Apostolic Fathers

The essay concentrates on the Martyrdom of Polycarp, a script largely believed to contain the earliest extant occurrences of a Christian technical martyrdom vocabulary. On the one hand, we will lay bare the distinctively urban character of this death performance by showing how and to what extent all the components of the martyrdom apparatus relate to the city as socio-spatial condition of production and consumption, textualisation and memorialisation of an ‘urban religious event’. On the other, we will look at how the text manages to turn a Roman death spectacle into a Christian propaganda event by hijacking practices and re-routing sequences of a public urban show. For both purposes, the critical conceptual toolkit will be provided by the most quintessentially urban among the 20th-century artistic-cum-political avant-gardes: the Situationists.

Much scholarship has recently been done on the Satanology (Satan-concept) of New Testament books or writers. This study attends to the Satanology of early "non-canonical" Christian writings, which have been comparatively under-researched. The literature examined includes the so-called Apostolic Fathers and other texts that can be reliably dated to c. 100-150 C.E., namely Ascension of Isaiah, Apocalypse of Peter, Odes of Solomon, Gospel of Truth, Ptolemy's Letter to Flora and Justin Martyr's writings. Over 160 certain or probable references to Satan, under various designations, are identified. Analysis of this data set proceeds in two directions. The first looks at the concept's explanatory power: for what kinds of evil did Satanology help to account? The discussion traverses various loci of perceived satanic activity, from the human heart to community boundaries to earthly political authorities to a dualistic cosmos to the abstract realm of ideas. The second analytical section explores ways that Christian writers and communities incorporated Satanology into their religious life through liturgical forms, hermeneutics for reading the Jewish Scriptures, and theological debates about the nature of God and evil. Satanology is found to have been a pervasive and distinctive feature of Christianity in the early subapostolic period.

This article responds to a previous study in the same journal by Jonathan Burke, who argues “that certain texts among the Apostolic Fathers corpus exhibit a significant marginalization of Satan and demons.” Burke regards this as evidence for “a first century demythological Christianity which survived well into the second century though only as a minority report.” This marginalising or demythologising phenomenon, he believes, is efficiently explained by “non-belief in Satan and demons” on the part of the authors of these works. This response article contends that Burke’s study is flawed both in its methodology and its exegetical results. Burke’s methodology is shown to rely heavily on false dichotomies and negative evidence. His analysis understates the extent of references to mythological evil in several of the Apostolic Fathers, and his conclusions are thus invalid. A more accurate assessment is that the Apostolic Fathers, like the NT writings, consistently reflect theologies of evil that incorporate both anthropological and cosmological elements. There is diversity between individual writers and documents in the level of emphasis on anthropological and cosmological evil respectively.

This is the revised final draft of one of the two lead papers presented at the SNTS pre-conference on The Johannine Question. It covers the last half-century of Johannine paradigms, critiques Pierson Parker's 21 objections to the son of Zebedee having ANYTHING to do with the Johannine tradition, and introduces three aspects of overlooked evidence on the subject.

I believe it was published in 2018:

Paul N. Anderson, “The Son of Zebedee and the Fourth Gospel: Some Clues on John’s Authorship and the State of the Johannine Question.” El Evangelio de Juan. Origen, Contenido y Perspectivas--The Gospel of John. Origin and Perspectives, eds. B. Estrada and L. G. Sarasa, Colección Teología Hoy 80 (Editorial Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, Bogotá 2018).

