Classical Republicanism

En este texto se estudia la figura del sacerdote Tomás Méndez Lachica. Se describen sus datos biográficos, se analiza la época en que formó parte de la Sociedad Amantes del País, su labor periodística, y luego su participación como parlamentario en el primer Congreso peruano. El estudio pretende mostrar las ideas del sacerdote en torno a temas como el orden político re- publicano o la sociedad católica y su bienestar, y puede servir para un mejor conocimiento sobre la generación de sacerdotes que participó activamente en la vida política inicial en el Perú, así como para explicar las diversas ma- neras de entender el catolicismo entre ellos.

Este trabajo examina el papel de la traducción durante el proceso de independencia y los primeros años de la república en Chile (1810-1830). Examina cómo las traducciones, principalmente de textos sobre filosofía política, economía y educación, fueron utilizadas por los "letrados patriotas" para difundir ideas republicanas y formar a los nuevos ciudadanos.

The foundation of new centers for civic education has sparked a new round of debate over the political independence of the public university. Do legal mandates by state legislatures undermine academic freedom? The underlying debate concerns alternative visions of elite formation, as comparing Benjamin Rush and Thomas Jefferson’s arguments during the Founding period makes apparent. Both believed that the American constitutional order depended on educated citizens of a certain character, requiring coercive authority in education to instill moral and political commitments. But whereas Jefferson made an exception for educational coercion, Rush viewed education as an aristocratic element that could complement democracy. Rush’s prioritizing of duties over rights offers a more helpful framework for the task of reforming elite education today to restore trust between leaders and people.

El presente trabajo busca establecer un diálogo con el libro de Andrés Rosler Razones Públicas. Seis Conceptos sobre La República. En primer lugar, nos concentramos en la idea arendtiana de pensar juntos el concepto republicano clásico de “debate político” y el desempeño de la “facultad de juzgar” (que prosigue Rosler), así como en la posibilidad de su actualización bajo condiciones de “modernidad”. En segundo lugar, proponemos otra lectura de la libertad republicana clásica: una que pone en el centro la idea de participación del pueblo (lo cual no supone simplemente una defensa de la “libertad positiva” griega, sino de su lectura romana, que la conserva y amplía). En tercer lugar, proponemos revisar la ejemplaridad del Bruto republicano, tal como es defendida por el autor del libro a partir del Julio César de Shakespeare.

Resumen:
El presente artículo se propone explorar las diferencias teórico-políticas entre el republicanismo clásico y el liberalismo moderno a través del análisis de los conceptos de Estado de derecho y de Estado libre tal y como fueron desarrollados por el pensamiento constitucional durante la Revolución francesa. El análisis comenzará por precisar los términos en los que el pensamiento jurídico ha interpretado la carta de 1791 como fundadora del Estado de derecho en Francia. A continuación, se repasarán las circunstancias que condujeron al naufragio de la Constitución de 1791, para proceder luego a examinar cómo las facciones radicales lidiaron con la experiencia política de 1789-1792. Finalmente, se analizarán los proyectos constitucionales de 1793 como respuesta a los problemas identificados por los radicales como causales de la crisis política del verano de 1792 que había culminado con el asalto popular a las Tullerías.

Abstract:
This article aims to explore the theoretical and political differences between classical republicanism and modern liberalism by analyzing the concepts of the “state of law” and the “free state” as they were developed by the constitutional thought during the French Revolution. The analysis thus begins by specifying the terms in which legal thought has interpreted the Constitution of 1791 as the founder of the rule of law in France. The circumstances leading to the failure of the Constitution of 1791 are analyzed next, to then examine how the radical factions coped with the political experience of 1789-1792. Finally, the constitutional projects of 1793 are analyzed as a response to the issues identified by the radicals as having caused the political crisis of the summer of 1792 that had ended in the popular storming of the Tuileries.

An introduction to Shakespeare's Roman Plays: Julius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra and Coriolanus. The relation of these plays to other genres is discussed. The predominant concerns of the genre with politics and war are discussed. It is asserted that Shakespeare was able to transcend his own Christian historical horizon and represent different possibilities for human achievement under various political regimes in these plays.

