Anticolonial Theory

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Resumo: Este trabalho propõe uma reflexão crítica sobre as diversas identidades e vivências transgêneras e não-cisgêneras 2 , utilizando-se conceitos e metodologias inspirados por saberes subalternos, em especial a Teoria Queer e os Estudos Pós-Coloniais. Seguindo o caminho intelectual descentralizador trilhado ao se considerar a heterossexualidade como valor idealizado e dominante, e contextualizando as visões contemporâneas de gênero desde uma perspectiva histórica crítica (anticolonial), pretende-se conceituar a cisgeneridade como categoria analítica fundamental no entendimento das normatizações e opressões infligidas (não somente, mas especialmente) a pessoas transgêneras e não-cisgêneras, em alguns dos diferentes aspectos e esferas nas quais elas se fazem presentes.

There is a rich intellectual history to the development of anti-colonial
thought and practice. In discussing the politics of knowledge
production, this collection borrows from and builds upon this
intellectual traditional to offer understandings of the macro-political
processes and structures of education delivery (e. g., social organization
of knowledge, culture, pedagogy and resistant politics). The
contributors raise key issues regarding the contestation of knowledge,
as well as the role of cultural and social values in understanding the
way power shapes everyday relations of politics and subjectivity. In
reframing anti-colonial thought and practice, this book reclaims the
power of critical, oppositional discourse and theory for educational
transformation. Anti-Colonialism and Education: The Politics of
Resistance, includes some the most current theorizing around anticolonial practice, written specifically for this collection. Each of the
essays extends the terrain of the discussion, of what constitutes anticolonialism. Among the many discursive highlights is the interrogation
of the politics of embodied knowing, the theoretical distinctions and
connections between anti-colonial thought and post-colonial theory,
and the identification of the particular lessons of anti-colonial theory
for critical educational practice. Essays explore such key issues as the
challenge of articulating anti-colonial thought as an epistemology of
the colonized, anchored in the indigenous sense of collective and
common colonial consciousness; the conceptualization of power
configurations embedded in ideas, cultures and histories of
marginalized communities; the understanding of indigeneity as
pedagogical practice; and the pursuit of agency, resistance and
subjective politics through anti-colonial learning.

Dissertation Title is Black Women’s Leadership: Indigenous Knowledges for Empowerment

Abstract
In this chapter, I present the theoretical framework for analyzing the data of the study. I use an anti-colonial discursive framework through the epistemological lenses of indigenous knowledge, Black feminisms and womanism.

Baron R.F. von Ungern-Sternberg (1885–1921) is almost a legendary figure. He was General of the Russian White Army fought against the Reds in Civil War after the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia. He participated in the Civil War in Russian Siberia, Manchuria and Mongolia. Baron Ungern, traditionalist and one of first eurasianists, became the key figure in finding the independence of modern Mongolia. This book is a full reconstruction of life and activities of Baron Ungern, based on all available materials, including those from Russian, Mongolian, Estonian, American, Japanese and other archives. These data, based in a large part of formerly unknown materials, are discussed in general context of events in Mongolia and Siberia of that time. Some legends related to Baron Ungern are also discussed. The book includes biography of the last Great Khan of Mongolia, whose power was restored by Ungern. Unpublished documents and memoirs added. The book may be interesting for historians, political scientists, ethnographers, orientalists and all interested in the history of Russia and Mongolia. English contents included.

As Willi Braun suggests in Introducing Religion, "A common frustration for scholars of religion concerns the restrictions, often self-restrictions explicitly invoked or tacitly obeyed by students at all career stages, that are placed on curiosity: the "better not ask" or "better not go there" affective stances that are put down as obstacles to the pursuit of a disciplined drive toward a cogent intelligibility of human practices we have come to call, in virtue of some stipulated markers, "religion" or "religious". The Pandora of myth is still censured in the academy, it seems, as the arch-or original sinner, the anti-model of intellection, that evil woman (it would be a woman, of course) whose curiosity released a can of toxic worms that kills cats, rather than as the mythic hero of curiosity as the giver of everything -which is what Pandora means." 1 These restrictions as to the limits of where 'Religious Studies' should end and popular/fringe culture in the derogatory sense many scholars view it should begin, are exactly what this essay intends to explore. If I have learned one thing above any other in this 1

An updated and improved version of this essay can be found in Chapter 2 of my book Epistemic Decolonization (2020).

