Barry Buzan

O paradigma realista vestefaliano, assente na geografia das fronteiras, fundamentou ao longo dos anos a separação entre o que é a segurança interna e a segurança externa, focandose essencialmente nesta última e na sua dimensão militar. No entanto, em virtude da sua interdependência e interpenetrabilidade, o conceito de segurança no pós-Guerra Fria passou a abordar perspetivas diferentes da segurança.
As várias dimensões da Segurança tendem a explicar o conflito no Mali, não pela deterioração das condições de Segurança do Povo Tuaregue, mas sim pela sua melhoria.

In his famous People, States and Fear Barry Buzan called security an "essentially contested concept" that, according to Richard Little, "contains an ideological element which renders empirical evidence irrelevant as a means of resolving the dispute." 1 The present paper, by critically assessing the points raised in the chapter National Insecurity: Threats and Vulnerabilities from the above-mentioned Buzan"s book, discusses two salient theoretical cleavages of the field: the width of the concept of security and the objectivity/subjectivity of threats.

Las teorías y los conceptos de seguridad precisan evolucionar conforme cambia la realidad mundial. Barry Buzan es un autor a través del cual, se puede estudiar esta evolución, desde la teoría de los complejos de seguridad hasta llegar a su propuesta más reciente de una agenda ampliada, donde se incluyen los sectores económico, social y ambiental en los análisis, junto a los ya tradicionales, político y militar. Esta teoría aborda los estudios de seguridad desde una perspectiva intersubjetiva, en la cual la opinión pública juega un papel fundamental para lograr que un asunto sea percibido como de seguridad y así legitimar el uso de métodos más heterodoxos para resolverlo.

Consider Kang’s, Zhang/Buzan’s and Womack’s arguments about the tributary system in Chinese history. Is the tributary system consistent or inconsistent with IR theory’s Realism? Explain, noting different emphases by the authors above, where appropriate. Noting Ikenberry and Mastanduno’s breakdown of European and Northeast Asian wars between 1588 and 1905, why do you think the patterns of IR in Europe and in Northeast Asia were so different?

In 1998, with the release of Security: A New Framework for Analysis, Barry Buzan, Ole Waever and Jaap de Wilde broached the field of securitization studies, which in turn established the status of the Copenhagen School as a unique critical school in the discipline of International Relations. Since the introduction of the securitization approach, Western observers have applied the approach to analyze non-traditional security issues such as climate change, epidemics, terrorism and piracy. Nonetheless, the Copenhagen School has long been criticized for its Eurocentric assumptions and its functional value as a postmodern or post-positivist theory. In light of such critique and the recent call by the Western academia for “Global IR,” this study is an attempt to introduce a new framework for analyzing security issues and foreign policy through the adoption of the concept of “relationality.” In addition, through the re-integration of conflict theory and the concept of power, this study proposes a policy analytical model for examining the interaction between two actors. By examining the cases of maritime disputes in the South China Sea and the East Sea, this study demonstrates how actors (states) construct security, the securitization process and how an issue is desecuritized in the aftermath of a crisis. By reconsidering and revising the concept of securitization, this study seeks to bring more attention to the study and application of IR theories outside the traditional realm.

Dillon mengemukakan ancaman secara filosofis dari usaha kita mendefinisikan keamanan. Jika kita melihat konsep keamanan komprehensif dari Buzan, kita bisa melihat asumsi dasar yang membuat definisi keamanan Buzan bias asumsi. Meskipun begitu, pendekatan Dillon melalui filsafat politik pun perlu dikritisi.

Ele alınan bu çalışmada ABD’nin Irak’ı işgali temelinde şekillenen güvenlikleştirme anlayışı ortaya konulacak, ABD-Irak ilişkileri kısa dönemler içerisinde ele alınarak savaşa ve işgale yol açtığı düşünülen sebepler işlenecek ve söz konusu sebepler güvenlikleştirme anlayışı çerçevesinde analiz edilerek okuyucuya sunulacaktır.