Mitchell Franklin completed fifty years of scholarship in law and philosophy, having written more than seventy-five major articles since 1932. In spite of his international prominence as a legal scholar, there has not yet been an in-depth study of his work. The difficulty of such an enterprise is due in part to his highly original approach to Roman law, the French Encyclopedist influences on American thought, and Marxist themes in law. In his work on the U.S. Constitution, Franklin has left a corpus of writings dealing with the first, titth, eighth, ninth and fourteenth amendments, the sections of the Constitution dealing with judicial review, impeachment, the guarantee clause, and the historical influences on the framers of the Constitution. These topics by no means exhaust Franklin's scholarly contributions, but they reveal the impact of his work and the need to master the problems he raised. The First Amendment and the Public Opinion State The first amendment is addressed in "Infamy and Constitutional Civil Liberties," 1 an article Franklin wrote in 1954, at a time when the status of controversial political speech was being questioned. Franklin agreed with Justice Black diat the first amendment is "the keystone of the Constitution," 2 but he held that unless its philosophical and historical background is mastered, its meaning will be misunderstood. Thus, by pointing to the Enlightenment's justification of the "preferred" status of the first amendment, he opposed the "balance" theory of rights advocated by Chief Justice Vinson, Justice Frankfurter, and Roscoe Pound, Dean of the Harvard Law School. According to the balance doctrine, free speech is a right that must be balanced against other rights and interests, such as the interest of the state in maintaining security. For Frankfurter, free speech did not enjoy any "preferred" status over other claims. The particular type of speech at issue in the case of Dennis vs. United States-the right to advocate revolution-did not enjoy very much protection in comparison with other types of speech, according to Frankfurter. Vinson concurred that the "societal value of speech must, on occasion, be subordinated to other values and considerations," 3 and Justice

The proudest boast of the transnational corporate welfare state is that it has rendered obsolete the political hegemony of traditional ruling classes. Achievement, not ascribed or hereditary status, is said to be the key to material success and political influence. The open society promoted by transnational corporate capitalism has become the template of social progress. Accordingly, in the USA, only a few decades ago, a complacent WASP establishment was sidelined by a new class of brash outsiders. At the highest levels of American society, WASPs simply ceased to dominate.[i] In the media and entertainment industries, in banking, the law and academia, they were replaced, most visibly and dramatically, by Jewish parvenus. Harvard University, America's oldest university and long-time gateway to the ruling class, is emblematic of that transformation. Founded as 'a schoale or colledge' in 1636 by the first wave of Puritan settlers in New England, Harvard received its corporate charter from the Massachusetts General Court in 1650. By the nineteenth century, the college had become the intellectual bastion of an increasingly secularized, or, perhaps more precisely, deracinated, WASP Ascendancy.[ii] To all appearances, it remained a predominantly WASP institution until the mid-twentieth century. Since then, however, Harvard has been almost completely detached from its ancestral ethnoreligious identity. The once Anglocentric college was rebranded by cosmopolitan managers and well-connected overseers as a globalist multiversity. As a consequence, American 'whites' (a statistical category which includes Jews and non-WASP, European-descended, ethnicities) presently account for only about 42% of the entering class each year. In a striking sign of the times, there are now more Jews than WASPs among Harvard undergraduates.[iii]

El siguiente artículo tiene como objetivo exponer la manera en que las
instituciones de la antigua Roma inspiraron e influenciaron a Bolívar en la
configuración de sus propuestas constitucionales de Angostura (1819) y de Bolivia (1826). Estas piezas de pensamiento político bolivariano acusan quizá la mayor cantidad de referencias al mundo antiguo romano. Por ello se considera que analizando estos proyectos constitucionales bajo la óptica institucional romana se estaría explicando y justificando en gran medida las razones que tuvo el Libertador para adscribirse a modelos de Estado de naturaleza unitaria como solución para la estabilidad de las emergentes repúblicas.
Finalmente debido a la naturaleza y limitaciones del presente ensayo algunos aspectos de la investigación original realizada bajo formato de tesis de grado y titulada La influencia política romana en los proyectos constitucionales de Simón Bolívar (1819-1826) quedaron suprimidos y otros reducidos. Adicionalmente se hará mayor énfasis en aquellos puntos que el autor consideró de mayor relevancia y originalidad en la investigación.
Palabras clave: instituciones, Roma, virtud, republicanismo clásico, princi-
pado Antonino.