In this essay I analyze and chart a number of the different conceptual and philosophical issues pertinent to discourses concerning 'epistemic decolonization.' Such discussions occur across a wide range of disciplines and often involve equivocations and/or overt disagreements about fundamental issues. This piece offers one account of why epistemic (de)colonization is a problem in the first place and brings to light some of the key differences between a number of different approaches to the decolonization of knowledge. The present clarification, I argue, is crucial to linking projects of theoretical decolonization to concrete political programs and to overcoming a prima facie approach to decolonizing knowledge.

Case studies in postcolonial contextualization mark a forty-year-old missiolog-ical trend in evangelical scholarship. The largely unqualified support of indigenous theological expression by mission theorists represents an epistemological shift from a conservative bibliology toward felt-needs evangelization and religious roundtable dialogue methods. Evangelical contextualization theory today echoes German Ro-manticism's early assessments of indigenous language and local religion, especially as seen in the works of pluralistic Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803). No study of postcolonial contextualization is complete without considering the enduring influence of Herder's " vernacular consciousness " on the current missiological mindset.

In this essay, we elaborate on the ways in which colonial unknowing is always itself a response, an epistemological counter-formation, which takes shape in reaction to the lived relations and incommensurable knowledges it seeks to render impossible and inconceivable. Apprehending colonial unknowing as a counter-formation is also a way of de-centering whiteness. We look specifically to Black and Indigenous relations of study as a being and thinking with under conditions often inhospitable—conditions predicated on the uneven distribution of suffering and sustenance—as “dissident relations” shaped by collective struggle. This essay is written in conversation with Alex Trimble Young’s criticism of the “On Colonial Unknowing” special issue we edited for Theory & Event.

Resumen: En este artículo analizo y cartografío algunos de los varios problemas conceptuales y filosóficos pertinentes a los discursos relacionados con la «descolonización epistémica». Estas discusiones ocurren en un amplio espectro de disciplinas y muchas veces implican ambigüedades o desacuerdos abiertos sobre puntos fundamentales. Este artículo ofrece una explicación de porqué la (des)colonización epistémica es un problema en primer lugar y pone en evidencia algunas de las diferencias claves entre varios enfoques distintos a la descolonización del conocimiento. La presente aclaración, afirmo, es crucial para vincular proyectos de descolonización teórica a programas políticos concretos y para superar un enfoque prima facie para la descolonización del conocimiento.

Palabras claves: descolonización, descolonización epistémica, anticolonialismo, política del conocimiento, teoría descolonial.

Since the mid-1980s the term "postcolonial" has become a well-known key signifier in analysis of cultural and political representations of dominance and subalternity in contemporary societies. It was in the wake of the success of this term that from the early 1990s an impressive field of studies, from transversal to traditional disciplines, entered the archives of Western knowledge, at first in the Anglo-American world but later worldwide: postcolonial studies, or postcolonial critique. It could be argued, as in the case of cultural studies, that postcolonial criticism emerged at an imaginary epis-temic intersectional point, binding in new ways objects, approaches, and perspectives coming from different traditional disciplines: from literary critique to philosophy, from anthropology to psychoanalysis and sociology, from history to the political sciences, from English to linguistics. It is for this reason that the postcolonial discursive formation is usually conceived both as a radical epistemological challenge to traditional academic disciplines and specializations and as a new and more democratic approach to the conceptualization of contemporary and historical relationships between the West and its others. According to this self-representation, then, postcolonial studies may be better defined as an emergent critical space aimed at the decolonization of current theoretical and political practices. Despite its close association with academic European postmodernism and poststruc-turalism in mainstream critical thinking, postcolonial critique can be approached as the effect of a very complex genealogy. My approach to its emergence as a discipline is based on Edward Said's constructivist idea of beginning. A beginning, Said maintains, is different from an origin because a beginning can be chosen, while an origin can only be acknowledged: "beginning is not so much an event unto itself as an opening within discourse" (Said 1975, 350; emphasis original). Said's idea of beginning is important here because it seeks to methodologically combine "intention" and "method," allowing subjectivity and politics ("secular agency") to enter the domain of theory through an epistemological solid ground. Our starting premise will be that postcolonial criticism came out of multiple hybrid and transnational roots. It was not a discourse that originated in the postcolonial world but one produced by migrant postcolonial intellectuals displaced in the West, who were also notably critical of the essentialist and binary political imaginary of anticolonial first "great narrations." However, it could be argued that its beginning can be tracked down to classical anticolonial thinking (to political interventions of figures such as Mariátegui, Gandhi, Sartre, Césaire, Fanon, etc.), namely to the critique of Western imperialism that arose in the context of the different national liberation movements during the decol-onization processes. Its beginning can also be tracked down to the development of The International Encyclopedia of Anthropology. Edited by Hilary Callan.