A Kr. u. második század a keresztyén egyház önértelmezésének legformatívabb időszakának tekinthető. A század végére a kialakulófélben lévő kánon, az intézményesülő egyházszervezet és a regula fidei saját létezése és üzenete alappilléreinek tekinthető. Ezt az egyre csak szilárduló önképet kérdőjelezte meg az „Új Prófécia” mozgalom, amely azonban nem minden előzmény nélkül tűnt fel az egyház horizontján. Az Apostoli Atyák, közelebbről a Didakhé, 1Kelemen, Antiókhiai Ignác, Polikárp Filiipiekhez írott levele és Hermász Pásztora vizsgálatával az apostoli kor utáni egyház helyzete és élete viszonylag pontosan körvonalazódik előttünk. Előadásomban ezen dokumentumokban vizsgálom a prófécia és ihletettség kérdéseit. Amellett kívánok érvelni, hogy a kezdeti időkben jelentős szerepet betöltő prófétai tisztség és tevékenység az intézményesülő egyházi szerveződés intenzitásával egyenes arányban csökkent a közösségeken belül. Ez a folyamat azonban nem mindenhol és nem egyforma mértékben vert gyökeret a birodalom területén szétszórt egyházak életében. Azokon a helyeken, ahol kevésbé szilárdult meg az intézményesült presbiteri-püspöki irányítás, a prófétai tevékenység jelenléte továbbra is jól nyomon követhető. Ilyen terület volt Kis-Ázsia több része is, közöttük a Filadelfia vonzásköréhez tartozó Frígia is, ahol néhány évtizeddel később Montanus és női prófétatársai megkezdték munkásságukat. A tanulmány célja annak a térségben fellelhető és mélyen gyökerező hagyománybeli kontintinuitásnak a kimutatása, amely a kezdeti időktől fogva a második század közepéig-végéig a prófétai tevékenységet és bizonyos apokaliptikai jellemzőket tiszteletben tartott, s amely értelmezést az olyan jelentős tekintéllyel bíró egyházi személyek vélekedései sem tudtak megingatni, mint például Antiókhiai Ignác.

Montanism: seeking the roots
Prophecy, inspiration and the question of authority in the Apostolic Fathers
The second century C.E. can be regarded as the most formative period in the history of the Christian Church in the formation of her own identity. By the end of the century the evolving canon, the church hierarchy and the regula fidei was starting to become the foundations of her existence and message. This accommodating self-understanding was questioned and challenged by the “New Prophecy” movement (later labelled as Montanism) which appeared on the horizon of the church not without any antecedence. By the examination of the so-called Apostolic Fathers namely the Didache, 1Clement, the letters of Ignatius of Antioch, Polycarp’s letter to the Philippians and The Shepherd of Hermas we can get a more or less accurate picture of the situation and life of the post-apostolic church. In my presentation I am looking for the notions of prophecy and inspiration in the named documents. I intend to argue that the prophetic office and activity which enjoyed special prominence in the early period (i.e. the apostolic era) suffered a significant decrease within the Christian communities due to the rising of the hierarchical ecclesiastical order. This process, however, did not gain equal support within the life of the churches now scattered all around the Empire. In those places where the office and order of the presbyterate was not accepted with sheer joy by the members of the churches, the presence of the prophetic activity was still valued highly. To such areas belonged some parts of Asia Minor, especially Phrygia which was in the sphere of influence of Philadelphia. Some decades later Montanus and his fellow prophetesses started their activity here. The aim of this paper is to point out the continuity of that deeply-rooted tradition in the region which from the very beginning up until the middle and end of the second century valued and honoured the prophetic activity mingled with certain apocalyptic characteristics. This understanding could not be challenged even by such prominent ecclesiastical figures as Ignatius of Antioch.

This brief book on the Apostles’ Creed is a very basic introduction to the deep and mysterious depths of the Gospel. As Myers confessions in to final chapter, just as “no one has yet breathed all the air” no mind has yet to grasp the creed in all of its fullness. This guide is a first step for a believer seeking to understand the historic faith of the church.

APOSTOLISTEN ISIEN TEKSTEJÄ KREIKANOPISKELIJALLE tarjoaa koinee-kreikan opiskelijalle näkökulman apostolisen ajan jälkeiseen varhaisen kirkon opetukseen. Lisäksi, Apostolisten isien teksteistä on hyötyä myös kreikankielisen Uuden testamentin opiskelijoille. Ne on kirjoitettu samanlaisella kielellä, mutta tekstit ovat todennäköisesti opiskelijalle vähemmän tuttuja kuin Uusi testamentti. Näin Apostolisten isien tekstikokoelma tarjoaa hyvän ”harjoitusvastustajan”, jonka avulla opiskelija voi selvittää oman kreikan tasonsa ja edetä osaamisessaan.

Kirja sisältää kreikankielisen tekstin, kirjan lopussa kreikkalais-suomalaisen sanaston (jossa yli 30 kertaa Uudessa testamentissa esiintyvät sanat) sekä tekstin yhteydessä esiintyvät alaviitteet tätä harvemmin esiintyviin sanoihin.

