denmark, the southernmost Nordic nation, remains little-known to many citizens of the world. Too often conflated with its Scandinavian neighbors to the north, it is a land of generally flat terrain, with an inviting temperate climate. The land of the Danes has much to offer visitors, and this guide to Danish society, culture, and history offers an inside look, with details on Denmark's substantial contributions to science, engineering, exploration, seafaring, literature, philosophy, music, architecture, and many other fields. Brief portraits depict such Danes as "Clown Prince" Victor Borge, Hans Christian Andersen, Kierkegaard, and Out of Africa author Karen Blixen. Throughout, there is a focus upon Denmark's human rights record, democratic institutions, and humanistic traditions. By examining Danish culture, this work fosters a greater understanding of Denmark, its people, and their way of life.

Hans Chistian Andersen's Tales were not primarily written for children. Many of them embodies painful truths for adults. One example is "The Emperor's New Clothes" for such frequently quoted in many languages dealt with the refusal of adults to admit the truth

This article explores the attitude towards Europe of young activists in self-managed spaces in Italy, and the extent to which the crises the EU endured in the last decade shape their visions. Unlike pre-financial crisis social movements, in the second decade of the 2000s progressive social movements adopted radical Eurocritical attitudes and shifted towards Eurosceptic positions. The article indicates that young activists in Italian self-managed spaces mainly criticise the economic element of the European integration process and the functioning of the EU institutions. They still refer to the European sphere as the principal field of political intervention, but propose an alternative organisational model oriented by the principles of democratic confederalism and libertarian municipalism in which local, autonomous communities are horizontally connected. This article contributes to the study of Europeanisation and social movements literature by shedding light on a political alternative to the EU grounded on prefigurative practices and a self-managed society.

Geoengineering (på dansk ’klimaengineering’) dækker over vidt forskellige idéer til, hvordan der kan gribes direkte ind i klimasystemet med teknologi, uden dermed at reducere udslip af drivhusgasser. Forskerne arbejder på at finde måder at køle Jorden kunstigt ned på samt finde tiltag, der skal fjerne enorme mængder CO2 fra atmosfæren. Teknologierne vinder indpas i debatten men er uprøvede og kan komme til at stå i vejen for reelle nedskæringer i drivhusgasudledninger på tre måder: psykologisk, politisk og administrativt. Selvom nogle kan blive nødvendige kan de udgøre en trussel mod regeringens klimastrategi, som er som rottefængeren fra Hameln at gå forrest og vise vejen, så andre følger efter i den grønne omstilling.

Presenta Lo Studente di Padova di Arnaldo Fusinato, con le illustrazioni di Pietro Paoletti, dalla prima edizione, e una selezione di quelle di Osvaldo Monti, dall'edizione illustrata successiva. Viene anche riportata la polemica scoppiata sul “Caffè Pedrocchi”, in seguito alla pubblicazione del poema e la versione altisonante de Lo Studente di Padova di Augusto Zagnoni che vi si contrappone. A chiusura un'altra composizione del Fusinato, Il laureato, dedicata alla laurea del fratello… e ancora il Giusti, Boccaccio, Bandello e il Faust di Goethe, e l'immancabile studente!
Antologia a cura di Umberto ‘Kociss’ Volpini.
[Lo Scaffale di Abelardo, Padova: Edizioni A.C.C.A. 2020 – 176 pp. : ill.]

This article explores the essential role of secret (that is communication denied) for the interiority of the subject within the kierkegaardian reflection on the stages of life. For each sub- ject the secret has a specific function and qualitatively changes in each stage according to the change in the conception of life and in the po- sition of the individual. The secret therefore comes to take on a role of measure of the reality and consistency of the individual’s interior- ity as well as a constructive role with respect to that same interiority.

Governing of religions and religious groups has been one of the most contentious issue for the states throughout the history. Religious minorities have had the status of 'other' and treated by state and majority according to this difference. In pre-modern history, states usually had an established religion and every other religion or even sects, was 'other'. Then attitude towards these minorities was in the form of toleration in that era. Since there was not one stable meaning of toleration, there were different types of toleration policies towards these minority groups and their religions. After the establishment of modern nation states based on liberal values, the attitude towards religions began to change dramatically. In this modern liberal state era, states accepted certain basic values and protected them via laws. With the law of freedom of conscience, people obtained the chance to believe their god freely. Liberal states treated the religion issue in the context of basic rights, not toleration. Even though this situation let people to enjoy relative freedom on this issue, this approach of liberal states become debatable with new religions becoming involved to these countries. Liberal values constructed according to Protestant understanding of religion and proved its compatibility with Christianity. With migration of people from different religions, liberal approach to religion showed some problems. The new debates came to agenda indicating the incompatibility of these different religions and religious groups to the structure of liberal-secular state and society. What is the difference among the religions that liberal values become inefficient to treat them all equally? This issue is important because it is one of the sincere problems in today's societies and becoming more problematic with the increasing interaction and human flow in the global world.

