Civil Rights in Education

Today's educational challenges in Africa have their roots in the colonial education system. The article explores the consequences of linguistic choices for quality education, self-determined development and children's rights in education. The analysis centers on a case study of a curriculum change in Zanzibar in which English has replaced Kiswahili as the language of instruction in the last years of primary school in Mathematics and Science subjects. The case study is grounded in an extensive review of theory and practices on the relationship between language of instruction, learning and rights in education. The field study researched the reasons behind the curriculum change, the extent to which schools were prepared for the change, and the consequences of the change for the learning environment. The article, therefore suggests that for the 21st century, Africa should place emphasis on rights policies that promotes not only access, but also inclusion and quality education.

California Assembly Bill 1955 (SAFETY Act) is allegedly designed to protect LGBTQ+ students' rights to privacy and self-determination, preventing forced disclosures that could harm their well-being. However, this approach raises significant concerns about parental rights as custodians of their children's privacy and well-being. The bill's provisions restrict parental access to critical information unless the student consents, potentially undermining parents' ability to support and guide their children. While the bill seeks to create a safer and more supportive environment for students, it however in my opinion fails to address the need for balanced policies that consider both the rights of students and the legitimate interests of parents for the welfare, health, social, and emotional wellbeing of the children.To address these concerns, a more balanced approach is needed—one that respects students' privacy while recognizing the essential role of parental involvement. Policies that promote open communication and collaboration between families and schools can create a supportive and inclusive environment, benefiting both students and their families.

Countries in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) continue to struggle economically since the massive decline of the 1980s. For instance, according to Gilbert (2004), 315 million people in SSA lived on a dollar a day in 1999. In addition, the World Bank (2011) indicates that SSA had an external debt of US$195,999 million in 2008. In the quest to resolve the crisis, governments in the region sought financial assistance from developed nations and international financial institutions, principally the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. As part of the conditions for borrowing money, the financial institutions laid out a set of policies ("structural adjustments") that the governments had to follow. The policies were based on neoliberal principles, which call for state withdrawal from administering public resources to promote social justice and replacing it with market-based solutions (Apple, 2000). This phenomenon will be discussed in detail below. In the area of education, it sought cost sharing in university education, private provision of schooling at all levels, and diversification of funding to primary education. Due to these neoliberal policies, university education in the region has faced and continues to face major challenges (Lulat, 2005). First, I will review the history of university education and its overall evolution and discuss the impact of neoliberal policies. This will be followed by an examination of the problems facing universities in the region. The following questions will be explored: Research Question 1: Are the existing universities in SSA serving the development needs of the region? Research Question 2: Are these universities up to the task of moving SSA out of the predicaments it faces such as famine, HIV/AIDS, poverty, diseases, debt, and human rights abuses? Finally, I argue that for universities to play a role in the development of the region, a new paradigm, which makes university education a public good, should be constituted.

The above interpretation is so prevalent that it is almost uniformly followed at the district, appellate, and supreme court levels. Among legal commentators, the conclusion that Congress amended sex discrimination to Title VII's list of prohibited discriminatory bases as a joke is so widespread that it has become "the standard interpretation of the statutes's history." 6 Such authors and commentators are wrong. The prevailing conclusions misconstrue the complete story behind the battle to add "sex" in Title VII. The following discussion will show that Congress added sex as a result of subtle political pressure from individuals, who for varying reasons, were serious about protecting the rights of women. Part I reviews the prevailing treatment of legislative history of sex discrimination. Part I will show that judges and other legal scholars often give no credence to the legislative history of sex discrimination. When the legislative history of Title VII is examined, it is usually employed to restrict expansion of sex discrimination protections. Part II scrutinizes the history of sex discrimination, and reveals that the sex discrimination provision was the result of complex political struggles involving racial issues, presidential politics, and competing factions of the women's rights movement. Part III outlines debates in the House of Representatives concerning the addition of sex to Title VII of the Act. This part will show that feminists who strongly supported the inclusion of sex as a protected class spoke out in favor of the provision and secured its passage into law. (1996); see also Catharine A. MacKinnon, Reflections on Sex Equality under Law, 100 YALE L.J. 1281, 1283-84 (1991) ('[Slex discrimination in private employment was forbidden under federal law only in a last minute joking "us boys" attempt to defeat Title VII's prohibition on racial discrimination. Sex was added as a prohibited ground of discrindnation when this attempted reductio ad absurdum failed and the law passed anyway").