Le texte présenté par Michel Figeac est la publication de sa thèse pour l'habilitation à la direction de recherches. C'est tout d'abord un outil précieux pour tous ceux qui travaillent sur la noblesse au XVIIIe siècle, tant par ses aspects historiographiques, méthodologiques, que par son apport historique à la connaissance du second ordre. 2 Tout au long de l'ouvrage, l'auteur explique la conjoncture nouvelle qui, depuis une vingtaine d'années, a vu des monographies régionales, des biographies, des études comparées, venir combler une lacune précédente, en grande partie due au discrédit ou aux clichés réducteurs qui associaient la noblesse à tout un héritage négatif lié à l'Ancien Régime dans ce qu'il pouvait véhiculer de plus rétrograde et de conservateur du point de vue social.

...John Stuart Mill, like his father and Grote, never cherished the traditional picture of Athenian participatory democracy as inherently ochlocratic and oppressive of individual liberty. Like Grote he believed that personal freedom in Athens coexisted with effective mechanisms of accountability (i.e. ostracism, dokimasia, citizenship roll scrutinies, etc.), and in this sense ancient democracy defined a source of his own liberal conception of how modern (representative) democracy should operate..... Thus the republican blueprint defended in "On Liberty" was, in Mill's mind, embodied in classical Athens, minus contextually inherent defects (like exclusionism and slavery).

Educating the New Sovereign. Chile between 1810 and 1814 The political break generated in Chile by the creation of a new order based on popular sovereignty represented a profound departure from the colonial education at the conceptual and institutional level. From a conceptual perspective, education had a republican sense and was expected to form citizens familiar with civic virtues. Therefore, republican education had to be public education sponsored and directed by the state in order to create a «political society». State education meant to confront the education al offers linked to the corporations. The new approach was incarnated in the foundation of the National Institute in 1813. The new sovereignty brought up for the first time in Chile the need for an expansion of education, mainly basic education (primeras letras) for women and men. This article argues that education in the Revolution of Independence was not «a» political approach, but that it was «the» political core that ...

tiene por objetivo narrar, analizar y comprender un episodio específico de su pasado -el nacimiento de la Constitución Política de 1828 y sus disposiciones-, dentro de un contexto o marco ideal más amplio -los empeños por desarrollar un primer ideario liberal en el país-. Durante el corto período de su mandato (1827-1829), además

Straumann presents a grand narrative: Roman constitutionalism in the West from the age of Cicero to the American Founding Fathers. His project is forensic, mounting a case framed in terms of a dichotomy between the Greek ethical and political tradition of Plato and Aristotle which emphasizes civic virtue (Pocock's classical republicanism), and the Roman-law based constitutionalism of Cicero (Skinner's version). But this is too easy. Cicero was heavily influenced by Aristotle; and the very survival of Western civilization depended on translation movements, Greek into Arabic and Arabic into Latin, under the Abbasid and Cordoba Caliphates, which preserved the classical Greek texts on which it rests, and recirculated them back to Europe. This had important implications for Islamic jurisprudence, which was the progenitor of medieval European jurisprudence and scholastic dialectic. Justinian's recovery of Roman Law and subsequent medieval codifications are related to the impetus for the Islamic translation movement and Islamic jurisprudence at one remove. Why are the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire (which saw a continuation of Hellenic culture), the Islamic empires (which saw a continuation of Hellenistic culture), and the Holy Roman Empire of the Germanic Peoples (which saw the recovery of Roman Law), missing from this account?

About this book
Marxism was the loser in the Cold War, but Oleg Kharkhordin is not surprised that liberal democracy failed to take root after the Soviet Union’s dissolution. He suggests that Russians find a path to freedom by looking to the classical tradition of republican self-government and civic engagement already familiar from their history and literature.

