Basic Income

Numerous unconditional basic income (UBI) pilot projects raise the ques- tions whether this idea can be transformed from a theoretical concept into a universal tool and be implemented both in poor and rich countries. In this article the unconditional basic income concept and the arguments of its supporters and opponents are presented. Based on the literature review, the discussions about UBI are analyzed and systemized. In conclusion, the author reflects on the perspectives of introduction of UBI and its dangers.

SOMMARIO: 1. Lavoro autonomo e rivoluzione digitale: due iniziative governative. – 1.1. I ritardi del Welfare italiano: dalla Commissione D’Aragona (1947) al precariato e al lavoro autonomo di seconda e terza generazione. – 1.2. Rivoluzione digitale nella on-demand economy. – 1.3. Cenni su un dibattito giuslavoristico intorno a reddito e nuovo Welfare. – 2. Garanzie sociali universalistiche, a partire dalla lotta alla povertà: la questione sociale è costituente. – 2.1. La permanente assenza di un reddito minimo garantito: dagli anniversari della "Commissione Onofri” (1997) e “Commissione Carniti” (2007)... – 2.2. ...al ddl di contrasto della povertà assoluta (2016). – 2.3. La Repubblica dei diritti e della solidarietà: il reddito per un’esistenza libera e dignitosa. – 3. Reddito di base per tenere insieme innovazione tecnologica e inclusione sociale: un’utopia concreta per realisti.

Cognitive capital is an important resource for employers. A survey instrument is proposed to evaluate employee’s desire to use their cognitive capital in the workplace. Additionally, the survey incorporates elements to allow for cross analysis of results by whether or not the employee is receiving income from external sources outside their primary employer. This is an important aspect for study due to the increasing need to analyze how universal basic income may potentially impact employee mindset and use of cognitive capital within or external to their work environment.

For the advocates of basic income as instrument to guarantee real freedom, the capabilities approach constitutes an important challenge. It seems that a universal and in-cache policy, such as basic income, would not play any role in a theory so aware of the diversity of people and so sceptic of the idea that real freedom would be achieved only thanks to higher income. But this assumption, which appears correct at first sight, is not confirmed after a careful evaluation of Sen’s proposal.
In the article, the Author shows how basic income would be a good instrument to fulfil what Sen calls protective security. Afterward, the article handles the question regarding how basic income could take into account some diversity in people’s capabilities thanks to the concept of undominated diversity.

The study's general objective is to analyze the role of internal financial audit, as an anti-irregularity agent. It has specifically aimed at Searching in the literature the importance of internal auditing in aggregating values of administrative probity, analyzing contributions provided by internal auditing and investigating the differences between fraud and errors committed internally. This is a study of a basic nature, with an explanatory procedure, carried out using the reviews and opinion of the authors who addressed similar issues. For the selection of sources, the following inclusion descriptors were considered: internal financial audit, irregularities (i.e. fraud, error, money laundering) and the theme addressed, and for exclusion: Articles that escaped the line of research and articles considered repeated concerning the theme. The period from 2015 to 2021 was considered. The research was considered satisfactory, concerning the theme addressed.

A Prefeitura de Maricá, na Região Metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro, teve expressiva atuação anticíclica com políticas sociais durante a pandemia de Covid-19. O Banco Mumbuca, responsável pela intermediação financeira entre a Prefeitura e beneficiários de programas sociais de transferência de renda, adotou semelhante postura anticíclica na concessão de microcrédito, ao injetar liquidez na economia e reforçar as políticas fiscais adotadas pela Prefeitura. Dados do período de 2018 a 2021 apontam que três quartos do montante total concedido foi concentrado no período de pandemia, em 2020. Portanto, o Banco não adotou postura conservadora aumentando sua preferência pela liquidez em um momento de crise.

Published in 1964, James Meade’s *Efficiency, Equality and the Ownership of Property* packs an incredible concentration of insightful analysis and provocative policy ideas in under 100 pages. The book is a brilliant exploration of what a more egalitarian society might look like, and of what measures might help us to get there.

As a work that went on to exert a deep influence on both the economists Thomas Piketty and Tony Atkinson, and the philosopher John Rawls, it does not merit the relative neglect in which it now rests. Time is ripe for its rediscovery.