“D.A. Wood brilliantly accomplishes what critique at its best understands as its task: making explicit the radical intent of a political and intellectual enterprise. Wood helps us to understand the strengths and misadventures of rival versions of the project of epistemic decolonization. We are thus better placed to extend to the realm of the politics of knowledge the integral implications of Fanon’s distinction between false and true decolonization. This is an original philosophical inquiry into a crucial debate of our time.”
―Ato Sekyi-Otu, Emeritus Professor of Social and Political Thought, York University



“This book highlights the myriad ways in which colonialism and imperialism not only shape what we think we know about the world, but even the very ways in which we come to know it. Wood describes how power relations based on nation, class, race, and gender inequality affect our comprehension while, at the same time, he advocates an emancipatory theory of knowledge that recognises the possibility of applying scientific methods to the resolution of social problems.”
―Zak Cope, author of The Wealth of (Some) Nations: Imperialism and the Mechanics of Value Transfer and co-editor of the Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism

The present essay examines three apparent contradictions to arise in Fanon’s work regarding his operative critique of religion, ontology, and theory of truth. I review some of the prevailing evaluations of these apparent contradictions, and then argue that said interpretations of Fanon do not stand up to close textual and historical scrutiny. I then dissolve the aforementioned apparent contradictions and provide more adequate approaches to interpreting their theoretical significance in such a way as to highlight the internal coherence and force of Fanon’s philosophical vision.

The purpose of this paper is to examine some aspects of the commodification of sex from a transgender perspective. By using references in trans*-related literature (especially that produced by transgender authors, such as Susan Stryker and Julia Serano) and drawing from my own personal experiences, I intend to analyze how the commodification of sex is associated with exotified perceptions of human bodies, which in turn are influenced by cis-, male-, and straight-centered ideologies.

Böröcz József könyve az európai integráció történetének mintegy előzményeként a nyugat-európai államiság több évszázados globális történetét is áttekinti, s ebben a keretben értelmezi az EU létrejöttét és formálódását. A könyv, amely bő egy évtizedes kutatómunka összefoglalója, azt magyarázza meg, hogyan következik az EU kialakulása az azt megelőző, több évszázad történelméből. Az elemzés Magyarország, Kelet-Közép-Európa és Európa globális pozíciójának meghatározására, helyes kontextualizációjának elméleti és empirikus kérdéseire, és ezeken keresztül a világ főbb átalakulási tendenciáinak megértésére irányul.

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Revised Hungarian edition of _The European Union and Global Social Change: A Geopolitical-Economic Analysis_ (https://www.academia.edu/190682/The_European_Union_and_Global_Social_Change_A_Critical_Geopolitical-Economic_Analysis ).

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This paper is a critical-comparative study which examines the historical and theoretical distinctions between decolonial/postcolonial thought and the tradition of anti-colonial Marxism. The author argues that anti-colonial Marxism has been obscured and distorted by the contemporary decolonial/postcolonial imaginary. To correct this, the author responds to several objections prevalent in these literatures by clarifying misconceptions about anti-colonial Marxism and demonstrating the limits of the critics' presuppositions. Focusing on the writings of Frantz Fanon, Amílcar Cabral, Thomas Sankara, and Ernesto 'Che' Guevara, the paper reconstructs the 'principles' of anti-colonial Marxism. In conclusion, the author argues that the 'revolutionary theory' of these thinkers remains relevant to present-day global relation and the persistent conditions of neocolonialism and capitalist imperialism.

Postcolonial theory has recently come under critique as an interpretative scheme applied to Eastern Europe and particularly Ukraine. However, a closer look suggests that the critique applies only to some aspects of the approach, such as a focus on power relations and representations, while the key question should be rephrased as whether the Ukrainian subject was constituted as a colonial subject. A range of empirical material from 1920s Ukrainian discourses, both Soviet and émigré, is analyzed to shed light on how Ukrainians constructed their subjectivity as “a site of disorder” (Dipesh Chakrabarty), splitting themselves into uncultured peasant masses to be modernized and erased as a voiceless subaltern subject, on the one hand, and modernizing elites, on the other. This split can be understood as an epitome of the colonial condition.