In this paper I analyze the impact of the Eurasian Union on the Central Asian republics, with a focus on remittances trends. To this end I review at first the literature regarding the effects of the Customs Union on its members. Then, I assess the current state of the economies most likely to be affected by membership in the Eurasian Union, i.e. Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, whose specificity is their dependency on remittances. Secondly, I present a plausible scenario in regard to the influence of the formalization of this regional organization on the emerging Central Asian regional security subcomplex. I argue that the EEU is a hindrance towards the five Central Asian Republics' evolving towards a regional security complex. Not only has it already distorted trade in the region, but it can also turn some presently frozen conflicts into security hotspots. I hold that the only way to spur development in the region is, internally, to diversify the economy, and, externally, to bring the five republics closer. I try to show that the Central Asian Republics should simultaneously pursue a switch from a balance of threat to regional integration and sustainable national development. Nonetheless, the EEU will have at best mixed effects when it comes to these necessities. Alternatively, China and the New Silk Road initiative that it endorses might contribute to de-securitizing some of the existing issues. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, its former republics had an opportunity to become once again integrated in the world economy. However, the legacy of the USSR precluded this to a certain extent [1] and, instead of openness and liberalization, there was isolation and perpetuation of corrupt ruling classes. What should have been a departure from the Soviet system was only a simulacrum in key aspects. Furthermore, ethnic tensions erupted, culminating with a Civil War in 1 I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out to me that we cannot explain the current state of affairs solely by referring to the inheritance of the Soviet Union. Nonetheless, as I will show in my discussion on security issues in the region, this inheritance has been highly influential for the subsequent development of the countries in the region and this is why I mentioned it here (with the caveat that it is not the only factor to be considered).

Nunca é demais insistir na evidência de quetanto no plano político quanto no do jurídicoo horizonte e os panoramas da segurança mudaram muitíssimo com o fim do Mundo bipolar. Numa abordagem genérica inicial vale decerto a pena esmiuçar, ainda que tão-só pela rama, os resultados da galgada jurídico-política de transformações globais e a sua dinâmica no plano específico da segurança de que temos vindo a ser testemunhas 1 . Fá-lo-emos em dois passos, um primeiro descritivo, e um segundo, mais analíticoou melhor, como iremos ver, mais cartográfico quanto ao que têm sido as novas perspectivações e modelizações que têm surgido com as mudanças a que temos estado sujeitos.

The diffusion of International Relations Theory brings a deep problem of hegemony in the Gramscian sense and dominance of Western theories. Rebus sic stantibus, a possibility of counter-hegemonic project seems at the same time a challenge and a necessity for the exit from the Western straitjacket. This book review tries to re-define the Robert Cox's relation between Ideas, Material Capabilities and Institutions through the point of view given by Acharya and Buzan and by the other contributors. In this perspective, a critical theory principle is the starting point: theory is always for someone and for some purpose. Cui prodest? Is there non-Western International Theory? Is a non-Western International Theory possible?

Around the world nation-states are struggling actors in the world arena who constantly struggle to become a regional power. This type of power can exist in nation state through means of control and influence. The way a nation state can obtain this power is by having precondition of strong economic or military capabilities. The term regional integration can be defined as a successful dialogue between states within a geographical area.  Regional organizations are a formation of individual states which collaborate for a part of economic, political or military benefit. They can be used as tools to project the power of individual states in the form of regional power. In this paper we will use the theory “4+1” to define the great powers as China, Japan and Russia while defining the superpower as the United States. States give up a portion of their individual sovereignty to work together to receive absolute gains in order to achieve regional hegemonic power. This paper will address how and whether regional integration has been successful or whether regional integration has been successful in either Asia or North America region based on internal and external criteria. In addition, Regional organizations are emphasized as a tool for great or super powers to project their national interests.

Nesta dissertação são abordados os antecedentes, as realizações, as perspectivas e os desafios para a consolidação do Conselho Sul Americano de Defesa (CSD). O trabalho é um estudo de caso, de natureza descritiva, baseado na Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança. Com o fim da bipolaridade houve um movimento para a atualização e a ampliação dos estudos de segurança internacional, pois as teorias e métodos vigentes se revelaram inábeis para explicar a nova realidade. Esse movimento também aconteceu na América do Sul. Diante da perda de legitimidade das instituições de defesa e de segurança continentais, como o Tratado Interamericano de Defesa Recíproca (TIAR) e a Junta Interamericana de Defesa (JID); e da progressiva diminuição do engajamento dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) em assuntos de outras regiões, em dezembro de 2008, foi criado o CSD, para tratar dos temas de defesa da região. Durante os seus dois primeiros anos de funcionamento, o CSD logrou diversas realizações como o estabelecimento de um mecanismo de confiança mútua e a criação de um centro de estudos estratégicos em defesa e segurança. Entretanto, a estratégia de se integrar por um mínimo denominador comum pode comprometer o futuro da integração. Para se consolidar o CSD enfrentará diversos desafios. Nesse trabalho são analisados dois deles: o aumento substancial dos gastos em defesa pelos países da região e a relação assimétrica entre os EUA e os países da América do Sul e seus reflexos na integração em defesa.