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L’attenzione verso il reddito di base è alta anche nel nostro paese. Oltre ai progetti di legge depositati in Parlamento, alle proposte di studiosi e di organizzazioni sociali e alle iniziative adottate a livello locale, è di fine gennaio 2016 l’approvazione da parte del Consiglio dei ministri di un disegno di legge in materia di contrasto alla povertà. A prescindere dai vincoli finanziari, le obiezioni culturali nei confronti di un reddito di base restano, tuttavia, forti e variegate. Attraverso un’analisi rigorosa, ma di facile lettura, il volume mira a fornire gli strumenti cruciali per orientarsi in questo dibattito. Entra nel dettaglio delle principali configurazioni di reddito di base, dal reddito minimo al reddito di cittadinanza, all’imposta negativa, alle dotazioni di capitale fino alle tante declinazioni che ciascuna forma può assumere. Esamina le più recenti evoluzioni in atto nell’Unione europea e in Italia. Infine, argomenta con forza le diverse ragioni di giustizia e di efficienza a favore di un reddito di base, delineando le principali implicazioni per le politiche pubbliche.

Is sex work (specifically, prostitution) vulnerable to technological unemployment? Several authors have argued that it is. They claim that the advent of sophisticated sexual robots will lead to the displacement of human prostitutes, just as, say, the advent of sophisticated manufacturing robots have displaced many traditional forms of factory labour. But are they right? In this article, I critically assess the argument that has been made in favour of this displacement hypothesis. Although I grant the argument a degree of credibility, I argue that the opposing hypothesis -- that prostitution will be resilient to technological unemployment -- is also worth considering. Indeed, I argue that increasing levels of technological unemployment in other fields may well drive more people into the sex work industry. Furthermore, I argue that no matter which hypothesis you prefer -- displacement or resilience -- you can make a good argument for the necessity of a basic income guarantee, either as an obvious way to correct for the precarity of sex work, or as a way to disincentivise those who may be drawn to prostitution.

When the issue of basic income is discussed from feminist perspective, it seems that it is usually done so focusing on gender role and gendered division of labor. As the issue of gender role and gendered division of labor in this regard is mainly discussed in the frame of heterosexual couple, usually, in marital relationship, it often leaves out women who do not follow conventional type of relationship such as lesbian, single woman with no intention of marriage, sex worker, teen age who live independently, single mother and so on. When one examines the potential of basic income for the women's liberation, those women's subject position should also be taken into serious consideration. It is more so because, in South Korea, firstly the marriage rate gets lower, secondly, types of relationship gets changing over time, and thirdly, heterosexual marriage system is an apparatus which sustains current gender norms and hierarchy on one hand, hierarchy of sexuality on the other hand. This paper argues that the feminist proponents of basic income should discuss the issue beyond heterosexual marriage system and heteronormativity which assumes binary gender identity and role as well as heterosexual relationship and marriage. This paper examines the changing demography in terms of marital status, family structure, life expectancy in relation to work and income in South Korea and argues that basic income will play a critical role in reforming the way people relate themselves to others in general and gender relation in particular.

In the past decade, the field of behavioral economics has given new insights to our understanding of poverty—and, as a result, forced us to re-examine the current set of anti-poverty policies and programs. By designing and deploying innovative interventions grounded in behavioral science, policymakers seek to ensure an early eradication of poverty and its associated economic ailments.
In this paper, we propose Basic Income - a flat, unconditional and universal monthly income to every citizen of a country as an alternate social welfare scheme. We begin the paper by analyzing some of the welfare policy themes currently in practice. We then propose an alternative in form of Basic Income. In Section 4, we use insights from behavioral economics to evaluate the proposed policy measure. We conclude by a discussion of the practicalities of this proposal in terms of cost, scale and feasibility.

The basic income proposal provides everyone in a society, as an unconditional right, with access to a certain level of income. Introducing such a right is bound to raise questions of institutional feasibility. Would it lead too many people to opt out of the workforce, for example? And even if it did not, could a constitution that allowed some members of the society to do this - at whatever relative cost - prove acceptable in a society of mutually reciprocal, equally positioned members? I assume in this short essay, however, that none of these problems is insurmountable. I concentrate on the question of how far republicanism makes room for justifying something like a right to basic income, assuming that there are no problems of this kind with introducing and establishing such a right.