»Patria o muerte«: liberation nationalism and decolonisation
In 1964, Ernesto Che Guevara concluded his speech to the United Nations General Assembly with the battle cry "Patria o muerte". Jean Ziegler, who had reported from Cuba in previous years and had become acquainted with Che, advocated such a liberation nationalism in Switzerland and made his mark as one of the harshest critics of the neo-colonial exploitation of the Third World. The essay presents the ambitions and ambivalences of this anti-colonial engagement, thereby analysing the tensions between human rights and concepts of a people and explaining how Jean Ziegler dealt with these contradictions for half a century.

»Patria o muerte«: libération nationale et décolonisation
En 1964, Ernesto Che Guevara termine son discours devant l’Assemblée générale des Nations Unies par l’exclamation »Patria o muerte!«. Jean Ziegler avait fait des reportages à Cuba et connaissait le Che. Défendant cette perspective de libération nationale en Suisse, il a été l’un des détracteurs les plus virulents de l’exploitation néocoloniale du Sud global. Le texte évoque les ambitions et les ambivalences de cet engagement anticolonial, entre la dimension des droits humains et le concept du peuple, et montre comment Jean Ziegler a pensé ces contradictions.

»Patria o muerte«: nazionalismo di liberazione e decolonizzazione
Nel 1964, Ernesto Che Guevara concluse il suo discorso all'Assemblea Generale delle Nazioni Unite con il grido di battaglia »Patria o muerte«. Jean Ziegler, che già aveva riferito da Cuba e aveva incontrato il Che, difese la prospettiva di un nazionalismo di liberazione in Svizzera e si affermò come uno dei più duri critici dello sfruttamento neocoloniale del Terzo Mondo. Il saggio presenta le ambizioni e le ambivalenze di questo impegno anticoloniale, analizzando la tensione tra i diritti umani e la concezione popolare e mostrando come Jean Ziegler abbia affrontato queste contraddizioni per più di metà secolo.

»Patria o muerte«: nacionalismo de liberación y descolonización
En 1964, Ernesto Che Guevara pronunció su discurso ante la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas finalizando con el grito »Patria o muerte«. Jean Ziegler, que previamente había informado desde Cuba y se había encontrado con el Che en los años anteriores, adoptó una perspectiva de un nacionalismo de liberación en Suiza y se hizó famoso con una de las más duras críticas de la explotación neocolonial del Tercer Mundo. El ensayo presenta las ambiciones y ambivalencias de este compromiso anticolonial en el campo de la tensión entre los derechos humanos y los conceptos populares y muestra cómo Jean Ziegler lidió con estas contradicciones.

«Patria o muerte»: Befreiungsnationalismus und
Dekolonisation
1964 beschloss Ernesto Che Guevara seine Rede vor der UNO-Generalversammlung mit dem Kampfruf «Patria o muerte». Jean Ziegler, der in den Jahren zuvor aus Kuba berichtet und Che kennen gelernt hatte, vertrat eine solche befreiungsnationalistische Perspektive in der Schweiz und profilierte sich als einer der schärfsten Kritiker der neokolonialen Ausbeutung der Dritten Welt. Der Aufsatz stellt die Ambitionen und Ambivalenzen dieses antikolonialen Engagements im Spannungsfeld zwischen Menschenrechten und Volkskonzepten dar und zeigt, wie Jean Ziegler mit diesen Widersprüchen umgegangen ist.

Resumo: This paper intends to make a critical reflection on the diverse transgender and non-cisgender identities and lived experiences 2 , using concepts and methodologies inspired by subaltern studies, especially Queer Theory and Post(Anti)colonial Studies. Following the decentralizing intellectual path carried out by considering heterosexuality as an idealized and dominant value, and contextualizing contemporary visions on gender from a critical (anticolonial) historical perspective, the proposal is to conceptualize cisgender-ness as a fundamental analitical category in understanding normatizations and oppressions inflicted (not only, but especially) upon transgender and non-cisgender peoples, in some of the different aspects and spheres in which they occur.

This chapter consists in an analysis of a translated story excerpt from Thomas King's The Truth About Stories compared and contrasted with one of my own poems, which is also a story of sorts, a reflection upon one of Bob Boyer's art pieces that expresses the horrors of colonization and Christianization. I will also explore the unwritten implications of the words being spoken/written, the satire, the bleakness, the activism at play, and all the different elements which reinforce the anticolonial, educational aspects of these oral literature pieces. I will contrast this syncretic form of storytelling with traditional storytelling from a non-traditional historical perspective, as well as exploring how modern storytelling incorporates elements from past oral traditions and recontextualizes them.