Victor, Bishop of Tunnuna Chronicon Continuans ubi Prosper Desint Edited by Brian Duvick A XVIII consulatu Theodosii Junioris, Victor episcopus Tununensis Ecclesiae Africae historiam prosequitur ubi Prosper reliquit. Igitur Theodosio XVIII et Albino coss. (A. 444). Antiochenae Ecclesiae episcopatum post Joannem Diaconus suscepit. Aetio III et Symmacho coss. (A. 446). Callipio et Ardabure coss. (A. 447). Eutyches presbyter et archimandrita cuiusdam monasterii Constantinopolitani apparuit, qui sui nominis haeresim condidit. Hic etenim Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum sic asserebat natum ex Maria semper virgine matre, ut nihil in eo confiteretur humanae naturae. Qui synodali invitatus colloquio Constantinopoli congregato, cui sanctus praefuit Flavianus eiusdem urbis episcopus, dum nollet Christum in duabus confiteri naturis post nativitatem ex Virgine, et nobis secundum carnem substantialem esse, damnationem cum proprio errore suscepit: quam sanctus Romanus antistes apostolica auctoritate firmavit. Pro quo, imperatore Theodosio patrocinante,

This article maintained that the historicity of Jesus’ baptism was intended to flesh out the righteousness of God that was well-documented in the Hebrew Scriptures. Furthermore, the historical event initiated the ontological emphasis on the relationship of baptism to righteousness. To support this proposal, this article focused on Matthew’s fulfilment statement in Matthew 3:15. Looking specifically at this verse within its context, the article examines what Matthew may have intended for his community to grasp regarding the Christian tradition of righteousness. The article is divided into four sections that are intended to examine Matthew’s intentions. Firstly, the immediate context is examined, showing the influences and setting for the fulfilment statement. The following section explores the fulfilment statement within this context. The third section uncovers some of the theological traditions in Paul and the church fathers. Finally, the baptismal statement of Matthew 3:15 will be tied directly to the relationship of the law and righteousness in Matthew’s ἦλθον statement of Matthew 5:17.

В предлагаемой статье рассматриваются тексты для полной бденной службы на день памяти священномученика Климента I, Папы Римского, отобранные на основании гимнографического материала из печатных изданий и рукописей ряда европейских собраний. В византийском обряде до настоящего времени не было полной праздничной службы на память святого Климента, мужа апостольского, чье почитание в античном христианском мире было чрезвычайно велико, однако значение святого и для славянства, и для христианского мира в целом, несомненно, заслуживает чествования по высшему литургическому рангу.

Following a trend which becomes disturbingly common in later NT and Early Christian literature, the Epistle of Barnabas affixes blame for killing Jesus on his opponents, variously labelled 'Israel', 'a synagogue of evil people', or most frequently 'them'. The accusation that Israel, or Jews, are directly responsible for inflicting Jesus' wounds ostensibly began alongside the desire to remove culpability from Pilate, since the detail that Jesus was crucified by a Roman official for political crimes would cause difficulties for Christian evangelism in the Roman world. The desire to shield Roman officials is easily observed in the canonical gospels. However, the author of Barnabas offers another rationale. He asserts that Israel killed Jesus because God himself predictively accused Israel of abusing and crucifying Jesus: 'God says that the wounds of his flesh came from them' (Barn. 5.12b). This scripturally based accusation does not appear in the canonical literature. It most likely originates in the late first or early second century, and Barnabas is its earliest extant witness. Early Christians, who desired to adjust their collective memories and shield Roman officials, ultimately found it necessary to establish a scriptural foundation for the accusation that the Israel killed Jesus, to demonstrate that 'God says that the wounds of his flesh came from them'.

While many Evangelicals have paid a great amount of attention to New Testament texts, few have considered the value of a set of writings known as the Apostolic Fathers. The designation "Apostolic Fathers" refers to a circle of authors who are known, or are considered to have had personal relations with some of the apostles, but did not actually belong to the apostles. These writers have been so influenced by the apostles that their writings are considered echoes of genuine apostolic teaching. They are the earliest Christian witnesses beyond the documents of the New Testament and are critical for our understanding of early Christianity. The earliest were written late in the first century. The latest can be dated at the end of the second century.