This dissertation examines the history, achievements, prospects and challenges for the consolidation of South American Defense Council (CSD). This work is a case study, descriptive in nature, based on the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT). With the end of bipolarity it began a movement for the upgrade and expansion of international security studies, because the existing theories and methods have proved inappropriate to explain the new reality. This movement also happened in South America. Due to the loss of legitimacy of the institutions of continental defense and security, as the Rio Treaty and the Inter-American Defense Board (IADB), and the gradual reduction of United States of America (USA) engagement in the affairs of other regions in December 2008 was created the CSD, to deal with defense issues in the region. During its first two years of operation, the CSD has managed several accomplishments such as establishing a mechanism of mutual trust and creating a center of strategic studies in defense and security. However, the strategy to integrate for a minimum common denominator may jeopardize the future of integration. In its consolidation, the CSD will face many challenges. This work analyzes two of them: the substantial increase in defense spending by countries in the region and the asymmetric relationship between the USA and the countries of South America and its impacts on integration in defense.

11 Eylül olayları bir “paradigma” değişimine yol açmış mıdır? Uluslararası sistem açısından, 11 Eylül “yeni bir milat” mı yoksa Sovyetler Birliği’nin çökmesinden sonra oluşan yeni dünya düzeninin kendi içindeki bir “kırılma noktası” mıdır? Yeni dünya düzenindeki yeri tam olarak ortaya konamayan 11 Eylül 2001 tarihi, 15. yıldönümü geride bırakılırken,
uluslararası sistem açısından tek başına bir analiz konusu olmayı hak ediyor. Bu çalışmamızda 11 Eylül’ün dünya politikasında yarattığı büyük etkiyi sorgulayacak, bir “paradigma değişimi” yaşayıp yaşamadığımızı tartışacak ve kabuk değiştiren “uluslararası sistemin tanımının nasıl yapılması gerektiği” sorusuna yanıt arayacağız.

Amitav Acharya and Barry Buzan’s The Making of Global International Relations: Origins and Evolution of IR at its Centenary is a sophisticated survey of the history of modern international relations and the discipline of International Relations (IR) from the perspective of Global IR. The authors embark upon a project to embrace greater pluralism and overcome the Western hegemony in IR. The book covers the international and disciplinary histories from the nineteenth century to the present. Its overall argument is that the evolution of IR has mirrored that of modern international relations. Accordingly, the authors examine what they call versions 1.0, 1.1 and 1.2 of Global International Society (GIS) and their consecutive parallels in IR in ten tight-knit chapters.

Studies have been conducted on the presidential turmoil and economic collapse that led 
to Venezuelan collapse. However, at the time these studies were held there was not much information available pointing out the role of the Venezuelan regime, the Armed Forces and other states abroad in this crisis. Hence, this study examines the on-going crisis in Venezuela in the context of international security, focusing on the different types of threats generated by these actors and the state. The purpose of this research is to analyze these mechanisms before they escalate into greater threats against humanity in order to highlight potential ways that might prevent them from happening in the future. The methodology of investigation in this project is a qualitative case study, thus various academic sources such as books, scholarly articles, journals, and media publications were reviewed. Finally, the study revealed that the regime that has been in power since Chávez administration have led to the destruction of Venezuelan institutionality through the generation of threats that started domestically and extended in scope to the entire region. Likewise, the study found a nexus between the state and criminal organizations from abroad, pointing out Venezuela as a regional crime hub.