Reviews
A fascinating study, empirically informed but normatively oriented, of Russia’s republican prospects. It is imaginatively shaped by political theory, the history of ideas, and a multiply-documented belief in the power of words to change things.
-- Philip Pettit, Princeton University and Australian National University

Kharkhordin argues that Russia has a tradition of ‘republican thought’ of a distinct genealogy, not that of the French Revolution but originating in the ancient world (especially Cicero) and then charting its own line through the Russian Decembrists of the early nineteenth century up to the present. These ideas were frequently submerged in the Russian history of authoritarianism, but survived through the medium of literature throughout the later nineteenth century and during the Soviet era. Recouped, they could form the basis for a new politics in Russia. This is original thinking of the first order, and enjoyable reading too.
-- Caroline Humphrey, University of Cambridge

This is a brilliant, highly original, and ambitious book. Kharkhordin sets out an agenda for the creation in Russia of a meaningful social order constituted around res publica, cleverly anchoring this vision in a deeply historically grounded analysis that marries multiple Russian intellectual traditions with classical elements of republican thought. The result is a philosophical foundation for an alternative way forward in Russian politics. Breaking new ground amidst rigid analytical paradigms and highly politicized debates, this is a remarkable achievement.
-- Jessica Pisano, The New School for Social Research

A startling synthesis of empirical data, conceptual and social history, and political theory. Most commentators examine Russian transformation through the prism of western models of liberalism. Kharkhordin, in contrast, derives a novel theory of Russian republicanism from observation of the practices, language, and histories of Russian activists, poets, politicians, thinkers, and entrepreneurs. This leads him to cautious optimism that new spheres of liberty and public life may yet emerge from areas in Russian society that typically escape our attention: practices of friendship, institutions of the commons, cultures of scientific innovation, and shared desires to remake the world.
-- Kevin M. F. Platt, University of Pennsylvania

Kharkhordin’s argument is novel and deeply grounded in the history of ideas and community in Russia…Sews together a set of complex ideas to demonstrate that liberal democracy is not the only option for Russian society to have representative governance.
-- Kathryn Stoner Russian Review

Educating the New Sovereign. Chile between 1810 and 1814 The political break generated in Chile by the creation of a new order based on popular sovereignty represented a profound departure from the colonial education at the conceptual and institutional level. From a conceptual perspective, education had a republican sense and was expected to form citizens familiar with civic virtues. Therefore, republican education had to be public education sponsored and directed by the state in order to create a «political society». State education meant to confront the education al offers linked to the corporations. The new approach was incarnated in the foundation of the National Institute in 1813. The new sovereignty brought up for the first time in Chile the need for an expansion of education, mainly basic education (primeras letras) for women and men. This article argues that education in the Revolution of Independence was not «a» political approach, but that it was «the» political core that ...

Straumann presents a grand narrative: Roman constitutionalism in the West from the age of Cicero to the American Founding Fathers. His project is forensic, mounting a case framed in terms of a dichotomy between the Greek ethical and political tradition of Plato and Aristotle which emphasizes civic virtue (Pocock's classical republicanism), and the Roman-law based constitutionalism of Cicero (Skinner's version). But this is too easy. Cicero was heavily influenced by Aristotle; and the very survival of Western civilization depended on translation movements, Greek into Arabic and Arabic into Latin, under the Abbasid and Cordoba Caliphates, which preserved the classical Greek texts on which it rests, and recirculated them back to Europe. This had important implications for Islamic jurisprudence, which was the progenitor of medieval European jurisprudence and scholastic dialectic. Justinian's recovery of Roman Law and subsequent medieval codifications are related to the impetus for the Islamic translation movement and Islamic jurisprudence at one remove. Why are the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire (which saw a continuation of Hellenic culture), the Islamic empires (which saw a continuation of Hellenistic culture), and the Holy Roman Empire of the Germanic Peoples (which saw the recovery of Roman Law), missing from this account?