This paper showcase the Educational situation in Zanzibar, soon after the attainment of independence up to date, this article is divided into two parts, first part is discussing the historical background of education system before and different steps that the education sector has made up to the year of 2018, also this part will try to illustrate the educational structure of Zanzibar with its motives for Zanzibaris and National development. At Last there is a second part that discusses some crusual issues which are vital in discussing educational situation in Zanzibar such as Enrolment of students in both levels of education, socioeconomic context, quality and efficiency of education in the society, school's facilities, quality of human resources recruited and infrastructures, financing, and lastly access to education. After discussing these issues this papers will over look on the improvements and strengthness of Zanzibar Education compared with other countries in East Africa, challenges that facing Zanzibar Education and the suggestion up on the discussed issues.

This thesis explores the consequences of linguistic choices for quality education, selfdetermined development and children's rights in education. The analysis centers on a case study of a curriculum change in Zanzibar in which English has replaced Kiswahili as the language of instruction in the last years of primary school in Mathematics and Science subjects. The case study is grounded in an extensive review of theory and practices on the relationship between language of instruction, learning and rights in education. The research design encompassed several field visits to Zanzibar over a period of three years, and deployed qualitative methods, including observation in classrooms and an extensive set of interviews with policy makers, teachers and Tanzanian academics. The field study researched the reasons behind the curriculum change, the extent to which schools were prepared for the change, and the consequences of the change for the learning environment. 2 Review of the literature on language policy in African education and its implications for quality learning and identity..

In this study we examine how school leaders in urban districts have responded to the Chilean universal school voucher system. We conducted interviews with public district school officials and principals in Santiago, Chile. We found that school leaders in the wealthy public schools have confronted the market policy by implementing similar cream-skimming measures as private-voucher schools. In comparison, the poorer public-municipal schools are not able to select their students. The respondents in our study elucidated that parent and student choice is limited because specific family and student characteristics (i.e. SES background, test scores), as well as the family/student residence within the city (in a relatively wealthy or poor section of the city) influence the spectrum of opportunities a student will have and the school he/she will enter. As a result, the voucher system introduces educational opportunities for students who have the capital (pecuniary and non-pecuniary) to enabl...

The Zanzibar Ministry of Education and Vocational Training (MoEVT) and the World Bank (the Bank) approached the EdTech Hub (the Hub) in April 2020 to explore the feasibility of implementing a Virtual Learning Environment (VLE). The Hub was requested to focus primarily on the deployment of a VLE in lower secondary education, and this report consequently focuses primarily on this group. The report is structured in four sections:

An introduction to provide the background and guiding principles for the engagement with a short overview of the methodology applied.

An analysis of the Zanzibar education system with a particular focus on elements relevant to deploying a VLE. This includes the status of ICT infrastructure, and a summary of the stakeholders who will play a role in using or implementing a VLE.

A third section that discusses types of VLEs and content organisation, and their applicability to the Zanzibar ecosystem.

A conclusion with recommendations for Zanzibar, including short- and long-term steps.

In this collaboration with Zanzibar’s MoEVT, the Hub team sought to understand the purpose of the proposed VLE. Based on discussions and user scenarios, we identified two main education challenges a VLE may help to resolve. In the short term, students cannot go to school during the COVID-19 crisis, but need access to educational content. There is content, but no flexible and versatile platform to disseminate content to all students. In the long term, a mechanism to provide students with access to quality, curriculum-aligned content in school, or remotely, is required.

America is struggling for a direction for fulfilling the identified intent of America to build human freedom for the growth of America and all Americans. As a country, America has accomplished much. However, America has a history of difficulty in providing democracy and freedom for all Americans. This difficulty has been and continues to be a barrier for America to fulfill its potential as a nation for human growth, achievement and freedom for America, indeed all Americans.

Alex Molnar has taken up the question of commercialization in education over an extensive career that most recently has been in concert with the National Education Policy Center (NEPC), an organization dedicated to the scholarly response to this very education reform movement. In the Spring of 2012, a dialogue was engaged to explore issues of the moment for scholars of education and how we might respond.

In South Africa, as in many other jurisdictions, it is well established that where a parent is unlawfully and culpably killed by a third party any surviving children may claim for loss of support. Detailed rules on damages available in terms of the common law loss of support action have developed over a long period of time. However, the action has generally remained subject to a major limitation. The loss which can be claimed for must be pecuniary or material. This is in accordance with the principle that only patrimonial damages may be awarded in terms of the loss of support action. Thus, damages which can be claimed by children unlawfully deprived of a parent are restricted to compensation for loss of future maintenance they will no longer receive. In reality, the harm and deprivation children experience after death of a parent tend to be much more than what has been recognized as suitable for compensation by means of patrimonial damages. Particularly where there was a close relat...