Saving Citizenship from the workhouse. Upholding the obligation to work undermines the citizen's autonomy 1 1. Diagnosing the crisis Within the past years, the legitimacy of the nation-state has come under attack in intellectual debate. The discourse on the "end of history" (which followed the demise of communism) as well as the discourse on what is called "globalization" showed that the old justification for "capitalism" 2 is no longer sufficient. During the Cold War the competition of political systems provided a plethora of evidence that the democratic nation-states, together with their market economy, were in a much better position than communist regimes to create collective wealth and to support the citizen's autonomy. 3 Yet despite its success, the concept of the nation-state has become an intellectual target since 1989. The breakthrough of democracy coincided with questions about the future of "capitalism", even though democracy and capitalism are but flipsides to one another. Democracy without a market economy is inconceivable, and so is long-term economic success without democratic institutions. 4 Historical development seems to support our argument here. 5 1 Our arguments have evolved from ideas first put forth by Ulrich Oevermann who has come to the idea of an unconditional basic income by way of a sociological model of human praxis (the central idea being "Autonomie der Lebenspraxis").

The connotation of the people towards money has been shifted due to digital credit platform. Today in a metropolitan city like Chennai, the middle-class people who are the floating population are having an urge to settle in proper part of the city. But however, this movement of people has brought in lot of complications like uncontrolled spending, credit fraud, payment defaulting, etc. The accelerated growth of digital credit has increased the transaction efficiency. Till recently, the college students were using the digital credit for a small a sum as Rs. 100 to over eighty thousand rupees as per their credit limits. The research has been carried out among the college students in Chennai City. This study analyses whether students are aware of digital credit platform. It also focuses on whether the services provided by Slicepay is meeting the expectations and fulfilling them.

Any large-scale market economy requires a stable frame of reference against which the price system can operate.  This is the function that money serves.  Money is two things: a standard pricing unit and the tokens people use to pay those prices.

The market chooses as its money a stable standard of value.  For the market to operate freely, money's stable purchasing power cannot originate *within* the market.  It must be exogenous—originating from the outside.  This generally means that institutions whose motivations are external to the market will manage the flow of consumer spending.

Price stability is required for money to function as money.  There are certain things we can do with money and certain things we can't.  Managing the economy's money means navigating the constraints of a stable price level in a way that maximizes desired social and economic outcomes.

The nature of money derives neither from the state and its laws nor from commodities and their physical properties.  Instead, it derives from the market's need for a standard of value.  Only by understanding the constraints imposed by money's primary function can we hope to get the most out of our macroeconomic policy.

Introduzione alla ripubblicazione del Manifesto di Ventotene, nel volume "Ventotene. Un manifesto per il futuro", manifestolibri, 2014, a cura di Giuseppe Allegri e Giuseppe Bronzini, con saggi, tra gli altri, di Luciana Castellina, Pier Virgilio Dastoli, Luigi Ferrajoli, Lucio Levi, Antonio Negri e un'appendice di Norberto Bobbio,

The purpose of this article is twofold – on the one hand, it offers an overview of the main theoretical orientations of libertarianism, with a focus on right-libertarianism, and its potential support for a universal basic income guarantee; on the other hand, it looks at what seems the most developed case in the right-libertarian camp for such a scheme. Although sympathetic to Zwolinski's arguments, I contend that a neo-Lockean framework cannot conduce to a basic income institutional arrangement without an interpretation of the Lockean proviso in a left-libertarian manner and the most promising strategy for a right-libertarian argument would be one carried in other frameworks.

Canada has had recurring debates about guaranteed or basic income over several decades. This article outlines reasons for implementing basic income in the Canadian context.  These reasons include reducing poverty and inequality, addressing precarious employment, and building an ecologically sustainable economy. Recently there has been a strong renewal of interest in basic income in Canada. Expressions of interest have come from the Liberal federal government elected in 2015, from provincial governments, from political parties not in power, and from municipal governments. Support for basic income is also found among a growing range of prominent individuals and organizations. While basic income advocates are encouraged by recent developments, several large and complex questions remain on how this approach can be implemented in Canada. These questions encompass the specifics of design, delivery, funding, and political support. How can basic income build on existing income security programs and leave Canadians better off in the end? How can we ensure that basic income is not used as an excuse to cut vital services such health care, social housing, early childhood care and development, and social services for those with disabilities and other challenges? How can basic income be set in place in Canada, given its complicated federal-provincial nexus of responsibility for delivery of, and funding for social programs? The article concludes with principles that might help guide the implementation of authentically universal, adequate, and feasible basic income architecture in Canada.