Straumann presents a grand narrative: Roman constitutionalism in the West from the age of Cicero to the American Founding Fathers. His project is forensic, mounting a case framed in terms of a dichotomy between the Greek ethical and political tradition of Plato and Aristotle which emphasizes civic virtue (Pocock’s classical republicanism), and the Roman-law based constitutionalism of Cicero (Skinner’s version). But this is too easy. Cicero was heavily influenced by Aristotle; and the very survival of Western civilization depended on translation movements, Greek into Arabic and Arabic into Latin under the Abbasid and Cordoba Caliphates, which preserved the classical Greek texts on which it rests, and recirculated them back to Europe. This had important implications for Islamic jurisprudence which was the progenitor of medieval European jurisprudence and scholastic dialectic. Justinian’s recovery of Roman Law and subsequent Medieval codifications are related to the impetus for the Isl...

Este artículo analiza la metamorfosis de república y republicanismo en Colombia, a partir de su conceptualización y diversas connotaciones entre 1810 y 1828. Un período de transición política lleno de experiencias constitucionales y proclamaciones de libertad con las cuales se buscaba fijar una forma de gobierno estable. palabras clave República, republicanismo, credo constitucional, libertad política, liberalismo abstRaC This article examines the changes of the republic and republicanism in Colombia, from its conceptualization and different connotations between 1810 and 1828. A full transition policy to constitutional experiences and proclamations of liberty which sought to set a stable polity.

EL BICENTENARIO COMO PROCESO HISTÓRICO:
La evolución del republicanismo, el Estado como sujeto histórico, la evolución de la sociedad hondureña, la identidad nacional y sus rasgos, la nación y sus integrantes y el relato nacional pasado como discurso
______________________________
Ariel Kan
Hoy festejamos con júbilo la llegada de nuestro gran Bicentenario. Durante estos dos siglos, la nación ha pasado por grandes satisfacciones, como la abolición de la esclavitud y la concesión de generosas libertadas civiles. También es cierto que ha sobrevivido a inenarrables situaciones, ha sido azotada por las guerras, los golpes de Estado, los embates del clima y la corrupción. Gran parte de nuestra supervivencia como Estado, y muchos de estos logros civiles, desarrollo y progreso técnico, no hubiera sido posible sin un gobierno republicano, lo que ha contribuido en la configuración de nuestra idiosincrasia como sociedad, impactando con ello en el relato nacional como un discurso de viva presencia.

La forma de gobierno, de la que históricamente derivó la actual organización estatal, es una monarquía republicana "LfOs nuevos Estados de la^ América antes española necesitan reyes con el nombre de presidentes".^ Antes que una paradoja, la frase que Juan Bautista Albcrdi atribuye a Bolívar es una metáfora profética. Ella contiene dos excesos. Uno temporal, pues anticipa con mucho la forma de gobierno que adopta rían las comunidades americanas frente a sus imperativos libertarios; el otro * Simón Bolívar, "Contestación de im Americano Meridional a un Caballero de

En este artículo hacemos un análisis sobre el Imperio de Brasil del año de 1823; más especícamente, de la presencia de la América española y sus impactos en la Asamblea General Constituyente y Legislativa, encargada de elaborar la primera constitución brasileña. Mostramos cómo a lo largo de los trabajos de los diputados, una experiencia hispanoamericana incidió de forma instructiva en los debates constituyentes (de manera más puntual, también en la prensa), y con eso buscamos entender aspectos fundamentales de la formación del Estado y de la nación en Brasil después de su independencia de Portugal.

Straumann presents a grand narrative: Roman constitutionalism in the West from the age of Cicero to the American Founding Fathers. His project is forensic, mounting a case framed in terms of a dichotomy between the Greek ethical and political tradition of Plato and Aristotle which emphasizes civic virtue (Pocock’s classical republicanism), and the Roman-law based constitutionalism of Cicero (Skinner’s version). But this is too easy. Cicero was heavily influenced by Aristotle; and the very survival of Western civilization depended on translation movements, Greek into Arabic and Arabic into Latin under the Abbasid and Cordoba Caliphates, which preserved the classical Greek texts on which it rests, and recirculated them back to Europe. This had important implications for Islamic jurisprudence which was the progenitor of medieval European jurisprudence and scholastic dialectic. Justinian’s recovery of Roman Law and subsequent Medieval codifications are related to the impetus for the Isl...