Today's educational challenges in Africa have their roots in the colonial education system. The article explores the consequences of linguistic choices for quality education, self-determined development and children's rights in education. The analysis centers on a case study of a curriculum change in Zanzibar in which English has replaced Kiswahili as the language of instruction in the last years of primary school in Mathematics and Science subjects. The case study is grounded in an extensive review of theory and practices on the relationship between language of instruction, learning and rights in education. The field study researched the reasons behind the curriculum change, the extent to which schools were prepared for the change, and the consequences of the change for the learning environment. The article, therefore suggests that for the 21st century, Africa should place emphasis on rights policies that promotes not only access, but also inclusion and quality education.

This thesis explores the consequences of linguistic choices for quality education, selfdetermined development and children's rights in education. The analysis centers on a case study of a curriculum change in Zanzibar in which English has replaced Kiswahili as the language of instruction in the last years of primary school in Mathematics and Science subjects. The case study is grounded in an extensive review of theory and practices on the relationship between language of instruction, learning and rights in education. The research design encompassed several field visits to Zanzibar over a period of three years, and deployed qualitative methods, including observation in classrooms and an extensive set of interviews with policy makers, teachers and Tanzanian academics. The field study researched the reasons behind the curriculum change, the extent to which schools were prepared for the change, and the consequences of the change for the learning environment. 2 Review of the literature on language policy in African education and its implications for quality learning and identity..

Abstract: The article critiques the new right to Free Exercise of Discrimination recently created in American law and its effect on equality, and in particular on women's equality, which is uniquely susceptible to religious and cultural norms. Recent developments in American law have obliterated the distinctions between religious institutions and other civil society institutions in two important ways. Following the Boy Scouts case all" expressive associations" are entitled to exemptions from anti discrimination laws that until now were ...

By most measures, 12-year-old “M” was an observant Jewish boy. Practicing in the Masorti tradition, M prayed in Hebrew, attended synagogue, and participated in a Jewish Youth Group. It was not surprising then, when M applied for admission to JFS (formerly the Jews’ Free School). Founded in 1732, JFS is Europe’s largest Jewish secondary school and receives funding from the British government. As such, it is extremely popular among Jewish children and generally considered to be an outstanding comprehensive school. Nevertheless, M’s application was denied. Due to the popularity of the school, JFS gave preference to applicants who were recognized as Jewish by the Office of the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregation of the Commonwealth (OCR). The OCR recognizes a person as Jewish only if: 1) that person was descended in the matrilineal line from a woman whom the OCR would recognize as Jewish; or

Comparative and International Education: A Diversity of Voices aims to provide a comprehensive range of titles, making available to readers work from across the comparative and international education research community. Authors will represent as broad a range of voices as possible, from geographic, cultural and ideological standpoints. The editors are making a conscious effort to disseminate the work of newer scholars as well as that of well-established writers. The series includes authored books and edited works focusing upon current issues and controversies in a field that is undergoing changes as profound as the geopolitical and economic forces that are reshaping our worlds. The series aims to provide books which present new work, in which the range of methodologies associated with comparative education and international education are both exemplified and opened up for debate. As v TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments vii About the Authors ix ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to give my sincere thanks to Professor Allan Pitman from the University of Western Ontario (Canada) for his wonderful support by making this book possible and for his great edits which enhance some chapters. I acknowledge the great reviews and edits made by Professor Andrew Collins and Professor Harold Wilhite from the University of Oslo (Norway). I am also thankful to Professor Suzanne Majhanovich from the University of Western Ontario (Canada), Professor Sam Mchombo , from the University of California-Berkeley (USA), Dr. Shelley Terzian from the Dominican University in Chicago (USA) and Alestra Menendez from the Lawrence Hall of Science at the University of California-Berkeley, for their valuable time and efforts in reading some chapters. Thanks also to Helen Clifton , Victor Wong and Vicki Savitt from the University of California-Berkeley for helping me with the manuscript formatting. Finally, I dedicate this book to Professor Macleans A. Geo-JaJa of Brigham Young University, Utah (USA) as he introduced me into the world of editing through our joint work as Guest-editors for two Special Issues of the World Studies Education Journal; the first entitled Rights-Based Approach and Globalization in Education (published in 2012) and the second Education Paradigms and Globalization in Development (published in 2013). Last but not the least, this book is also dedicated to my children, Paul Kacem, Alexandre Yanis and Kahena Judith for being the greatest voices from the South in the North and from the North in the South, for their love in sharing their time and great interest in this book, and for assisting me in the selection of an excellent cover picture for this book, merci beaucoup! ix

