Cultural Trauma

This paper reviews the circumstances of German reunification in 1989–90 and its implications for contemporary Germany. Politics, economy, intersocietal relations are among the areas where Germany has both succeeded in building unity and experienced new and old challenges.
The paper draws on materials from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation. Most of them are used for the first time. These documents provide valuable insights into the events of 1989–90 as seen by Soviet diplomats who were directly involved in the processes. Their assessments and observations enhance our understanding of the intricate dynamics of German reunification. Some documents are published in the Appendix.
The archival data are complemented by the first-hand information presented in the report. Vladimir Polenov, 1st Class Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, who has an extensive experience of working both in West and East Germany, has told the authors about the circumstances of German reunification and the intricacies of the negotiation process leading up to the Two Plus Four Agreement. Mr Polenov was directly involved in the negotiations and made a great contribution to shaping the foundations of relations between the Russian Federation and reunified Germany.

Csehszlovákia összeomlása esetében." 46 A jelenlévők erre nevetni kezdtek, majd megkérdezték, hogy milyen sorsdöntő elhatározásokra gondol. Farkaš erre kifejtette, ha Csehszlovákia szétesne, akkor szeretnének függetlenné válni és ehhez kérnék a szomszédos országok megértését. Farkaš szavaira Pataky válaszolt, aki a szlovákok és a magyarok ezeréves együttélésére és a Szent-Istvánni állameszme előnyeire hívta fel a figyelmet, valamit Milan Hodža 1918-as tárgyalásaira, amikor a magyar kormány megtette ajánlatát a szlovákoknak. Pataky kifejtette, hogy Nyitrától Komáromig, a Csallóköz, Léva, Kassa és környéke is magyarlakta terület. Ezenfelül Pozsony is sok magyar lakossal rendelkezik, és az egész Felvidéken szétszórva nagyszámú magyar él. Emiatt Pataky szerint a szlovákok számára is előnyösebb lenne, ha visszatérnének a Szent-Istvánni korona védőszárnyai alá. Ha ez megvalósulna, akkor egy erős dunai állam jöhetne létre, amely a nyugati hatalmak szimpátiájával és támogatásával számolhatna, ezenfelül a német nyomást is enyhíthetné, amely szerinte nagymértékben fenyegeti ezt a régiót. Pataky elmondta, hogy a magyarok a legszélesebb autonómiát garantálnák a tiszta vagy a többségi szlováklakta felvidéki területeknek. Pozsony különleges státusszal és jogállással rendelkezne tekintettel a német és a magyar többségre. Farkaš kifejtette Patakynak, hogy ismeri a Károlyi Mihály kormánya által megalkotott 1918-as autonómia ajánlatott, de szerinte az azóta eltelt idő alatt a helyzet megváltozott. Farkaš kiemelte, hogy még a felvidéki magyarok életfelfogása is megváltozott, mert Csehszlovákiában megszokták a demokráciát. A történelmi Magyarország és a Monarchia felújítása is szerinte "délibáb álomképnek" minősül. 47 Teleki Pál is bekapcsolódott a beszélgetésbe, aki Kassa városával kapcsolatban elismerte, hogy Kassa környéke szlovák többségű, de a város "kuruc városnak" számít, ahol Rákóczi Ferenc fejedelem van eltemetve, ezért presztízsérdek a magyarok számára, hogy ezt a várost visszakapják. Farkaš Teleki megjegyzésére megemlítette, hogy Rákóczi földi maradványait készek lennének protokoláris pompával hajlandóak 46 Archív Ministerstva Vnútra, Praha. Továbbiakban: (AMV) 3. doboz. H-542/7. 47 Uo. lennének Munkácsra vagy akár Sátorajaújhelyre átvinni. 48 Farkaš epésen megjegyezte, hogy annak ellenére vállalnák a sír átköltöztetését, hogy szerinte történelmileg ismert tény, hogy Rákóczi katonái nagyrészt szlovákok és ruszinok voltak. Sztójay is bekapcsolódva a beszélgetésbe megemlítette, hogy ahogy ő ismeri a német di pl omácia tervei t Szl ovákiával kapcsol atosan. Vél eménye szerint azok nem fedik Farkaš és a szlovák vezetők elképzeléseit. Farkaš Sztójaynak erre a felvetésére adott válaszában elmondta, hogy szerinte a németeknek nem áll érdekükben elsődlegesen Magyarország megerősítése. Ezután majdnem kétórás vita következett a résztvevő felek között. Majd a zárszót Farkaš beszámolója szerint Kánya mondta el, aki kifejtette, hogy a szlovákok számíthatnak a magyar kormány segítségére, de hogy milyen formában és milyen körülmények között, azt előre nem határozta meg, de figyelmeztette Farkašt, hogy a magyaroknak minden tettüknek és döntésüknek az ezeréves Magyarország történelméből kell kiindulniuk és ehhez is tartják magukat. 49 Kánya burkoltan azt adta tárgyalópartnere tudtára, hogy Szlovákiát vagy egy részét továbbra is visszavárják Magyarországhoz. Farkaš számára ez a zárszó azt jelentette, hogy a magyar vezetés továbbra is úgy tekint Szlovákiára, mint a Szent-Istvánni állam felső részére és az önállósulási szlovák elképzeléseket nem támogatnák. Farkaš beszámolójában megemlítette, hogy Esterházy János egy szót sem szólt a tárgyalások alatt. Farkaš Esterházytól megtudta, hogy másnap tehát október 6-án Zsolnára utazik, ezért megkérte vigyen el egy levelet Jozef Tisónak. Farkaš levelében a következőket írta Tisónak: A lengyelek csak a magyarok miatt kedvelnek minket, ezenkívül mert igényük van néhány határmenti szlovák településre. A magyarok a Szent-Istvánni korona oltalma alatt akarnak látni bennünket, ezért "éljen a független Szlovákia". 50 Farkaš a levele végén azt írta, hogy tárgyalásairól Tisónak személyesen fog beszámolni, ha Bécsből is visszatért. 51 Esterházy Farkaš levelét bontatlanul még a zsolnai tanácskozás megkezdése előtt átadta Tisónak. Farkaš tárgyalásait puhatolózásnak foghatjuk fel és 48 Farkaš Sátorajaújhelyet, azért említette, mert szerinte Rákoczi Ferenc ott született, ami tévedés volt a részéről, mert a fejedelem nem ott, hanem az attól néhány kilométerre a mai Szlovákia területén lévő Borsiban látta meg a napvilágot. 49 AMV, 3. doboz. H-542/7. 50 Uo. 51 Farkaš levelében Bécsi tárgyalásairól nem tesz említést, német forrásokban eddig nem sikerült tárgyalásairól dokumentumokat találni.