This chapter argues that the earliest and most vivid expression in visual art dedicated to a representation of the political life of an early modern city-state is to be found in the Trecento Republic of Siena. Here, we discover what is not only the first but also one of the finest examples of public art meant to convey the end and means of civic republicanism.

Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s fresco cycle for the walls of the Sala dei Nove within the Palazzo Pubblico of Siena—with their unique blending of classical references, secular humanism, political principles, and citizen virtue—vividly portray the visual rhetoric of civic republicanism as an expression of, and an exhortation to, the Sienese community. Lorenzetti’s visual rhetoric argues that the citizen of the Republic of Siena must seek concord and peace through their mutual devotion to justice and the common good. Lorenzetti’s vision of republicanism, the promise of good government depends upon meeting the threat posed to a republic not only by tyranny and vice, but also by the civic tumults and factionalism that lead to the decline and fall of a republic and the installment of a dominant ruler over public affairs.

Thud, the civic republicanism on display in Lorenzetti’s frescoes, especially in the figure of Peace, promotes the contributing causes and celebrates the salutary effects of good government, while yet remaining wary of the tumultuous civic life that is both the key to the vitality—and challenge to the maintenance—of the unity at the heart of that vision.

This article examines the origins and development of the American republic through the lens of the "republican synthesis" in American historiography and, in particular, the work of J.G.A.Pocock.

The republican tradition in America was created by white Anglo-Saxon Protestants, the "historic American nation." That ethnic group is now being displaced and dispossessed by hostile elites who have opened the floodgates to mass Third World immigration.

Pocock believed that the American Revolution led America to depart from the realm of British history.  The article contests that conclusion and argues that Pocock's conception of the British past as the history of the British state is fundamentally flawed.

The argument made here is that WASPs throughout the Anglosphere, including Pocock's own homeland in New Zealand, face the same problems of dispossession and ethnic displacement.  The result has been that WASPs everywhere have become a "stateless" people. The question is: What should they do about it?

El tema de este libro me fue sugerido por un seminario en torno a «Los Estados Unidos y el espíritu revolucionario», celebrado en la Universidad de Princeton durante la primavera de 1959 y patrocinado por el «Programa Especial de Civilización Americana». He podido concluir la obra gracias a una ayuda de la Fundación Rockefeller (1960) y a una invitación del Cen

El presente ensayo, privilegia de igual modo el objeto de estudio (Sistema Representativo) y el método (histórico-semántico desde la perspectiva del análisis del discurso). Nuestro objetivo persigue enfrentar el objeto de estudio, atendiendo a la re-presentación que del mismo se hacían las minorías reflexivas rioplatenses, y hacerlo a través del análisis del discurso histórico-político por ellas producido. Como resultado de la investigación, este estudio, al poner en relación el objeto-Sistema Representativo-con el órgano conceptivo de esa realidad-discurso-accede, desde tal perspectiva, a la decodificación del mismo, ofreciendo una exégesis del discurso que descubre el sentido de sus signos dentro de su contexto histórico. Nuestra investigación atendió, respecto de nuestro objeto de estudio, al análisis de fuentes-específicamente periódicos de la época y Actas de los Congresos Constituyentesy, respecto del método elegido, a los trabajos bibliográficos relacionados con el análisis del discurso en general y con el análisis del discurso histórico-político, en particular.

Resumen. Este trabajo examina la influencia de la Ilustración en la obra de Simón Rodríguez, especialmente en su pensamiento republicano. Para él, la república en la América del Sur de comienzos del siglo XIX comprende dos fases para su consolidación. La primera de ellas se ha cumplido: la independencia, un logro militar; la segunda, la libertad, está por desarrollarse. Esta segunda fase, considera, sólo podrá concretarse si se educa al ciudadano, y para ello es indispensable la educación republicana. Así, este filósofo considera que la mejor opción para la fundación de la república es la aplicación de algunas ideas políticas, sociales y educativas de la Ilustración. Palabras clave: Ilustración; independencia; libertad; pensamiento republicano; Simón Rodríguez.