This book brings together fifty of today’s finest thinkers. They were asked to let their imaginations run free to advance new ideas on a wide range of social and political issues. They did so as friends, on the occasion of Philippe Van Parijs’s sixtieth birthday. Rather than restricting themselves to comments on his numerous writings, the authors engage with the topics on which he has focused his attention over the years, especially with the various dimensions of justice, its scope, and its demands. They discuss issues ranging from the fair distribution of marriage opportunities to the limits of argumentation in a democracy, the deep roots of inequality, the challenges to basic income and the requirements of linguistic justice. They provide ample food for thought for both academic and general readers.

The public trust doctrine makes natural resources a part of the commons, owned equally by all, and legally owned by the state. The resources and opportunities that the present generation have inherited must be available to future generations in perpetuity. In the Goa mining
case, the Supreme Court wanted to implement intergenerational equity on the grounds of the exhaustion of the iron-ore reserves as well as the widespread damage to the Goan environment and social fabric.

L'attuale dibattito sul reddito di cittadinanza è viziato da una truffa lessicale: ciò che è stato introdotto è in verità un reddito minimo garantito, misura neoliberale pensata per spingere i disoccupati nel lavoro (destinata a fallire in quanto il problema è la mancanza di domanda). Anche il reddito di cittadinanza deve però essere rifiutato in quanto misura che distoglie dall'obiettivo: lottare per il lavoro di cittadinanza, e a monte tornare alle politiche di diminuzione dell'orario.

Should Marxists support universal basic income (UBI), i.e., a regular cash income paid to all without a means test or work requirement? This paper considers one important argument that they should, namely that UBI would be instrumentally effective in helping bring about communism. This essay puts that claim under the microscope. It argues that previous answers to this question have paid insufficient attention to a logically prior question: what is Marx's account of communism? The essay distinguishes two different accounts: a left-libertarian version that associates communism with the freedom to live and work how one wants, and a perfectionist version that associates communism with the overcoming of alienated labour and self-realisation in work. It argues that UBI would make steps towards the left-libertarian account but not the perfectionist account. Ultimately, then, the question "should Marxists support basic income?", is shown to partly depend on which account of communism Marxists want to bring about.

This article draws on innovation and agenda-setting theories to identify critical points in the realization of basic income in Finland. Our empirical data comprise 13 models of either unconditional basic income or social security reform proposals with some similarity to basic income. The models examined were published in Finland between 1984 and 2011. Using these data, we build a conceptual framework that enables us to discuss the role of the content, players, political and macro-economic context, and public interpretations in the successes and failures of the basic income initiatives.

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"Synthesizing new interviews with previously known but never integrated information on the shared struggles of Jewish and African-American communities, "Stayed on Freedom's Call" includes two 'imagination-rich' tours of key areas of Washington, DC. Shared histories are explored from a new perspective of cultural parallels and parallel circumstances which
brought the two communities together culturally and historically."

In addition to his Noble Prize-winning work in economics, Milton Friedman produced some of the most influential philosophical work on the role of government in a free society. Despite his great influence, there remains a dearth of scholarship on Friedman's social and political philosophy. This paper helps to fill this large void by providing a conceptual analysis of Friedman's theory of freedom. In addition, I argue that a careful reading of his arguments for freedom ought to lead Friedman, and like-minded liberals and libertarians, to give absolute priority to his negative income tax proposal. A substantial basic income furthers effective economic freedom (on Friedman's own understanding), redeems his central claim that markets enable cooperation without coercion, and enables him to address his lifelong interlocutors by mitigating concerns for the ways in which economic dependence and inequality undermine both freedom and democratic legitimacy.

This article explores how the demand for an unconditional basic income (UBI) was discussed in the British Women’s Liberation Movement (WLM) in the 1970s. A resolution for UBI was passed with a majority vote at the National Women’s Liberation Conference in 1977. However, this fact appears not to have been properly recorded in any academic literature. This is slightly surprising because it has been more than a decade since feminist academics started to argue either for or against UBI. The resolution was raised by working class women in the Claimants Unions Movement. This article records and analyses their feminist articulation of the UBI and the unfortunate fate of their resolution along with their intersections with other feminists. It is based mainly on oral historical interviews with ex-claimants women (128).