Ośrodek KARTA wraz z Domem Spotkań z Historią od 2006 roku wspólnie realizowały projekt KARTA z Polakami na Wschodzie, którego celem było dokumentowanie losów Polaków mieszkających za wschodnią granicą Polski. W trakcie zorganizowanych wyjazdów docierano do osób, które przed wybuchem II wojny światowej mieszkały w II Rzeczpospolitej, a po wojnie nie wyjechały do nowej ludowej Polski, pozostając w swych rodzinnych stronach. Projekt objął zasięgiem terytorialnym siedem państw: Łotwę, Litwę, Białoruś, Ukrainę, Rumunię, Kazachstan i Rosję. Trzydzieści pięć wyjazdów prowadzonych przez pięć lat zaowocowało nagraniem osobistych relacji 1075 osób. Imponująca liczba zgromadzonych archiwaliów i zdigitalizowanych rodzinnych pamiątek otrzymała swoje drugie życie.

This roundtable aims to explore the changing economic and political ties between Japan and the European Union. It considers not only formal negotiations between the EU and Japan, but also a number of key sectoral and structural concerns, as well as examining the relationship between transnational, national and local political actors in Europe and Japan.

Ovaj rad istražuje antropologiju društvenog sjećanja kroz prizmu priče o Srđanu Aleksiću, mladiću iz Trebinja koji je 1993. godine izgubio život braneći svog sugrađanina Alena Glavovića. Priča o Aleksiću postala je simbol humanosti i solidarnosti u postjugoslavenskom prostoru, ali je istovremeno podložna selektivnom sjećanju i interpretaciji u zavisnosti od političkog i kulturnog konteksta. Dokumentarni film "Srđo" rediteljke Sanje Dragićević služi kao ključni medijski okvir za analizu konstrukcije sjećanja i uloge zaboravljanja u njegovoj memorijalizaciji. Rad se oslanja na teorijske postavke Assmanna, Gillisa i Palmbergera kako bi objasnio na koji način pojedinačni događaji prelaze iz socijalnog u kulturno pamćenje te kako su identiteti oblikovani kroz procese selektivnog sjećanja i zaborava. Cilj rada je da analizira kako se priča o Aleksiću transformisala u kolektivnom sjećanju i koje su posljedice te transformacije na društveni i politički kontekst u regiji.

This article examines how the music in the film Pan’s Labyrinth (El laberinto del fauno) conceptually generates opposing phantasms. Reflecting the trauma of early Francoism, specifically the Spanish Civil War, the soundtrack oscillates between the disquieting chronological reality and the fascinating yet terrifying fairytale world. A special space is devoted to the musical redistribution of the sensible, mirroring the strong affective, aesthetic, emancipatory and phantasmatic potential of Foley sounds. Such musical resistance undermines phallic authority, fostering a phantasmatic conflict that blurs the boundaries between imaginable and unimaginable reality.

This paper analytically discusses the description of trauma in a framework of feminism to the extent that it involves The Color Purple by Alice Walker, The Handmaid's Tale by Margaret Atwood, and The Bell Jar by Sylvia Plath. Each novel is to describe women's lives locked in patriarchal structures to the extreme, at which they experience not just gender-based oppression but multiple layers of trauma regarding facets such as race, class, and identity. In The Color Purple, it is upon these traumatic elements that are racist sexual violence, familial abuse, and economic deprivation in the segregated American South. Her journey to self-discovery and strength underlines how healing can be done through solidarity, writing, and reclaiming voice .Offred's shockingly horrific experiences in The Handmaid's Tale present a theocratic regime as one that exploits women's bodies for reproduction, underlining deep anguish at the loss of individual autonomy, personal identity, and independence. The Bell Jar offers nuanced discussion of the case of mental illness, societal expectations, and the way in which Esther Greenwood struggles against the constraints of gender roles to search for identity in a world that often diminishes her worth.This study explores how trauma Jameel.R 2 narratives in the set works: The Color Purple, The Handmaid's Tale, and The Bell Jar penetrate into a wider feminist battle for liberation, autonomy, and justice, eventually unveiling the resilience and agency of women against systemic oppression.