Första Clemensbrevet och Brevet till Diognetus, en tidig och en sen text i de s.k. apostoliska fäderna, innehåller avsnitt som uppvisar likheter med paulinska texter om rättfärdiggörelse. Åsikterna går dock isär gällande huruvida dessa texter (speciellt 1 Clem.) utgör ett avsteg från (en korruption av) Paulus, eller om de står i kontinuitet med honom. Jag menar att kontinuiteten är större än ofta gjorts gällande (åtminstone i många protestantiska sammanhang), men att det även finns några avgörande skillnader, t.ex. avsaknaden av Andens soteriologiska och helgande verk i 1 Clem. och den anti-judiska attityden i Diogn. Många av skillnaderna mellan texterna kan förstås bättre utifrån deras skilda historiska och sociokulturella kontexter; t.ex. betoningen på nödvändigheten av rättfärdiga gärningar i 1 Clem. utifrån dess närhet till judisk tradition, och den mot-himlen-förskjutna eskatologin i Diogn. utifrån dess sannolika datering.

In the introduction to this new translation, Brannan indicates this new translation of the Apostolic Fathers is not meant to replace either Michael Holmes (1999, Baker) or the Loeb edition translated by Bart Ehrman (Harvard 2003). His goal was to “to create a tighter and more transparent relationship with the underlying Greek text.” He hopes this will be useful in reading the texts as well as studying “how words and structures found in the New Testament are used in contemporary literature.”

The Didache (The Teaching, or The Teaching of the Lord to the Gentiles by the Twelve Apostles, or simply The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles ), is a text from the very early years of the Christian church. It is mentioned in the writings of several early church fathers, where it is present in lists of texts that are to be considered edifying for the faith of the reader.  There are possible quotations of The Didache in the works of writers such as Origen and Clement of Alexandria. ,  Until 1873, this was the only evidence that such a text even existed.

That year a Greek Orthodox Archbishop, Philotheos Bryennios, discovered what remains the only complete text of The Didache, bound in a codex with several texts of the Apostolic Fathers and other writings, in a convent in Istanbul.  Its significance went unrecognised – the text of the Didache had evaded discovery on several earlier occasions, overlooked by several scholars perusing the contents of the convent’s library, and after its discovery it remained unpublished until 1883.

On examination, The Didache appears to be a composite of older texts , and itself was later re-written or compiled into texts such as the Apostolic Church Order and the Apostolic Constitutions.  These are in the genre of ‘church orders’.  They contain ethical guidelines and rules for how the church community should be ordered, including some early liturgical material. The precise nature of The Didache’s liturgical material is controversial  and will be discussed. Due to its composite nature, The Didache is difficult to date. Scholars have proposed dates as early as 50 CE, and some as late as 150 CE.  The question of dating will also be explored. It is unclear where the text originated; Syria and Egypt are likely candidates. Additionally, the relation of The Didache to biblical texts, particularly the Gospel of Matthew, warrants discussion, and will be covered below. The question of the liturgical content is particularly prescient, as there is some debate regarding whether the text describes the celebration of the eucharist, or some other church practice.

Το ενδιαφέρον της εργασίας εστιάζεται στο κεφάλαιο 10 της επιστολής στο οποίο με τη χρήση της αλληγορικής ερμηνείας ορισμένων ακαθάρτων ζώων σύμφωνα με τις αντιλήψεις περί διατροφικών διατάξεων του Ιουδαϊσμού ο άγνωστος συγγραφέας της επιθυμεί να αποδείξει ότι η δική του κατανόηση των παραπάνω διατάξεων είναι η ορθή. Συνεπώς η ιουδαϊκή ερμηνεία είναι εσφαλμένη και η μόνη αληθινή είναι εκείνη του χριστιανισμού. Υπό το συγκεκριμένο πρίσμα το κεφάλαιο 10 βρίσκεται σε απόλυτη συμφωνία με το στόχο του πρώτου μέρους της Επιστολής Βαρνάβα.
Μετά την παρουσίαση των κριτηρίων που αναφέρονται στις νομικές διατάξεις των Λευ. 11 και Δτ. 14 προκειμένου να κατανοηθεί ο σκοπός της χρήσης αντίστοιχων παραδειγμάτων στην Επιστολή Βαρνάβα, η μελέτη παρατηρεί πως η αλληγορική μέθοδος ερμηνείας που χρησιμοποιείται είναι ακραία και εντελώς άστοχο το γεγονός να εξάγονται συμπεράσματα ηθικού περιεχομένου με αφορμή τη συμπεριφορά ορισμένων ειδών της βιοποικιλότητας.
Οι παραπάνω διατάξεις από το Λευιτικό και το Δευτερονόμιο απαντούν επίσης σε αποσπασματική μορφή στο Χειρόγραφο του Ναού (11Q19 48:1-7). Στην Κ.Δ. δεν γίνεται αναφορά παρά μόνο υπαινιγμός στη διήγηση του οράματος του Πέτρου στις Πράξεις (10:10-16 και 11:5-10) από τον Λουκά. Και ενώ αυτή η γραμμή ερμηνείας υιοθετεί απλώς μια διατροφική συνήθεια και παίρνει θέση απέναντί της, μία δεύτερη προχώρησε σε κάποια περισσότερο ακραία επιλογή. Η Επιστολή Αριστέα, ο Αλέξανδρος του Φίλωνα, η Επιστολή Βαρνάβα και ο Φυσιολόγος θα συνδέσουν ορισμένα από τα απαγορευμένα είδη του Λευιτικού και του Δευτερονομίου αλληγορικά με ορισμένους τύπους ανθρώπων και κυρίως με τη συμπεριφορά τους, εξάγοντας συμπεράσματα ηθικής φύσεως.
Η Επιστολή Βαρνάβα σε απόλυτη συμφωνία με τα υπόλοιπα σχετικά έργα της τάσης που αναφέραμε, χρησιμοποιεί διάφορα είδη της βιοποικιλότητας από πηγές, όπως οι μύθοι του Αισώπου, παροιμιακή σοφία και φυσικές ιστορίες. Φυσικά ως προς το υπόλοιπο υλικό βρίσκεται σε συμφωνία με τα υπόλοιπα χριστιανικά κείμενα του 2ου αι. μ.Χ., τα οποία χρησιμοποιούν εκτενώς τις βιβλικές πηγές.