Saskatchewan Law Review II. APPLICATION AND LIMITATIONS Subsection 32(1) of the Charter provides that the Charter applies to Parliament and the legislatures of the provinces, and to the federal and provincial governments. The Charter protects the individual from government action, but does not apply in respect of private disputes between individuals. 4 There should be little doubt that the Charter applies to school authorities and officials. The schools carry out a public function and are publicly funded. Moreover, attendance at schools is compulsory, and to a large extent matters such as attendance and discipline are regulated by The Education Act 5 of Saskatchewan. It is important to recognize that the rights and freedoms set out in the Charter are not absolute, but are, by virtue of section 1, subject to "such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society." Leading Charter decisions to date have indicated that the onus is on the government to establish that the limitation is justified. 6 A second important point is that the limitation must be "prescribed by law." The limitation therefore cannot be merely a matter of unfettered discretion, but must be ascertainable and understandable. 1 One final point should be kept in mind. Even where an argument succeeds that the Charter does not apply, there may still be recourse to the Bill of Rights provisions of The Saskatchewan Human Rights Code. 8 Freedom of 4 See K. Swinton, "Application of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms" in

Much of the sociological and historical literature, ignoring long-standing interclass disputes over integration, takes for granted that during the 1950s, all blacks, parents, and members of civil rights organizations included, sought desegregation. This article examines the interests of different segments of New York City's black community regarding the public schools during that era. I use contemporary newspaper accounts of protests and more recent theoretical insights to analyze and interpret differences in expressed goals and demands. This article not only documents considerable educationally oriented protest in a Northern city during a decade often overlooked by scholars, but highlights important class-based differences within a single city's black community regarding changes needed. Of particular interest to social movement scholars are findings that reveal a large disjuncture between the demands of the grassroots parents' organizations and established, elite civil rights organizations. While civil rights organizations sought abstract ideals of integration, parents demanded tangible improvements in their children's schools. Class-based cultures and experiences are posited as the root of this disjuncture.

In talking about patriarchal religion I adopt Sylvia Walby's definition of patriarchy as "a system of social structures and practices in which men dominate, oppress and exploit women." SYLVIA WALBY, THEORIZING PATRIARCHY 20 (1990). This definition is particularly useful as it serves to highlight patriarchal religions as social structures that subordinate women and as generators and perpetuators of subordinating social practices. This definition 6. ZILLAH R. EISENSTEIN, THE RADICAL FUTURE OF LIBERAL FEMINISM 34 (1993) (citing JOHN LOCKE, Two TREATISES OF GOVERNMENT (Peter Laslett ed., Cambridge Univ. Press 1960)(1698). 7. Id. at 37-38. 8. Id. 9. Id. at 41-42; see also CAROLE PATEMAN, THE SEXUAL CONTRACT 90-96 (1988). 10. EISENSTEIN, supra note 6, at 35-37. 11. Id. at 35-37. THE FREE EXERCISE OF DISCRIMINATION the right to practice their religion without hindrance in the private sphere, women were completely excluded from the public sphere and subjugated to men in the private sphere, at least in part on the basis of religious teachings. The exclusion of women from the public sphere on the basis of religious teachings continued long after the political separation between religion and the state was established. For example, notwithstanding the separation between religion and the state enshrined in the American Constitution, the Supreme Court of the United States employed the divine ordinance as late as 1873 to deny women the right to practice law, stating that "The constitution of the family organization, which is founded in the divine ordinance, as well as in the nature of things, indicates the domestic sphere as that which properly belongs to the domain and functions of womanhood."1 2 While today the U.S. Supreme Court would most likely refrain from expressly basing its decisions on divine ordinance, this article will show that despite the separation between religion and the state that exists in the United States, women's right to equality is curtailed by the discriminatory teachings and practices inherent in patriarchal religions and cultures, and that this discrimination is sanctioned, enforced and financed by the state. B. Religion, Community and the State in the United States, Israel, and CEDAW This article explores how the relationship between religion and the state in the U.S. affects women's rights and argues that direct intervention aimed at changing religious and cultural practices that discriminate against women is the only means of creating the conditions necessary for the achievement of equality for women. This article also compares the situation in the U.S. to that of Israel, as well as to the provisions of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). 1 3 Allegedly, the relationship that exists between religion and the state could not be more dissimilar than it is between the United States and Israel. The U.S. is considered a bastion of the secular state, while the State of Israel, from its inception, makes religion part of the law in areas such as family law, as well as part of

Carpenter participated in an interview by videographer Dennis DJ Joseph on the front porch of the Movement House in Eutaw, Alabama. Her sister, Annie Thomas, was interviewed with Rosie. They were together, perhaps for the last time filmed together. They talked about FEAR and overcoming it in the face of possible death. Annie Thomas spoke about FEAR when she talked about going to plantations to register voters. She spoke about "seeing those children, marching up to the courthouse to protest while sitting on this front porch," and she said, "I just knew I had to do something." Rosie Lee Carpenter's 100-year birthday was January 25, 2022. She and her family published a statement for the media about her life.