The relation established in Shīʿite Islam between suffering, cosmic order, and the position attributed to the Shīʿite community in this cosmic order, is very important in terms of understanding Shīʿite-Islam identity. This article's primary claim is that a deep investigation of Shīʿite-Islam identity should be conducted in the context of its coping with the trauma of the tragedy of Karbalāʾ. Based on Jeffrey Alexander's definition of trauma as a "cultural construction," we claim that the coding, weighting, and narrating of the Karbalāʾ tragedy in the course of the trauma process can provide us with important clues to understand the Shīʿite-Islam identity. This article claims that in the Shīʿite identity, the suffering experienced in Karbalāʾ is considered a guarantee that cosmic order will be maintained. Suffering is interpreted as the cost of the battle between the ḥaqq (truth) and bāṭil (falsehood) and of preserving the right way; thus, suffering is glorified and transformed into a social activity of continuous character. In this way, the Shīʿite community places itself both as "a subject of history" and as a dynamic social tradition.

This article examines the interconnected histories and memories of
two Palestinian points in time: the historical Jesus event and the
Nakba. It critiques colonial-imperial narratives that have
historically disconnected the Jesus event from Palestine, often
interpreting it as a divine sacrifice that signified Europe’s
transition into a new era: Christianity. Inspired by Ahn ByungMu’s work on the minjung or ochlos (the sheep without a
shepherd, the dehumanized and alienated crowd in the Gospel of
Mark), this study draws on critical historical Jesus scholarship,
seeking to reevaluate the journey of the ochlos between exile and
redemption. It offers a postcolonial interpretation of the Jesus
event through the concepts of collective memory and trauma,
arguing for the importance of revisiting the past to address and
reframe present injustices and disenfranchisements. The
conclusion discusses the relationship between remembrance and
belongingness, emphasizing its potential to challenge memory
erasure and trauma denialism.

No description, no picture can restore their true dimension [of the reality of the concentration camps]: endless, uninterrupted fear … Of this brick dormitory, of these threatened sleepers, we can only show you the shell, the shadow. Cultural trauma triggers a 'crisis of representation' in the sense that it disturbs the shared imaginations and representations upon which collective identities are based, while at the same time the trauma itself is undeniably an important part

The article critically examines the concept of "national indifference," challenging its utility as an analytical framework in historical research. The study argues that the concept lacks precision and explanatory power. The author highlights how "national indifference" as applied in existing research often conflates a range of distinct phenomena, such as political passivity, pragmatic adaptations, and strategic choices in navigating nationalist frameworks. Through a detailed critique, the article questions the historiographical reliance on "national indifference" as a catch-all category and advocates for a more nuanced approach that avoids oversimplification.

Este artículo analiza el caso del archivo digital de Humanizando la deportación como espacio tecnopolítico a partir de la producción de documentales participativos. Analizamos la manera en que las experiencias de personas deportadas exponen la crueldad de violencias estructurales e institucionales sobre la migración y genera conocimiento situado para una comprensión cualitativa del tema. Discutimos cómo el documental participativo potencia la agencia de voces subalternas. Concluimos que esta plataforma se constituye como un espacio tecnopolítico a contrapelo del discurso oficial sobre la migración.




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This article analyzes the case of the digital archive of Humanizando la deportación as a technopolitical space based on the production of participatory documentaries. We explore how the experiences of deported people expose the cruelty of structural and institutional violence on migration and generate situated knowledge for a qualitative understanding of  this  matter.  We  discuss  how  participatory  documentary  actively  produces  agency  of  subaltern voices. We conclude that this platform is constituted as a technopolitical space against the grain of the official discourse on migration.

In the Words, In the Bones
Curated by Magdalena Moskalewicz
Artists: Marina Leybishkis, Nyugen E. Smith, Zsuzsanna Varga-Szegedi

Stories of origin cannot exist without a language to tell them in, without a tongue to carry the words. This exhibition addresses inherited identities as grounded in language and in the body, and considers them from the perspective of postcolonial and postcommunist subjectivities. Three artists featured here: Marina Leybishkis, Nyugen E. Smith and Zsuzsanna Varga-Szegedi reflect on the words that get passed down through generations, and the bones of the body one receives. Speaking from their positions as US-based artists with roots in Central Asia, Eastern Europe and the Caribbean, the artists investigate the contentious heritage of the colonial era and postcommunist ruptures and absences in order to address the individual, bodily effects of collective cultural traumas.

Considering the importance of trauma to human psychology, reading literary trauma and analyzing the traumatic experience can contribute to the field. Seamus Heaney, known for the portrayal of troubles of Ireland and cultural trauma in his poetry, once more mentions both ideas in his poem 'Casualty' about an unknown old man, later claimed to be Louis O'Neill by Heaney. Heaney's poem gives the reader a perception of what the Irish went through on Bloody Sunday, the Wednesday after it and what he went through after O'Neill's death in the bombing on Wednesday. As a strong work of literary trauma, it is safe to say that 'Casualty' can help its reader understand the cultural trauma the British army created for the Irish at that period. It is anticipated that 'Casualty' will prove Bloody Sunday and death of O'Neill, the bombing, as traumatic experiences and thus, add to our knowledge of trauma.