While the author cannot speak for churches of Christ, common among them are unique ways of understanding holy scripture, believed to have been written by apostles and prophets of the Lord before the destruction of Jerusalem (70 A.D.) and circulated among the early Christian communities (E.g. A letter called First Clement in about 95 A.D., refers to at least ten New Testament books), then collected as a volume by the self-identified Christian community of the second century A.D. or earlier, e.g. the list of Marcion (140 A.D.).

Keywords: Architectural prototype, canonical scenes, stylistic interactions, sculpture.

The article discusses the specific architectural prototype of the two-story churches built in Medieval Armenia. Originating and spreading in Central Asia, it underwent variations in the High Middle Ages and as a result of localization obtained the structural and artistic features typical of the art of smaller regions. According to our hypothesis, the image system of the eastern façade of the Holy Virgin church (also called Bourt‘elashen) expresses the idea of the microcosm and the sacrament of the saving cross, concluded by the figure of an “Eagle with a Lamb in Its Claws.” The high relief on the western façade depicts the famous “Donation” scene where Prince Burt‘el, the ktetor of the church, is sculpted holding the model of the building in his hand. The Mother of God with the Infant Savior is in the center. The second zone of the western façade of the church presents the scene of “Traditio Legis.” It is followed by the sculpture crowning the lower entrance, which is the "Nikopoia" variety of the Holy Virgin, when the Infant Christ is depicted in front of the viewer

Clement of Alexandria is listed, without fail, in all commentaries on Hermas among the early authors who held the Shepherd in highest esteem. Yet it is not always an easy task to grasp the meaning of this esteem. My paper aims to reassess the peculiar view Clement held about Hermas as an instance of this text’s reception, and thus as a part of the reception history of the Shepherd.

The Ante Nicene Father's of Schaff include a fascinating document throught to be the work of the third century Church Father Hippolytus. He gives a list of what are considered the 70 evangelists who Jesus sent forth in his second round of evangelism. The list does not just contain seventy names but for most of them their addresses and some fascinating comments regarding their relationships to various early Church personalities well known to us. This short document contains the seventy, plus the testimony of the twelve apostles plus the apostolic succession of the Holy and Apostolic Church of the East said to be established by the Apostle Thomas. The succession runs from Thomas through the 113 bishops who follow until the years 2000 or so in Jerusalem. Again many many interesting facts.

One of the great mysteries of early Christian history surrounds the ends of the lives of Peter and Paul. In this article, I will begin by summarizing the traditional view on the apostolic martyrdoms and Oscar Cullmann's brief argument that internal strife, not imperial paranoia, may have led to the deaths of the apostles. By appealing to the broader literary context of 1 Clement, New Testament texts, Roman historical sources, and the apocryphal acts, I will then expand on and strengthen the thesis that the author of 1 Clement is communicating that internal disputes between Christians provoked imperial attention and eventually led to the deaths of Peter and Paul. The evidence from the text itself points strongly in that direction, although this is certainly a story that authors like Luke and Clement would not want to highlight, for it would directly undermine the desired image of Peter and Paul standing together as symbols of apostolic and ecclesiastical unity in Rome and elsewhere.