Indigenous peoples have historically been the poorest and most excluded populations in many parts of the world. They have not only faced serious discrimination in terms of their basic rights to property, language, culture and citizenship but also in terms of access to basic services and essential material conditions for a satisfying life. In many countries there exists a high correlation between poverty and being indigenous with the socio-economic conditions and access to basic social services significantly worse for the indigenous peoples than for the non-indigenous population (Davis, 2002, Partridge et al. 1998). Over the past decade there has been a strong reaffirmation of indigenous identity and important advances in indigenous peoples’ human development. In particular, there has been an emergent trend of strong indigenous organizations and a new indigenous leadership as well as a growing awareness of the mestizo population about the multi-ethnic and pluricultural character of s...

Article I, section eight of the Minnesota Constitution, the remedies clause, has seldom surfaced in supreme court opinions. Despite its limited use by ltigants and the judiciay, however, the clause enjoys continued vitality. Ms. Mickelsen's comprehensive histon'cal survey of section eight includes discussion of the constitutional convention of1857, the 1984 Green-Glo Turf Farms, Inc. decision of the Minnesota Supreme Court, and all of the section eight cases in between. On the basis of her thorough survey, analysis, and comparison with the Illinois and Wisconsin clauses, Ms. Mickelsen ofers a prognosis for the Minnesota remedies clause.

Maxims and Arrows, in TWILIGHT OF THE IDOLS AND THE ANTI-CHRIST 23 (R.J. Hollingdale trans., 1968). The original German text of TWILIGHT OF THE IDOLS has the subtitle, HOW TO PHILOSOPHIZE WITH A HAMMER. While it is difficult to have a discussion with a hammer, hammers can be constructive while wrecking balls cannot. 5. The rhetoric of sides also overgeneralizes. The victims of the polarization of our public discourse are those who occupy the vast middle: those who do not identify as radical left or right and really just want the truth and a functioning country. As the 2018 Mueller indictments disclose, Russia sought to undermine our democracy by exploiting this polarization.

In June of 1864, Nevada elected delegates to its second constitutional convention in two years. In September of that same year, the state’s constitution was ratified by the people and, by the end of October, President Lincoln issued a proclamation making Nevada the thirty-sixth state in the Union. Nevada made the transition from territory to statehood more rapidly than any of its western counterparts. The adopted state constitution placed almost unique emphasis on, and provided an entire article of the constitution governing, the subject of education. Education was bound to be a central area of attention, given the enactment of the Morrill Act of 1862, which required specific areas of instruction in public universities if states were to qualify for federal financial assistance. Since the constitution thus required the establishment of a state University governed by a Board of Regents, it has been suggested that it forbids legislative creation of any other tax-supported schools of hi...

In 1999, the Supreme Court invoked state sovereign immunity to strike down provisions in the patent and trademark laws purporting to hold states liable for the infringement of these intellectual properties. These decisions ignited a series of criticisms, including allegations that sovereign immunity gives states an unfair advantage in the exercise of state-owned patent rights. In particular, critics alleged two unfair advantages to state patentees. First, they alleged that states would favorably manipulate litigation. Second, they alleged that states would use their immunity from challenge to obtain broad patents or force private parties into licensing arrangements. An empirical study focusing on a sample of private and public universities, however, indicates that these allegations may not be completely true. State universities, as patentees, do not appear to be more successful litigants than their private counterparts. Similarly, state universities do not appear to be aggressively ...

This Article exploits an anomaly in Title VII doctrine to develop a new theory of employment discrimination law. The anomaly is employers' liability for not protecting employees from harassment by customers or other third parties. Plaintiffs prevail without establishing either disparate treatment or disparate impact. Instead, their claims essentially assert denial of reasonable accommodations, notwithstanding the consensus that Title VII disallows such claims. To understand this anomaly, I propose disaggregating discriminatory intent into two functions. One identifies the presence of "membership causation": workplace harm caused by the employee's membership in a protected class. Membership causation also can arise without the employer's discriminatory intent, as it does with third-party harassment and nonaccommodation generally. The second function establishes the employer's responsibility for preventing membership causation. Hostile work environment claims...