John 13: 34 reads, "A new commandment I give to you, that you love one another. Just as I have loved you, you also are to love one another." The commandment is unique to the Fourth Gospel and the placement of the commandment in the farewell discourse attributes a substantial force to the commandment. Many exegetical possibilities and historical backgrounds for the new commandment, mostly exploring the newness of it, have been offered in exhaustive ways. Thus, instead of exploring another exegetical and historical interpretive scheme, this paper attempts to shed new light on the new commandment through the theory of social memory and perhaps contribute to the discussion of John's relationship with Judaism by exploring some of the ways that the Gospel relates to and reshapes the Jewish social memory. This section briefly explains the role of social memory in relation to the formation and maintenance of a social group before discussing the role of Jewish social memories in John's Gospel. According to Susan Condor, an effective social identity must allow people to "conceive themselves in a coherent way over time" in the group. 1 In other words, a social group must ensure its members of their past and future membership in the group to provide them with a sense of ontological continuity. 2 A strong social identity presupposes the ability of that identity to articulate its origin and its future orientation. A social category that allows its members to project themselves across time in a stable manner attracts more members than social categories that fail to do so. Thus, stable social groups have "narratives which tie past, present and predicted future into a coherent representation." 3 Therefore, groups have a depository of narratives, or social 1

African American experience is often associated with a sense of collective dislocation that can be traced back to the history of transatlantic slave trade. As Paul Gilroy points out, "in the history of the black Atlantic…movement, relocation, displacement, and restlessness are the norms rather than the exceptions" (133). In this context, it is common for mobility to be conceptualized as a way of responding to the sense of dislocation and homelessness. It is also a central issue in They Tell Me of a Home (2005), the debut novel by the African American writer Daniel Black. Mobility in Black's novel may be read in terms of this impulse to relocate and move or, in Gilroy's words, as "the tension between roots and routes" (133). The main conflicts in the novel revolve around the problematic homecoming of the protagonist and the personal and ideological issues that his homecoming raises. Tommy Lee Tyson, or T.L., as he is usually called, returns to his home in the black community of Swamp Creek in rural Arkansas after a ten-year absence, during which he has received a Ph.D. in Black Studies in New York. He arrives with a rather self-assured, elitist view of his home community and its values, but his attitude eventually changes, in significant ways, as his reencounter with his cultural origins forces him to reevaluate the issues that made him leave. 2 T.L.'s mobility may be understood in terms of the tension between the diasporic displacement that Gilroy discusses and the socially transformative agenda suggested by Weert Canzler, Vincent Kaufmann, and Sven Kesselring, who endorse "the idea of using spatial movement as a 'vehicle' or an instrument for the transformation of social At the Meetin' Tree: Reading, Storytelling, and Transculturation in Daniel Bl...

There is the wreckage of a broken Dam in Val di Scalve, a remote valley in the Italian Alps. At 7:15 am on December 1, 1923, the Gleno Dam collapsed and the flood wave swept over the villages below, all the way to Lake Iseo and the plain, killing about 356 people (out of a population of about ten thousand people). Our research takes stock of the social vulnerability of the affected communities, one hundred years later, and aims to interpret this disaster in the broader framework of the irruption of industrial modernity in the Alps and its consequences. What did modernity mean in the most peripheral areas of the Alpine mountains? What conditions of vulnerability did it generate? And, under what conditions can the social memory of the past heal the wounds of communities affected by disasters? And under what conditions can it further aggravate the sense of trauma suffered? The research was conducted using hermeneutic methods and qualitative techniques to investigate the processes of collective memory construction, with specific reference to social vulnerability and cultural trauma, among the communities affected by the Gleno disaster. What emerges is a picture of an Alpine community in which the representation of the pain of one's past still constitutes a major activator of social phenomena and ferments one hundred years later.

The article is devoted to the trauma history of Ukrainians from Western Boykivshchyna, part of the Boykivshchyna ethnographical region situated in modern Ukraine. Operation Vistula (1947-1950) was the forced resettlement of more than 150,000 Ukrainians and mixed Polish-Ukrainian families from the territory of Rzeszów, Lublin and Kraków provinces (Voivodeships) to the western and northern territories of Poland, leading to radical changes within this regional group. The article deals with the difficult experience of the resettlers not only in the context of psychological, but also cultural, trauma. According to the theory of Polish sociologist Piotr Sztompka, three main phases of cultural trauma induced by resettlement have been highlighted and are outlined as strategies to cope with trauma: contemporary resettlers' preservation of native culture, religion and family tradition, and sharing memories of the past.

The territory of Slovakia, during the period when it was part of Hungary, was considered a food storehouse, which was in charge of procuring the majority of food supplies for the country. Nothing about this changed even during the existence of the interwar Czechoslovak Republic, in which the southern part of Slovakia was the republic's "granary". The situation in the agrarian area significantly worsened with the adoption of the arbitration decision, on the basis of which the southern territory of Slovakia was ceded to Hungary. The paper focuses on the research of the agricultural situation in the period of the post-arbitration decision in the southern border areas of Slovakia and at the same time in the ceded territory of Hungary. The aim of the paper is to research the effects of the Vienna Arbitration on agriculture in the mentioned territories and, subsequently, on stabilization of the situation in the period from November 2, 1938 to March 14, 1939.