Securitizantes: uma análise conceitual a partir do caso estadunidense 1 RESUMO Este artigo discute o fenômeno das Empresas Militares Privadas através do conceito de agente securitizante. Estas companhias cresceram vertiginosamente na última década e tem despertado a atenção da academia gerando uma rica bibliografia especializada que, todavia, carece de uma conceituação mais sólida sobre o espaço e o papel destas empresas dentro da política internacional. Este artigo propõe uma delimitação do conceito de Empresas Militares Privadas como agentes dotados de capacidade de moldar os entendimentos e políticas de segurança e que, portanto, são um elemento importante na configuração da política internacional no pós-Guerra Fria. Para explorar este conceito, este artigo abordará as EMPs a partir da experiência norte-americana no Afeganistão e Iraque. Estes dois conflitos servem como um espaço privilegiado para a análise das EMPs devido à volumosa e incisiva participação destas empresas no campo de batalha. Analisando esta experiência, poder-se-á observar como as EMPs são um componente importante na definição da política de segurança norte-americana e sua caracterização como agentes securitizantes. Palavras-chave: Empresas Militares Privadas, Segurança e Defesa, Securitização, Teoria Crítica INTRODUÇÃO Este trabalho aborda o caso recente das Empresas Militares Privadas através do arcabouço teórico da Escola de Copenhague. O tema das EMPs tem ganhado espaço nos debates acadêmicos sobre as novas guerras e a reconfiguração sobre o uso da força no pós-Guerra Fria. Apesar do número crescente de trabalhos, há pouca abordagem teórica consistente sobre o objeto. Assim, o objetivo deste paper é esboçar as categorias analíticas que podem ser utilizadas para abordar este fenômeno. A escolha pela Escola de Copenhague (EC) se dá pela atual difusão de sua produção teórica, influenciando diversos campos dos estudos de segurança, bem como pelo poder explicativo de seu conceito base -a securitização. Em última instância, a EC lida com a pergunta central sobre quais são as características de um problema dito de segurança internacional (BUZAN et al, 1998, p.21). A diferença central entre segurança internacional e a segurança doméstica é que a lógica da primeira repousa sobre a dinâmica da disputa por poder e da sobrevivência enquanto a segunda está ligada a

A partir das construções teóricas oferecidas pelos professores Barry Buzan e Ole Waever -especialistas no campo da segurança internacional -a segurança energética pode ser definida como um conceito elástico. Estabelecendo uma conexão entre as questões de segurança propriamente dita hard securityproteção do território, dos recursos naturais, o suprimento de combustíveis vitais, com questões de "segurança ampliada" soft security o que englobaria questões econômicas e de desenvolvimento sustentável, implicando inclusive, em questões de proteção ambiental mais genericamente. Isso propiciaria um engajamento de mais países com mais interesses envolvidos, traduzindo-se em boas perspectivas de cooperação nos âmbitos sul-americano e europeu.

Canada has long been regarded as a middle power in international politics.  During the Cold War, it not only contributed to the UN peacekeeping missions but also acted as a mediator or conciliator to promote international peace.  Since the end of the Cold War, the world has changed from bipolarity (the United States and Soviet Union) to unipolarity with the United States hegemony.  The unipolar world has created less space for a middle power like Canada to exert its influence in the international politics. 
Under these circumstances, Canada has increased its focus towards NATO, engaging in a number of NATO missions in Bosnia, Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan. Given the substantial commitments from Canada to the Afghan mission (ISAF) and NATO, it is worth studying how much influence Canada has at NATO especially after ISAF.
Based on Barry Buzan’s security studies approach, the author establishes an integrated framework to analyse the Canadian engagement in the NATO’s operation in Afghanistan by developing constructivist and realist arguments for projecting Canada’s soft and hard powers to Afghanistan and the world.  Realist arguments are concerned with material benefits such as economic and geopolitical interests associated with an alignment with the United States interests while constructivist arguments are about the preservation and promotion of the normative ideas of Canada such as democracy and human rights, improving Canada’s image and standing in the world.
However, these powers cannot be converted into a strong degree of influence at NATO especially at agenda-setting and decision-making stages inside the alliance.  A strong emphasis on soft power is also highlighted as it allows a more efficient use of hard power. The writer further argues that Canada needs a complete overhaul of its foreign policies and an effective defense policy to close the capability gaps without increasing military spending.