Respecto a su recepción, la celebrada reedición del tour de force de Antoni Domènech apenas un año y medio después de su fallecimiento registra dos grandes aristas, no necesariamente compartimentadas. La primera, quizá más vista hasta ahora, recoge algunas lecciones desde el compromiso político. Una segunda, quizá más tediosa, podría asumir la tarea de situar sumariamente a su autor en el contexto de la reflexión política contemporánea, así como mencionar algunos elementos de discusión de sus formulaciones tras su exposición. En este caso, se escogerá la segunda vía. Es imprescindible situar la propuesta de Domènech en el contexto de la filosofía política anglosajona del último medio siglo. Con cierta temeridad, cabe reseñar al respecto similitudes con figuras como Rawls o Cohen. Tales son la escrupulosidad argumentativa y conceptual, la claridad y una no excesivamente caudalosa, no por ello poco contundente, obra publicada en vida. La diferencia crucial-cuestiones estilísticas aparte-la indica Domènech desde el propio prólogo, siendo tal la distancia respecto a la reflexión normativa por sus muy marcados límites. Esta consciencia de los límites lo conduce a rebasarlos a través de la lejanía del chovinismo filosófico, que a falta de un término mejor, denominaremos "enfoque integral". Enfoque integral con un gran sabor a los clásicos tanto de la filosofía como de las ciencias sociales, para quienes la diferenciación-y menos la compartimentación-entre disciplinas no existía en sus coordenadas de sentido. La determinación de Domènech ya se detecta con palmaria claridad desde su primera obra, De la ética a la política, imponente y metodológicamente heterodoxo recorrido histórico por las grandes figuras de la reflexión práctica de la antigüedad a la época moderna. Dentro de este nuevo universo de pensamiento, cabe destacar un elemento privilegiado que lo vertebra hasta su culminación con la obra que corresponde comentar a continuación. Tal es la conciencia historiográfica, que a su juicio permite superar las limitaciones de esta filosofía política normativa, respetable y nutritiva pero encorsetada y acusada, no sin razón, de correr el riesgo de producir, como diríamos en su más puro estilo, superferolíticas disquisiciones conceptuales en el vacío. En resumidas cuentas, en el título de la obra cristalizan perfectamente los objetivos de su autor: la reflexión sobre el Polít. Soc. (Madr.) 57(1) 2020: 285-303 297

“En Chile no hay liberalismo, todos son conservadores”, afirmaban los editores de un periódico obrero de Iquique a inicios del siglo XX. “No habiendo elecciones, no hay para qué buscar ideas liberales” había dicho otro publicista, en Copiapó, cinco décadas antes. Aunque la trayectoria de los liberales chilenos resulte opaca y en algunos pasajes hasta superflua, no sucede lo mismo con la historia del problema de las libertades y las reflexiones en torno al liberalismo como promesa de emancipación. Esa historia y dichas reflexiones han sido parte de discusiones sustantivas que desbordan los límites con que usualmente se dibuja el campo liberal. "Cuando íbamos a ser libres" reúne y contextualiza una serie documentos escritos en Chile entre 1811 y 1933 que da cuenta de los proteicos usos de la libertad como concepto político-filosófico y del liberalismo como corriente político-ideológica. Se trata de una compilación que visibiliza autorías y asuntos generalmente desestimados en las reconstrucciones canónicas, y ese criterio permite demostrar que la defensa de las libertades no ha sido patrimonio exclusivo del liberalismo, y que este ideario tiene una historia más disputada de lo que se sostiene. Mirando de reojo el presente, "Cuando íbamos a ser libres" reinstala preguntas ineludibles para sociedades que vuelven a pensar sus libertades mientras la intervención gubernamental se expande al alero de las crisis en curso.

Phillip Pettit offers a sophisticated analysis of modern republicanism that has nothing to do with the attacks on constitutional monarchy which were reaching a crescendo in Australia at the time his book appeared. Although Pettit is indifferent to the monarchy as such, he remains very much in the loyalist tradition. His loyalty is to the established, if not quite perfected, system of constitutional government throughout the Anglosphere.  He maintains that the "advanced democracies" already have it within their power to secure the full benefit of republican freedom for their citizens whether or not they still owe allegiance to the Queen. His argument is that the distinguishing feature of the republican form of government is freedom from domination.