This article deals with the motif of homeland in the correspondence of post-WWII Belarusian emigrants to France. The correspondence was addressed to Liavon Rydleuski, a Belarusian emigrant activist. The letters in question are located in the archives of the Francis Skaryna Library and Museum in London. The research method used is qualitative content analysis. It can be concluded that the theme of homeland as it appears in the letters is used in a non-obvious way.

Mahatma Gandhi left behind a very rich legacy and a dynamic discourse which has acquired multifaceted dimensions over these years partly because Gandhi has been appropriated in diverse ways and sometimes his views are applied to ideas and situations not answered by or posed to Gandhi. Thus, Gandhi becomes an epistemological field where different cognitive discourses intermingle, debate, contradict and juxtapose each other. It is in these epistemological discourses that we can locate the afterlife of Gandhian philosophy. Cinema is a powerful tool of dissemination of ideas and helps us unlocking the popular psyche of both the producers and audience of such works. Cinema is not just limited to entertainment; it is a very important site where alternative as well as popular narratives can prevail simultaneously. So, to locate Gandhi in cinema we need to chart out different possibilities of discourses where Gandhi and his ideas present themselves in different capacities. Here, I wish to briefly point out to some of the ways with which Mahatma Gandhi has been projected in Indian Cinema, and how he remains relevant even in the light of changing politics of representation. In this essay, we will discuss the different ways through which Gandhi continues to be relevant in the cinematic discourse and how he has been represented in the films of his times and afterwards. We may also compare and contrast these representations in the context of the time in which these films can be situated and the idea that is being projected through the image of Gandhi.

This article deals with a case study of the process of building a collective memory of communism and examines the role that a museum can play in promoting a representation of Romanian communism as an illegitimate and criminal regime. It will be argued that the Memorial to the Victims of Communism and to the Anticommunist Resistance of Sighetul Marmaţiei attempt to create a historical memory of communism as a top-down enterprise. Furthermore, it will be hypothesized that the creators of this museum play an important role in the way communism is “museumized” there and that this type of museum blurs the boundary between museum and memorial. Thus, this article explores a series of key questions, such as: What “vision” of communism is “museumized” at “Sighet Memorial”? Is it a marginal or a consensual perspective? Can we speak about a museum transformed/or about to be transformed into a Memorial?

Jeffrey Alexander’s social theory about trauma provides a theoretical framework to explore Matthew’s Gospel’s two first chapters as a trauma narrative that wrestles in a creative way with at least two significant issues for its original audience: (1) How can Jesus be the Christ/Messiah and yet undergo a shameful and violent death? (2) What are the national and theological implications of the destruction of the Temple in AD 70? Alexander’s four dimensions of representations of cultural trauma (the nature of the pain; the nature of the victim; the relation of the trauma victim to a wider audience; and the attribution of responsibility) guide the analysis. Matthew 1–2, as a trauma narrative, processes past trauma to encourage resilience against future traumatization. This can be a powerful tool to shape identity and promote solidarity by opening new avenues for understanding violent imagery.
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Politiques de mémoire des fosses communes et commémorations des « événements » du 3 avril à Cheju en Corée Kim Seong Nae Notice bio-biblio manquante en français et en anglais This article enquires into questions of state violence, cultural trauma, commemoration, and memory politics with respect to the Cheju April 3rd Incident or "the 4.3" (1947-1954), which is regarded as the precursor of the Korean War. After the Special Law for Investigation of the Truth about the Cheju April 3 Incident was established in 2000 by the government, "the 4.3" was officially recognized as a case of state violence and civilian massacres. Due to long-term enforced silence and suppression of "the 4.3 memory," however, the divergence between state memory and local individuated memory has created conflict over the identity of the victims of mass killing, the commemoration of the event, and the complex politics of postmemory. Drawing on Hirsch's concept of "postmemory" (the type of inter-generational memory that mediates the past memory in its affective force), this paper explores the way in which this divergence is mediated in commemoration rituals of ancestor worship and reburial of dead bodies exhumed from mass graves. As material evidence of mass killing and its affective presence, the remains "animate" political action for moral judgement about responsibility for massacres. Placing the dead in a proper family tomb or public enshrinement hall shared with other mass dead in the 4.3 Peace Park becomes the most significant concerns of the bereaved families. It shows how state involvement in the management of remains and ancestral veneration custom continues to exert an influence on the surviving families of the dead as well as the victims of the 4.3. In opposition to the structural state intervention, there persisted a community action that continually repaired the loss of social relations and restored communal history through creating the children's collective grave and family cemetery and inventing island-wide shamanic rituals in the public sphere. In this article, we witness the community of death and loss, which is newly formed through cultural trauma and restorative justice in the postatrocity era. Cet article aborde les questions de la violence d'État, du traumatisme culturel, de la commémoration et de la politique de mémoire relatifs aux « événements » du 3 avril à Cheju ou « 4.3 » (1947-1954), considérés comme précurseurs de la guerre de Corée. Après l'adoption par le gouvernement, en 2000, de la Loi spéciale relative à la recherche de la vérité sur les événements

The paper analyzes the continuous use of martyrological discourse in texts of the Vandal-era through the lens of cultural trauma and cultural memory theories. It argues that intertextual allusions to earlier martyrological texts constituted a weapon in the arsenal of disempowered Christians to attack empowered rival Christian factions (in this case Homoians). The theoretical framework helps better explain the continual use of martyrological literature at a time when persecutions of Christians (documented by this literature) had officially ended.