Bureau confirmed that rural areas continue to be among the poorest in the nation. 4 Although rural poverty is a national problem, it continues to be most extreme in the South, with rural minorities, women, and children being the most disadvantaged. 5 According to a 1997 report from the U.S. Department of Agriculture: "The poverty rate for rural children was 23.0 percent. For rural Black children, who face the combined economic disadvantages of rurality, minority status, and childhood, the poverty rate was 48.2 percent. The majority of rural poor children (59.1 percent) lived in single-parent families, most (53.2 percent) in female-headed families." 6 4. Highest Poverty Rates in Border Counties, Rural Areas, Associated Press, Oct. 30, 2002 (on file with the author). 5. Id. 6. DOUG BowERs & PEGGY COOK, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, RURAL CONDITIONS AND TRENDS: SOCIOECONOMIC CONDITIONS ISSUE, at http://www.ers.usda. gov/publications/rcat73 (Feb. 1997) (on file with author). 7. HAROLD L. HODGKINSON, A DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF THE SOUTHEAST 18 (1992) ("In the nation, for every urban 'hyper-poor' child living at 50 percent of poverty of the official poverty level, there is one rural child who is just as poor.") 8. See Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533, 562 (1964) (establishing the one man, one vote principle and holding that "legislators represent people, not trees or acres"). Because isolated rural areas generally have more trees and acres than people and votes, their political influence is limited accordingly.

It is widely accepted in today’s corporate world that diversity is essential to the effective functioning of the workplace. In pursuit of that belief, many corporations grant racial preferences in hiring and promotion and insist on diversity among suppliers of goods and services. Despite the ubiquity of such practices, little case law exists under Title VII addressing the use of preferences outside the remedial context and virtually none exists that would support them. The statutory language itself seems to forbid any use of race in employment decisions. Although the Supreme Court has decided two cases upholding the use of preferences under Title VII, those cases are firmly rooted in a remedial rationale. If current affirmative-action doctrine does not justify race and sex preferences, other statutory grounds might exist that would do so, but it seems unlikely. The “bona fide occupational qualification” (BFOQ) defense is a very narrow one, and it does not apply to race at all. Altho...

Confronting persistent and widening inequality in educational opportunity, advocates have regarded the right to education as a linchpin for reform. In the forty years since the Supreme Court relegated that right to the domain of state constitutional law, its power has surged and faded in litigation challenging state school finance systems. Like so many of the students it is meant to protect, however, the right to education has generally underachieved, in part because those wielding it have not always appreciated its distinctive forms and function. Deconstructed, the right to education held by children has been formulated doctrinally as both a claim-right, imposing affirmative duties on the state to act, and an immunity, disabling certain state action. These two strands — oft-manifested as the claim-right to educational “adequacy” and an immunity entailing “equality” of educational opportunity — once considered irreconcilable are actually interlocked by the right’s core, historical f...

Article I, section eight of the Minnesota Constitution, the remedies clause, has seldom surfaced in supreme court opinions. Despite its limited use by ltigants and the judiciay, however, the clause enjoys continued vitality. Ms. Mickelsen's comprehensive histon'cal survey of section eight includes discussion of the constitutional convention of1857, the 1984 Green-Glo Turf Farms, Inc. decision of the Minnesota Supreme Court, and all of the section eight cases in between. On the basis of her thorough survey, analysis, and comparison with the Illinois and Wisconsin clauses, Ms. Mickelsen ofers a prognosis for the Minnesota remedies clause.

N ADDRESSING ITSELF to the constitutionality of Section 3316.66 of the Ohio Revised Code,' the United States Supreme Court in Goss v. Lopez 2 has ruled for the first time upon the extent to which the rights of students are to be protected under the due process clause of the fourteenth amendment in conjunction with any disciplinary removal from a public school. 3 By its action the Court has tacitly undertaken to lift the cloud on student rights which has existed under the common law doctrine of in loco parentis, 4 and interpose procedural safeguards upon any decision of school officials to deprive a student of educational benefits. 5

he reader is brought to the edge of the language that is being used, to the edge of language itself perhaps, where he can begin to see it as made, as chosen, as the material with which the mind can work. Language loses the transparency it normally has and becomes opaque, or perhaps better, translucent.