Sovereignty beginning from its time of inception has denoted the inalienable power of a state over a certain territory. With time it has evolved from being the most powerful instrument of state to a symbolic representation in recent times, especially with the establishment of politico economic of the European Union. Though, with the rise of transnational problem such as terrorism and the current refugee crisis, the European Union member countries have been obliged to be the very victim of their own action. Having conceded their sovereignty for sake of the union, they have implemented numerous treaties that strengthen the tie between member states but weaken the sovereign power of their respective government; the Schengen agreement, that allows individuals to travel from state to state without a visa as well as the
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Lisbon Treaty which empowers the EU by centralizing decision making power could be mentioned as a major instances.
However, now there are a number of countries and political parties struggling to reclaim their sovereignty back while others working to avoid further concession of sovereignty. The paper argues that the growing Eurosceptic and Europhobic countries and the push for sovereignty could drive others member states to do the same thing putting the fate of EU at risk. Therefore the paper aims at analyzing the place of sovereignty today in the EU focusing on Britain and Denmark based upon the premise that there is a growing tendency towards sovereignty in the EU zone which brings about into question the survival of the EU as a union.

Conference paper presented at the ASN European Conference 2018 – Nationalism in Times of Uncertainty.

Panel: 27 – Minorities in Local Contexts, 5 July 2018.

Organizers: The Association for the Study of Nationalities (ASN), University of Graz (The Centre for Southeast European Studies), Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft (SOG).

Graz (Austria), 4-6 July 2018.

Il tema di questo lavoro è il ruolo che ha il segreto o la comunicazione negata nel trasmettere la verità e soprattutto nel processo con cui il singolo la fa propria in particolare riferimento a due brani di due sezioni-chiave nelle seguenti opere: la "Postilla conclusiva non-scientifica alle briciole filosofiche" e l'"Esercizio del Cristianesimo". Posto lo scopo dell'opera kierkegaardiana ovvero l'appropriazione della verità del cristianesimo da parte del singolo nell'esistenza, rilevare la funzione del segreto significa scoprire la funzione che quest'ultimo ha rispetto al costituirsi di un'interiorità sempre più accentuata nell'appropriarsi di una verità a propria volta sempre più innestata nell'esistenza. Funzione che si può esprimere nella formula sintetica “più segreto, più interiorità” (e più “esistenza”): purché si intenda il “più” in sensi intensivo e qualitativo e non quantitativo.

The present paper argues that the pseudonymic practice is deeply connected between Kierkegaard and Pessoa. Plenty of similarities have been found in this two authors by important experts, and this paper try to use the analysis of diffe-rent interpreters from literay and philosophical field in order to find out the deep semantic structure that lay down to this two peculiar authors. In the second part the paper try to explain why the literary pseudonymity looks like the mo-dern peculiar pactice of using alias names, avatars and nicknames to surf the web, performed by every users from the moment he/she connects him/herself to the internet network; lastly the paper try to understand the strong connections that appears to exist between the pseudonymic attitude of a philosopher or a poet like Pessoa and Kierkegaard, for instance, and the narrative fiction of the self as a subject that every contemporary digital media provides and allows for common people as users.

■ In the last two decades, migration has been one of the most salient political issues for Danish Social Democratic voters. The party top more or less neglected this until 2-3 years ago. ■ The Danish Social Democratic Party's liberal, pro-immigration policy since the beginning of the 1980's has pushed the party away from the government position for long periods of time. ■ For these reasons, the Danish Social Democratic Party has adopted a more restrictive immigration policy in line with the preferences of the party's traditional working class voters and its historical roots. ■ The new immigration policy of the Danish Social Democratic Party will limit the number of third word migrants and refugees allowed into Denmark through the setting up of reception centres in North Africa. ■ This will both safe life, undermine the present business model of human smugglers, and help many more refugees outside of Europe for the same amount of money now spend in Denmark. Hence, the new policy line combines national and international regards concerning immigration.