In September 1943, in the mountainous region of Viannos in southeastern Crete, dozens of German soldiers were killed in an ambush by Greek partisans who had earlier destroyed a German outpost, killing its two guards. In retaliation, the Germans executed 461 civilians from the surrounding villages and destroyed hundreds of homes. This text mentions—and analyzes—aspects of the cultural trauma created among the local inhabitants of the Viannos and Ierapetra regions.

This research project is an attempt to trace the cause of conflict and underdevelopment in the Niger Delta Region, despite it being enriched with natural resource which is booming the nation's economy. Also, it beings into light the role of politics on oil and the relationship between oil politics and underdevelopment. This research work has been designed to examine the problems in the Niger Delta, as a result of oil politics. Questionnaires were used to collect relevant data. Attempts have also been made to discuss the benefits that could be derived if the suggestion and recommendation(s) made are adopted.

Η τουρκική εισβολή στην Κύπρο το 1974 ερμηνεόθηκε διαφορετικά από τις δύο κοινότητες του νησιού. Σε αντίθεση με τους Τουρκοκυπρίους, στην ελληνοκυπριακή κοινότητα η εισβολή χαρακτηρίστηκε πολιτισμικό τραύμα και άφησε βαθιά αχνάρια στη μνήμη, στην κοινωνία και στην πολιτική. Η τραυματική εμπειρία ορίστηκε από τα συναισθήματα του πόνου, της πίκρας και του ξεριζωμού και από την επιθυμία της επιστροφής στις πατρογονι- κές εστίες. Ακόμη και σήμερα, τα στοιχεία αυτά χαρακτηρίζουν την κυπριακή καθημερινότητα και αναπαράγονται μέσω της κυβερνητικής πολιτικής, του εκπαιδευτικού συστήματος και των δράσεων της κοινωνίας των πολιτών. Το 1974 αποτέλεσε ένα ερμηνευτικό σχήμα για τη συναισθηματική κατανόηση της μετατροπής της Κύπρου από αγροτική σε αστική κοινωνία μέσα σε διάστημα λίγων δεκαετιών. Η μεταφορά του τραύματος στις μετά το 1974 γενιές ενισχύει την τραυματική αίσθηση και την ανάγκη να επιδιωχθεί η μελλοντική ανάτασή του. Μέσα από αυτά τα δεδομένα εξετάζονται και οι προοπτικές δημιουργίας μιας μετα-τραυματικής αφήγησης.

O presente artigo demonstra como nos escritos cinematograficos de Siegfried Kracauer as criticas aos filmes A Rua (1923) e O ultimo homem (1924), publicadas no Frankfurter Zeitung, apresentam conceitos fundamentais para a consolidacao de um metodo critico e historico, social e estetico imanente com o qual Kracauer ira embasar seu estudo sobre a ascensao do nazi-fascismo em De Caligari a Hitler (1947): o tedio, a distracao e a falsa consciencia que tomou de assalto uma sociedade alema em crise.

The aim of this dissertation is to examine how female storytellers’ contemporary versions of “Little Red Riding Hood” (LRRH) represent the Kristevan feminine in girl or woman through their young-adult (or adult) heroine and transform the cultural rape trauma embedded in Charles Perrault’s and the Brothers Grimm’s renderings of the tale. In order to pursue this aim, the dissertation asks three questions, each discussed in the three separate articles, respectively: RQ1) How does the heroine overcome rape trauma through the feminine genius? RQ2) How does the heroine negotiate women’s social identity through the feminine? RQ3) How does the heroine recreate her feminine and how does this change her grandmother relationship? Cultural sexual trauma has developed into a central topic after the completion of the articles although trauma is explicitly studied only in Article 1. The dissertation emphasizes that the female storytellers represent the heroine’s feminine of girl or woman through three trauma-related themes: trauma narration, female initiation as a way to negotiate trauma, and intergenerational female relationships as a way to reorient trauma. The material of the dissertation consists of ten contemporary written and visual narratives on the topic of LRRH by female storytellers from North America, Britain, and Finland: Margaret Atwood, Kiki Smith, Francesca Lia Block, Paula Rego, Angela Carter, Tanith Lee, Gillian Cross, and Märta Tikkanen. The method used is multimodal thematic close-reading. Theoretically, the study draws on Julia Kristeva’s theories of the genius, the subject, and the feminine with a particular focus on the latter, as well as on research on fairy tales, and, in Article 1, it draws also on trauma studies. Each article’s analysis deepens the dissertation through visual results in the form of artwork created by the author that adds to the written results. Article 1 shows that the heroine overcomes rape trauma by narrating it. Trauma narration discloses the feminine through female bonding, productive imagination, the girl genius—the article’s interpretation of the Kristevan genius—and concluded by the dissertation, narrated life. The dissertation relates these results to the three qualities of the feminine: reliance, relationality, and the unity of living and thinking/narrated life. Article 2 argues that the heroine negotiates women’s social identity through female initiation, which also reveals the feminine in the form of the girl genius and the three qualities of the feminine, seen in Article 1. Article 3 demonstrates that the heroine recreates her feminine and changes her grandmother relationship in this relationship through the two feminine qualities of reliance and relationality. The dissertation results show how the cultural rape trauma of Little Red Riding Hood is transformed, arguing for the emergence of a new trend of women’s narratives on LRRH. The new trend is of value to fairy-tale audiences and storytellers, who can envision forgiveness, peace, and new horizons for red-hooded heroines after cultural rape trauma, and also offers support for victims of completed or attempted rape. Providing a role model of the heroine’s transformation of cultural rape trauma by reaching feminine psychosexual maturity, the dissertation benefits ordinary girls who seek freedom and healing from rape trauma victimization and want to discover the extraordinary in them, as well as contributes to the understanding of the girl to Kristevan scholarship.