ظم امنیتی در منطقه خاورمیانه از سال 2011 به این سو دچار تغییراتی ساختاری شده است چراکه قدرتهای فرامنطقه ای به شدت در منطقه نفوذ دارند و همچنین رقابتهای ژئوپولیتیکی میان قدرتهای منطقه ای نیز تعمیق شده است. علاوه بر پیچیدگی بیشتر معمای امنیتی، منطقه خاورمیانه وارد دوره جدیدی از تغییرات موازنه قدرت و ابهامات اساسی شده است. بررسی آخرین تحولات منطقه نشان می دهد که منطقه دچار مداخلات نظامی توسط قدرتهایی مانند روسیه، ترکیه، ایران و آمریکا و در سطح کمتری عربستان، قطر و اسرائیل شده است. با توجه به روی کار آمدن دونالد ترامپ و راهبرد اصلی (اول آمریکا)ی او، این تحولات پیچیده تر هم شده است، به ویژه اینکه دولت آمریکا قصد دارد حضور خود را در خاورمیانه کمتر هم بکند. در همین حال، روابط ایران و آمریکا هم به سمت وخامت می رود و میان تنشهای نظامی غیرمستقیم و گاهی تنش زدایی استراتژیک به سر می برد. دولت ترامپ با مقصر دانستن و سرزنش کردن سیاست مماشات دولت اوباما، به وعده انتخاباتی اش عمل کرد و با خروج از برجام تمام تحریمهای پیش از توافق میان ایران و گروه پنج به اضافه یک را برگرداند. دولت ترامپ توافق هسته ای را با کارزار فشار حداکثری جایگزین کرد. در یک تغییر جهت بنیادین از رویکرد سنتی دولتهای پیشین آمریکا، سیاست این دولت دیگر فقط به دنبال مهار و انزوای جمهوری اسلامی از طریق استراتژی سد نفوذ منفعل یا مذاکره با لایه ¬های میانه روی جمهوری اسلامی نیست، بلکه می‌ خواهد با اعمال سیاست فشار حداکثری، جمهوری اسلامی را براندازی یا دست کم وادار به تغییر رفتار و استراتژی نماید.

For the past few years the Mediterranean Sea has become a graveyard for the people coming from the Middle East and North Africa to Europe, in search of a better life or simply life. But on many other occasions the waves of the Sea have hidden the dreams of the Others. At the edge of the Old Continent there is a gap between Us and Them. Unfortunately, the ‘clash of civilizations’, as described by Huntington, reveals also a clash between societal security and fundamental human rights. The meaning of each of these terms is different and right at the same time.

The paper approaches the “vertical expansion of the concept of security” reconstructing the debate on the concept of security within the discipline of International Relations after the Cold War. Considering that security is an “essentially contested concept”, it offers a handful of comparisons between different conceptions, which provide different accounts of “broadening” security. Barry Buzan’s Securitization approach was the first to engage seriously the challenges of “broadening” security in IR. For its merits, however, Buzan’s communitarian ontology poses a problem to “broadening” security, as it reiterates the state as the gatekeeper of protection and as the authoritative site for defining existential threats. In this sense, in spite of all its overriding ambiguity, Human Security provides a better alternative for the “vertical expansion of the concept of security” than securitization. The paper, therefore, considers the respective contributions of securitization and human security to the debate on the vertical expansion of security under the light of the relationship between states and human beings.

Bu makale uluslararası ilişkilere kuramsal yaklaşımlardan biri olan İngiliz Okulu’nu tanıtmayı ve değerlendirmeyi amaçlamaktadır. İngiliz Okulu’nun ne olduğunu anlatmak için, öncelikle Okul’un kökleri, kurucuları, ontolojik ve yöntembilimsel duruşu tanıtılmış ve tartışılmıştır. Daha sonra Okul’un özünü oluşturan temel argümanlar belirlenmiş ve kurucularının tartıştıkları önemli sorular ele alınmıştır. Makalenin ikinci bölümünde ise, Okulun ikinci nesli diyebileceğimiz kuramcıların ürettikleri normatif ve yapısalcı eserlere ve tartışmalara yer verilmiştir. Sonuç olarak makale Okulun hem normatif hem de analitik analizlere imkân sağladığı için bir ‘büyük kuram’ potansiyeline sahip olduğunu iddia etmektedir.