Pettit remains oblivious to the possibility that the established form of republican government could itself become an auto-legitimating system of domination. He refuses to take seriously Hannah Arendt's argument that the forms of "one-man monarchical rule" characteristic of personal despotism have given way to a kind of "no-man rule". We are no longer subject to a ruling class that shoulders responsibility for the fate of the nation or of civilization as a whole. Instead, responsibility is lodged in the impersonal structures of the transnational corporate welfare state. This "rule by nobody" may turn out to be the cruelest form of tyranny.

Unless and until, the British monarchy, understood and accepted as such, captures the hearts and minds of the Australian people, it will be living on borrowed time. Australia's rulers no longer regard their subject population as a country but, rather, simply as an economy open to the free flow of trade, commerce, and intercourse on a global scale.

This paper draws on a book entitled The Idea of a Patriot King written in the mid-18th century by an English politician, Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke.  Bolingbroke frankly presented the idea of a Patriot King as a miracle waiting to happen.

It seems clear that only a miracle can save Australia now. The Anglo-Australian nation desperately needs a Patriot King to spark new life into the ancient constitutional folkways of the British peoples, rekindling the ancestral spirit of Anglo-Saxon liberty in an ever-more rootless, deracinated, and fragmented population.

Corporate capitalism has become a system of organized irresponsibility. But, denunciation of the managerial regime serves no useful purpose unless it is linked to a movement aiming to create a responsible ruling class. Given the accelerating crisis of confidence in the corporate plutocracy, this goal is becoming an urgent practical necessity.

In principle, the objective of such a movement is clear: those who nominally own the corporate sector must recover a measure of control over the uses to which their property is put. To make that possible, the public corporation must be reconstituted as a civil body politic or a "little republic".

The managerial revolution has subverted the constitutional principles of limited government. The survival of any form of republican government worthy of the name now depends upon the institutionalization of modernized schemas of civic action with the subpolitical corporate entities straddling the hopelessly blurred boundaries between state and civil society.

In his book, The Partial Constitution, Cass Sunstein resists suggestions that American history is a tale of steady civic decline. He denies that republicanism is a distinctive way of life or schema of civic action set in opposition to the dominant liberal paradigm of constitutional discourse. As early as 1993, when this book appeared, Sunstein was already known as the consummate political insider. Accordingly, he aims to preserve the core commitments of the liberal republican order established in the aftermath of the American Revolution.
Sunstein finds in the neo-Aristotelian ideal of deliberative democracy a constitutional synthesis of liberalism and republicanism which counters the risk that public officials will act in a "partial" or self-interested manner.
Unfortunately, Sunstein never provides any good reason to believe that the ideal of deliberative democracy can be realized within the increasingly obsolescent and ineffective structures of the regulatory state. He advocated giving women the right to abortion on demand, legally enforced integration of public schools and affirmative action, none of which have breathed new life into deliberative democracy.
Rather than obsessing over the equal protection clause, Sunstein would have been better advised to promote the extension of the Article IV guarantee of republican government to the irresponsible and unaccountable forms of corporate power which now dominate the institutional life of modern American society.

This essay was presented at the Elizabethtown Telos Conference on Populism and the New Class. The paper sought to demonstrate that populists tend not to recognize that the federal principle in Anglo-American constitutional jurisprudence has been hollowed-out by the essentially monarchal, if ostensibly democratic, language of popular sovereignty. It follows, therefore, that if populism is ever to be identified with a strong federation of autonomous local communities, populists must renounce their historic allegiance to the legal language of absolute, unitary, and indivisible sovereignty.

The recurrent and continuing failure of populism in America has been intimately related to the failure of American lawyers to develop a distinctively republican jurisprudence solidly rooted in a federal distribution of civic authority.

Not only have American lawyers failed to provide a secure constitutional foundation for a federal state; they have proved unable or unwilling to extend the federal principle into the institutional life of American civil society. This failure reflects what Robert Cover called the "jurispathic" logic of European natural jurisprudence.