ISSN 2489-9003; 802)
ISBN 978-952-86-0214-9 (PDF)

WULF KANSTEINER, HARALD WEILNBÖCK ANÁLISE CONTRA O CONCEITO DE TRAUMA CULTURAL: OU COMO APRENDI A AMAR O SOFRIMENTO DOS OUTROS SEM AJUDA DA PSICOTERAPIA Resumo: O artigo avança com uma crítica à situação dos estudos do trauma cultural no início do século XXI. Nessa altura, alguns textos influentes (sobretudo as publicações de Cathy Caruth) contribuíram para o estabelecimento de um campo estruturado e interdisciplinar que relevava o trauma cultural como uma rutura bem-vinda em relação às hegemonias culturais e às narrativas principais existentes. Utilizando uma perspetiva desconstrutiva, o discurso dos estudos do trauma cultural desenvolvia conceitos clínicos do trauma, mas não se interessava pelas experiências e pelo tratamento das vítimas reais de trauma. Para além disso, este discurso colocava a tónica no papel que os média assumem na perpetuação do trauma cultural, mas falhava na utilização da investigação existente, pelo que assumia erradamente como um todo representações de violência dos média e experiências de trauma coletivo. Como resultado de uma curiosidade interdisciplinar e uma autorreflexão concetual insuficientes, o discurso do trauma cultural produzia reflexões problemáticas anti-narrativas e anti-empíricas, enaltecendo práticas centradas em textos artísticos e filosóficos como espaços de verdadeira resistência estética contra um status quo alegadamente repressivo do ponto de vista intelectual.

Tragiczne losy naszych rodaków na bezkresnych terenach Syberii doczekały się wielu opracowań naukowych. Wbrew potocznym mniemaniom Syberia nie była jednak tylko miejscem zesłania. Mniej znanym związkom naszych rodaków z tą częścią Azji poświęcona jest recenzowana książka powstała pod redakcją naukową Antoniego Kuczyńskiego. Jest ona pokłosiem kolejnej dużej międzynarodowej konferencji poświęconej związkom naszych rodaków z tą ziemią w przeszłości i obecnie (7-10 listopada 2006 r. "Dom Polonii" w Pułtusku). Jej organizatorem był, tak jak poprzednich, Ośrodek Badań Wschodnich Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, a inspiratorem i duszą przedsięwzięcia Antoni Kuczyński. Wsparcia finansowego udzieliło Stowarzyszenie "Wspólnota Polska". Recenzowana książka jest poświęcona Polakom w nauce, administracji i gospodarce na Syberii w XIX i na początku XX w. Składa się ze wstępu i czterdziestu trzech artykułów. Jerzy Fiećko (Poznań) syntetycznie wprowadza w tematykę książki i okoliczności jej powstania. Autorzy opracowań (z Polski i Rosji) zajmują się przeważnie okresem między powstaniem styczniowym a odzyskaniem przez Polskę niepodległości. Publikowane teksty mają dać pełny "obraz polskiego dziedzictwa za Uralem" (s. 712). Dotyczą głównie działalności zesłańców politycznych, wkładu polskich uczonych do badań nad Syberią, działalności naszych rodaków w szeroko pojętej administracji carskiej i ich aktywności gospodarczej za Uralem. Przekonują, że "w każdej epoce naszych związków z Syberią byliśmy tam jako zesłańcy i dobrowolni przybysze. Były to związki i losy bardzo zróżnicowane" (s. 712). Swoiste podsumowanie stanowi kończący książkę tekst Antoniego Kuczyńskiego. Konstrukcja pracy jest trafna. Uwydatnia różnorodność związków Polaków z Syberią. Baza źródłowa książki jest bardzo bogata. To efekt kwerendy w dziesiątkach archiwów, bibliotek i muzeów ogólnokrajowych i lokalnych Polski, Rosji, a także Ukrainy, Kazachstanu, Wielkiej Brytanii i Litwy. W zamieszczonych artykułach jest szeroko wykorzystana różnojęzyczna literatura przedmiotu oraz polska, rosyjska (i brytyjska) prasa. Książka jest starannie wydana, ma twardą oprawę. Okładka (fragment obrazu Przeprawa przez rzekę Angarę) trafnie nawiązuje do tematyki publikacji. Książkę wzbogacają wtopione w poszczególne artykuły tabele, mapa oraz 29 czarnobiałych i kolorowych ilustracji. W kilku wypadkach do opracowań dołączono aneksy źródłowe (w opracowaniach Piotra Bilińskiego i Eugeniusza Niebelskiego stanowią one około połowy całego tekstu). Około 2/5 artykułów omawia wkład Polaków do naukowego poznania Syberii. Są to zarówno przekrojowe syntetyczne szkice, jak i opracowania poświęcone poszczególnym badaczom. Przykładem w tej ostatniej grupie są dwa teksty przedstawiające wkład Wacława Sieroszewskiego do etnologii i religioznawstwa porównawczego. Franciszek Maria Rosiński (Wrocław) na szerokim tle XIX-i XX-wiecznych badań nad szamanizmem na świecie ukazał znaczenie dokonań wybitnego etnologa nad jakuckim szamanizmem.