Countries in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) continue to struggle economically since the massive decline of the 1980s. For instance, according to Gilbert (2004), 315 million people in SSA lived on a dollar a day in 1999. In addition, the World Bank (2011) indicates that SSA had an external debt of US$195,999 million in 2008. In the quest to resolve the crisis, governments in the region sought financial assistance from developed nations and international financial institutions, principally the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. As part of the conditions for borrowing money, the financial institutions laid out a set of policies ("structural adjustments") that the governments had to follow. The policies were based on neoliberal principles, which call for state withdrawal from administering public resources to promote social justice and replacing it with market-based solutions (Apple, 2000). This phenomenon will be discussed in detail below. In the area of education, it sought cost sharing in university education, private provision of schooling at all levels, and diversification of funding to primary education. Due to these neoliberal policies, university education in the region has faced and continues to face major challenges (Lulat, 2005). First, I will review the history of university education and its overall evolution and discuss the impact of neoliberal policies. This will be followed by an examination of the problems facing universities in the region. The following questions will be explored: Research Question 1: Are the existing universities in SSA serving the development needs of the region? Research Question 2: Are these universities up to the task of moving SSA out of the predicaments it faces such as famine, HIV/AIDS, poverty, diseases, debt, and human rights abuses? Finally, I argue that for universities to play a role in the development of the region, a new paradigm, which makes university education a public good, should be constituted.

The paper examines economic poverty and educational poverty in the Niger Delta, a region endowed with enormous, but misused, resources. The National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategies (NEEDS) is contrasted with other poverty reduction strategies. The ...

The 2015 federal Every Student Succeeds Act (ESSA) affords states flexibility in adopting accountability measures that assess opportunity to learn, and requires that state and district leaders use evidence-based interventions to address any inequities. For English learners (ELs) at the secondary level, one important measure of opportunity to learn is access to and completion of rigorous, college preparatory coursework. Drawing from ESSA's definition of "evidence-based," which aligns closely with requirements for EL programs outlined by Castañeda, we propose course taking as a valid and reliable statewide indicator of student success, and offer recommendations for local interventions that would support secondary ELs' opportunity to learn.

Nevada had been made a territory just three years earlier. Id. 3 See NEV. CONST. art. XI. 4 BUSHNELL, supra note 1, at 45; DON W. DRIGGS, THE CONSTITUTION OF THE STATE OF NEVADA: A COMMENTARY 60 (1961) (observing that the constitution named as fields of study the very ones that the Morrill Act required for eligibility for federal benefits).