We challenge the view, typically assumed by advocates of unconditional basic income (UBI), that its administration is uncontroversial. We identify three essential tasks which, from the point of view of the administrative cybernetics literature, any income maintenance policy must accomplish: defining criteria of eligibility, determining who meets such criteria and disbursing payments to those found to be eligible. Building on the work of Christopher Hood, we contrast two alternative ways in which the design of a UBI might apply the principle of ‘using bureaucracy sparingly’ to the performance of each of these three tasks. Relating these alternative designs to the politics of basic income, we show a correspondence between contrasting senses of using bureaucracy sparingly and ‘redistributive’ and ‘aggregative’ UBI models.

The World Basic Income Program can give all citizens in less fortune nations a modest, unconditional income, and let them top it up at will with income from other sources. We hope to work hand-in-hand with nations of the world to bring prosperity to all people. The World Basic Income Program is created by Mother Earth Trust through the issuance by the Earth Dollar Association of a complementary asset backed currency called the Earth Dollar. For our pilot project, a World Basic Income will be paid in cash (Earth Dollars), tax free, on a monthly basis to all people in selected regions in the world.

This research is an attempt by the authors to study basic income experiments and experiences in nearly every political boundary worldwide, models that have been proposed worldwide and come up with one that could potentially beat the fallacies.
This book could be a  rich resource to all the researchers, development sector enthusiasts who are in the process of pragmatic exploration of Basic Income.
The literature enveloped in this book may help you seek answers to the questions like, what problems can UBI specifically combat? How does it stand in contrast to the existing social security system? What could be the proposed efficient and effective models? And many more.
We hope that it helps the readers in connecting further dots.

En ce début de XXI e siècle, la pauvreté, la précarité et les inégalités aff ectent un nombre croissant de personnes sur le continent européen. Ces phénomènes fragilisent non seulement la cohésion sociale des sociétés européennes mais violent les droits humains, aussi bien les droits sociaux que civils et politiques, et questionnent le fonctionnement de la démocratie. En eff et, comment les personnes en situation de pauvreté peuvent-elles faire entendre leurs voix dans des sociétés polarisées, où plus de 40 % du patrimoine et 25 % des revenus sont détenus par 10 % de la population ? Ce guide est le fruit de deux années de travail collectif mené dans le cadre du projet « Les droits humains des personnes en situation de pauvreté ». Il a été préparé avec le concours de nombreuses personnes et organisations, dont des personnes en situation de pauvreté, des chercheurs, des associations et des représentants des autorités publiques. Outre qu'il off re une étude critique de la situation actuelle, en analysant les inégalités et la pauvreté par le prisme des droits humains, de la démocratie et des politiques de redistribution, ce guide invite également le lecteur à explorer les pistes d'une stratégie renouvelée de lutte contre la pauvreté permettant de rétablir le sens de la justice sociale. Il avance des propositions qui visent à dépasser la stigmatisation et la catégorisation, en ouvrant des voies d'apprentissage pour bâtir des biens communs par le partage, en évitant le gaspillage et en renforçant dans la conscience publique le principe de respect de la dignité humaine en tant que droit de tous. Le Conseil de l'Europe regroupe aujourd'hui 47 Etats membres, soit la quasi-totalité des pays du continent euro-péen. Son objectif est de créer un espace démocratique et juridique commun, organisé autour de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme et d'autres textes de référence sur la protection de l'individu. Créé en 1949, au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale, le Conseil de l'Europe est le symbole historique de la réconciliation.

Con questo intervento di analisi  intorno all'introduzione del Reddito di Cittadinanza nel nostro sistema di Welfare (2019), si prova a ad aprire uno spazio di riflessione per sondare le ipotesi di miglioramento di una misura che, con estremo ritardo e in una fase regressiva dei sistemi di Welfare nazionali, ha introdotto una prima politica pubblica statuale di lotta all’esclusione sociale nel nostro sistema Paese e di progressiva protezione del singolo da condizioni di insicurezza lavorativa, economica, reddituale. Tutto questo tanto più ora, dinanzi agli effetti sociali ed economici depressivi di questa lungo lockdown intermittente da pandemia globale a causa della diffusione del virus SARS-CoV-2, a cominciare dal febbraio 2020.
L'intero volume è in Open Access, liberamente scaricabile dal sito dell'editore:
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