T he BUDDHISM of the Choson period (1392-1910) has long been neglected by researchers, who assumed that its importance steeply declined due to the government's policy of "honoring Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism" (sungyu okpul Buddhism of this era has often been described as of little interest doctrinally and confined to women of high as well as low status and to men belonging to the lower strata socially, resulting in a flowering of magical or superstitious practices scarcely worth serious investigation. Only in the past two decades has the tide gradually started to turn.1 2 In spite of government policies that curtailed Buddhist institutions and a Confucian discourse that disparaged Buddhism as a heterodoxy not deserving of respect, support for Buddhism remained strong, not least on the part of the royal family, and Buddhists found various ways to overcome discriminatory measures.3 Among those who are usually regarded as Confucian intellectuals, there were many who showed a genu ine interest in Buddhism and maintained warm reciprocal relationships with Buddhist monks.4 The relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism 1 Two early Korean researchers, Yi Nunghwa (1918) 2010 and Kim Yongsu (1939; Eng lish translation 2016), have been notable exceptions in the attention they paid to Choson developments.

Archaeological documentation of contemporary conflicts is bringing to light sites of 20th century state violence. Based on research
carried out in Rosario (Argentina) at a former site of state terrorism (1976-1983), one of the so-called Clandestine Centres of
Detention (CCD), we will discuss questions such as: How can a scenario of violence in the recent past be approached methodologically?
What role does materiality play in the construction of subjectivities and memories? In the early 2000s, the lack of previous
experience on how to approach a place of these characteristics in South America made it possible for an interdisciplinary group to
design and carry out a novel research experience that included actors hitherto ignored in the field of local historical memory. The
subsequent integration of this former CCD in the official agenda by the Argentinean government would highlight the “subversive”
potential of these spaces for the (re)construction of memories and subjectivities. This situation allows us to address how archaeology
can contribute from a new perspective, on the one hand, to the processes of making places of violence visible and to the discussion
of current ways of writing history, and on the other, to the protection of their material traces.

This study examines the horrors of war and its impact on the major characters in Sorayya Khan's Noor by applying Freud's concept of traumatic neuroses, in which she states that in traumatic war neuroses, the ego defends itself against outer dangers, whereas in transference neuroses, the ego has its libido as its enemy. In this novel, she explores the history, anxiety, rape, violence, panic situations, mutilation, and repressed memories, all of which are unsettling and even painful for the characters. Those who were traumatized during the war sustained permanent injuries, which contributed to their postwar depression. This paper is also noteworthy because it demonstrates how depression transforms a man into an aberration. Not only that, but it has looked at what causes PTSD and other post-traumatic reactions, particularly some that have just recently been identified as psychosomatic diseases brought on by conflict. Using psychiatric intervention and neurotic anxiety brought on by certain traumatic situations, this article also assesses the characteristics of the chosen work, Sorayya Khan's Noor.

Przedział czasowy dwóch miesięcy, który je oddzielał, był niezbędny na dotarcie wcześniejszych transportów do miejsc swego przeznaczenia i ich powrót po nową partię zesłańców. Ostatnia deportacja miała miejsce pomiędzy 20 a 22 czerwca 1941 r., nawet po rozpoczęciu się działań wojennych. Znaczny odsetek wśród wywożonej ludności cywilnej stanowiły dzieci i młodzież. Przy wstępnym założeniu, że przeciętna rodzina na terenach okupowanych przez ZSRR liczyła 3-4 dzieci, otrzymamy wynik mówiący, że co najmniej 30% ogółu deportowanych stanowili nieletni. Cytowany już wcześniej raport Ambasady RP w Kujbyszewie szacował liczbę dzieci i młodzieży do lat 14 włącznie, zesłanej w głąb ZSRR na 379,5 tysiąca 6. Wynik ten, choć nie jest zapewne pełny, wydaje się być w miarę wiarygodny i stanowić może, podobnie jak podawana wcześniej maksymalna liczba osób deportowanych, podstawę do dalszych badań i opracowań. Do nadejścia amnestii, na podstawie posiadanych danych oraz raportów Ambasady RP w Kujbyszewie 7 , szacującej liczbę zgonów wśród polskiej ludności cywilnej na 760.000 osób, możemy przyjąć, że 25-30% wszystkich dzieci deportowanych ze wschodnich terenów II Rzeczypospolitej zmarło w wyniku głodu, zimna, chorób i katorżniczej pracy. Śmiertel-1

This article analyzes how, at a very early stage, Mexican cultural sociologists explained meaningmaking processes using a set of factors external to the cultural sphere and how, more recently, they have emphasized that such meaning-making processes have analytical autonomy. Mexican cultural sociology is marked by a dominant model based on the works of Gramsci, Bourdieu, and the Birmingham School that was built in the late 1970s; this model was derived from the analysis of cultural consumption and reached the peak of its development in the 1990s with the concept of cultural hybridization and efforts to introduce semiotics into cultural interpretation. At the beginning of the 21st century, decolonial theory and the 'strong program' in cultural sociology opened new avenues of reflection in Mexican cultural sociology.