Secara garis besar, Berkhof membagi pembahasan bukunya ini ke dalam dua bagian utama, yaitu: Pertama, mengenai definisi, esensi, atribut, dan sistem pemerintahan gereja; dan Kedua, mengenai alat-alat anugerah yang terfokus pada Firman Tuhan dan sakramen (dalam hal ini baptisan dan perjamuan kudus). Dengan pembagian tersebut maka tentu alur pembahasan buku ini menjadi lebih sistematis dan mudah dimengerti. Apalagi ditunjang dengan pemaparan isi yang mengenai doktrin Alkitab tentang gereja yang benar dan alkitabiah.

Since its first publication, in 1883, various scholars considered the Didache to depict the transition of the church offices—from the charismatic model, about to cease, to the hierarchical model, yet to be established. This study aims to reassess and amend the conclusions of these scholars, by reversing the argument: it is not the text of the Didache that captures the changes of the church government; instead, the changes of the church government alter the text of the Didache.

J.B. Lightfoot’s collection and translation of many of the works
of the Apostolic fathers is a must-read for anyone wanting
to expand his or her knowledge of early Christian thought
and the theological roots of our faith. This book is largely
comprehensive in its inclusion of the earliest Church documents.
From the stirring writings of the martyr Polycarp to
the questions raised by Ignatius as to where congregations
were heading, this text is both an informative window to the
past and a relevant challenge to the Church today. It soon
becomes evident that the theological and ministry-related
questions being raised today are questions Christians have
been wrestling with for centuries. These early church fathers
present some well-thought-out and gracious answers, making
this an important read for the pastor, scholar, and lay-Christian
alike.

Ἡ παροῦσα ἐργασία ἀποτελεῖ μία προσπάθεια παρουσίασης τοῦ ἁγίου Ἰγνατίου τοῦ θεοφόρου, ἐπίσκόπου Ἀντιοχείας, ἱερομάρτυρος καί ἀποστολικοῦ πατρός πού σημάδευσε τήν παράδοση τῆς Ἐκκλησίας μέ τό λαμπρό πέρασμά του. Μελετῶνται συντόμως τό πρόσωπο τοῦ ἁγίου, ἡ ἐργογραφία του, ἡ διδασκαλία του καί ἐκτενέστερα οἱ ἐπιστολές του.

This paper reassesses the anonymity of the New Testament gospels by considering different ways in which creators are or are not directly associated with their products in different arenas of cultural production. It stresses that the audience, not the author, determines the extent of the connection between an author and a text. This challenges predominant models of anonymity which assume that the gospels were intentionally written anonymously to stress the message over the messenger. Reconsidering the role of consumers in preserving or not preserving the
names of authors forces a reconsideration of the role of texts in earliest Christian groups. The paper supports a growing trend of seeing textual producers and users as a minority in early Christian groups, thus rejecting the long-held assumption that Christianity was, from its beginning, a “religion of the book.”

‘The Didache as a Source for Picturing the Earliest Christian Communities: The Case of the Practice of Fasting’ in K. O’Mahony ed., Christian Origins: Worship, Belief and Society [Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series 241] (Sheffield Academic Press, Sheffield 2003), pp. 83-112.

The article systematically examines the twenty four occurrences of the title 'Lord' in the Didache, and argues that the majority refer to the Lord Jesus. It then focusses on Didache 16.1-8 and argues that the 'coming of the Lord' referred to there is the return of Jesus.

Merupakan satu dari tujuh buah surat St. Ignatius dari Antiokhia (murid rasul Yohanes) yang ditulis menjelang kemartirannya diadu dengan singa di Koloseum di Roma. Dalam surat kepada Gereja di Smirna ini, Ignatius banyak menjawab ajaran Doketisme dengan argumentasi dari sisi kebangkitan Kristus dan dari sisi Ekaristi (Perjamuan Kudus). Di samping itu, Ignatius juga memberikan gambaran tata pemerintahan Gereja yang dipimpin oleh Uskup, para presbiter, dan para diakon. File PDF ini disusun agar pembaca dapat langsung mencetaknya ke dalam format buku.