Indigenous African languages are largely eliminated, and marginalized from use. Instead of investing in and using their linguistic, cultural, and human potential, African governments and the elite still continue to channel away their resources and energies into learning 'imperial' languages that are used by a tiny minority of the populations. Against the backdrop of constraining global forces, and Africa's internal problems (wars, repression, and general economic misery), this paper argues that African languages could be the most critical element for Africa's survival, and cultural, educational and economic development. In order for this to happen, however, Africa must invest in this sector of 'cultural economy' as much as it does (should do) in the 'material economy', since both spheres are interrelated and impact on each other. The theme of my paper is 'globalization and African languages'. But, in light of the impassioned, and often antagonizing, current discussions on the subject of globalization in academic and public discourses, I would like to begin with some personal remarks and reflective statements. Like everybody else, I am a product of my education. Although my formal and informal education has influenced me to accommodate collectivism more than individualism, I must admit I am more attracted to the political and economic culture of the "free-world" than the controlled political and economic systems, such as socialism, especially the practiced, internally abusive, and outwardly imperialist, Soviet type of communism. Other factors, less communal and more private, which have also contributed to this antipathy include the former Russia's political and military counter-intervention against the self-determination of the Eritrean people. This does not imply that Western democracies, particularly the US, are absolutely perfect; they too have their blind spots. For example, in Class Warfare (1996: 34-35), Noam Chomsky and David Barsamian mention an awesome figure of a starving "six million U.S kids" and poverty "'surging' among the elderly, reaching maybe 15 or 16% of the population over sixty;" lament the destruction of "family values," and claim that American child development and protection schemes do not even match up to those of Uganda (a poor Third World country), which speak of the seriousness of the socioeconomic problems facing the West. Politically, too, Western democracies have their contradictions. At a global level, notwithstanding the declared, laudable aims of exporting the ideals of democracy and development to the rest of the world, they often act single-handedly by relying on the superiority of their military and political hegemony. Internally also, in Western democracies power is at times contested, as Hilary Clinton (2004: 51) suggests, not so much as bringing about change but to "keep the other guys away from power over us." Yet, these democracies have the enviable capacity to provide for their citizens, amply and abundantly. They have, moreover, more than any other contemporary culture, the tremendous force to attract and appropriate what Homi Bhabha (1993: 291) calls "the nations of others," and 'Gatherings of foreign tongues, disciplines, discourses, memory, and exiles and émigrés and refugees and 2 intellectuals,' who have found sanctuary and success in varying degrees. I say this not to please or displease. I write from my own experience of exile and encounters, and, despite the immigrants' ghettoization and their "half-life and half-light of foreign tongues," as Bhabha (1993: 291) puts it, or what Edward Said (1995: 27) calls the pervasive 'web of racism, cultural stereotyping and political imperialism' outside the academia and within, I believe that that is how many of our prominent postcolonial writers, academics, and artists, including the Great Soyinka, Ngugi, and Mudimbe, were shaped and grew to accomplishment. Needless to say, it is difficult to decide which came first-the genius or the canonization effect-but there is direct and circuitous evidence that this would have been virtually impossible without the support, protection, and the intellectual liberalism of the West. I want also to say that my (ultimate) sympathy for the west or Western model, in spite of the problems, is neither purely self-referential nor based only on "my readings." While perhaps also typical of other post-colonial regions, many of my African interlocutors (community leaders, students, human rights activists, colleagues and friends) in the continent and the diaspora do indeed view the West with deference, while at the same time using its political and economic hegemony for critique as well as for introspection on local (African) policies of governance, ideology and culture. This African sympathy was not necessarily always there, but is something that has grown over time. The principal reasons behind this change therefore deserve a brief mention, for they provide a vital insight into the palpably forward-looking, political tendencies and hopes, but also intrinsically linked anxieties and doubts, evolving in African groups and communities today. After almost half a century of independence and statehood, African political leaders and intellectuals have accepted their limitations and failures. Academic and creative works in English and vernaculars amply confirm that the nationalist agendas of the liberation struggles did not materialize; that they failed to restore the political dignity of their nations, and, above all, that they hopelessly failed to relieve the lives of their populations from the conditions of political and cultural 'violence' and economic 'misery', so elegantly yet graphically described by Frantz Fanon in 1961. And herein lies the core of the paradigm shift in the ways Africans think about the West today: in search of alternative paths, they look to the Western model of development, including its promises of cultural and intellectual liberalism, political democracy, economic capitalism and its new form, globalization, as an attractive, and attainable, mode for progress and prosperity.

How should we-nonlawyers and lawyers alike-think about the following problem? Suppose New York adopts an extensive program that provides "vouchers" to send their children to non-public schools. The state imposes lots of requirements for schools to be eligible to receive vouchers: They have to pay their support staff the minimum wage, they have to recycle the waste they produce, they have to teach a specified number of core courses, they have to test their students regularly, and much more. A school affiliated with an evangelical church qualifies for the program, and about 75% of its budget comes from the vouchers it gets. The school has an explicit policy of refusing to employ mothers with preschool age children as teachers, because of its belief, rooted in religion, that such women should spend their time with their children. The question is: Is the school's policy unconstitutional? 1 A lawyer today would address that question by asking first whether the school was a so-called state actor, because today the only entities that have to comply with the Constitution are such actors. Under today's doctrine, the school is certainly not a state actor. Knowing that, though, tells us close to nothing about how to think about what we should do about the school's policy. The state action doctrine is profoundly misleading, distracting us from paying attention to what truly matters. It should be abandoned-as it almost had been by the late 1960s. The state-action doctrine emerges out of the language of the Fourteenth Amendment, but the doctrine doesn't do any useful work in constitutional analysis. The 1 Let's assume that allowing church-related schools to accept vouchers doesn't violate the Constitution.

Law Center. I would like to thank Janet Hiebert for a particularly useful formulation of the central inquiry in this Essay. 'See, e.g., 44 Liquormart, Inc. v. Rhode Island, 517 U.S. 484 (1996) (invalidating a state ban on advertising prices for alcoholic beverages); Lorillard Tobacco Co. v. Reilly, 533 U.S. 525 (2001) (invalidating a state law severely restricting advertising of tobacco products). 2 Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397 (1989); United States v. Eichman, 496 U.S. 310 (1990). R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, Minn., 505 U.S. 377 (1992) (invalidating an ordinance making it an offense to burn a cross when doing so will "arouse anger" on the basis of race, color, creed, religion, or gender). Cf Virginia v. Black, 538 U.S. 343 (2003) (upholding a state law making it an offense to burn a cross with the intent to intimidate).