My main concern in activist translations as well as in those of my own poems is to stay as true as possible to the spirit of the original work and its gaps, repetitions, rhythm, cadence, syntax and phatic use of language. In doing so, my goal is to foster the reader’s understanding of First Peoples/Diasporic Peoples and their plight, establishing an oral bond through the translation of the orality between them and the translated work, much like I have done in the translation of What We All Long For, by the Carribean-Canadian bestselling author Dionne Brand.

The central question that guides this year’s GSCOPE meeting is about education as a geopolitical enterprise: Do our pedagogies, perhaps in ways we are not always aware of, support and perpetuate colonial hierarchies and knowledges across the globe, or are we fighting or resisting coloniality? To what extent do our philosophies of education safeguard or disrupt the current politico-economical order of the world? Most importantly, how can we create new anti-colonial pedagogies that acknowledge education as a geopolitical process?  How do we imagine new spaces of pedagogy in this world: new unimagined spaces?

This paper draws from research on small-scale maize production in Mexico’s Central Highland region to discuss the geopolitical implications of everyday agricultural practices. An overwhelming majority of maize farmers in this region, as well as in the country more broadly, continue to cultivate locally-adapted maize varieties they have bred themselves – criollo maize is the vernacular term – despite decades of concerted government attempts to effect the widespread adoption of commercially-bred and licensed hybrid varieties. This state effort to restructure agricultural systems and food security according to nationalist and capitalist priorities is one tactic in a long and violent struggle for control over peasant land and labor in Mexico. By integrating feminist scholarship in geopolitics and in political ecology, I am following the lead of geographers who regard the materialities of everyday life as a foundation for political tensions and conflicts that are constantly unfolding along intersecting lines of difference. Though geopolitics has rarely turned its attention directly to theories of intimate socio-ecological relations, I argue that the field has much analytical and political leverage to gain by engaging with political ecology, and that feminist geographic imaginaries provide a crucial space in which to do so.  This approach allows for an analysis of how a dominant geopolitics of land and agriculture is being undermined through the routine production of criollo maize, revealing new potential for creating broad political alliances with social movements that are currently working toward alternative visions of agriculture and food security.

Trans* Sexualidade: Reflexões sobre a mercantilização do sexo desde uma perspectiva transgênera viviane v. 1 O objetivo deste artigo é examinar alguns aspectos relacionados à mercantilização do sexo a partir de uma perspectiva transgênera. Utilizando referências na literatura sobre questões transgêneras (especialmente aquela produzida por pessoas trans*, como Susan Stryker e Julia Serano), bem como experiências pessoais, tenho a intenção de analisar como a mercantilização do sexo é associada a uma percepção social exotificada de corpos humanos, influenciada por sua vez por ideologias cis-, macho-, e heterocêntricas. Considerando-se que um exame crítico da 'dupla consciência' -termo cunhado por W. E. B. Du Bois no contexto da análise racial -que atinge sujeitos marginalizados tem o potencial de ampliar nossas compreensões sobre determinadas relações de poder assimétricas, este artigo é fundamentado na ideia de que uma perspectiva transgênera pode trazer contribuições relevantes acerca de processos de erotização, fetichização e ojerização de corpos, bem como sobre mercados do sexo. Neste sentido, pretendo refletir sobre como meu corpo -o de uma mulher transgênera -vem sendo socialmente percebido conforme passo pelo processo de 'transição', sobre como estas alterações corporais e diferentes leituras sociais afetam minhas visões sobre mim mesma, e sobre que possibilidades e formas de sexualidades estão socialmente disponíveis a pessoas transgêneras em geral. Sugiro, neste trabalho, que conforme meu corpo é crescentemente percebido como um corpo (trans)feminino, processos de fetichização e exotificação -fortemente correlacionados com ideologias cis-e machocêntricas -têm se tornado mais intensos. Em termos da sexualidade para individualidades transgêneras, e mais especificamente para mulheres trans*, a literatura e experiências pessoais trazem possibilidades intelectuais sobre (e para) pessoas cujos corpos estão nas fronteiras entre o desejo e a abjeção, inclusive sobre condicionantes sociais para a prevalência do mercado sexual como possibilidade de inserção econômica para elas. Uma avaliação crítica destas questões relativas a sexualidades e corpos, incluindo-se a análise de forças opressivas e resistentes em tais relações sociais, é o objetivo central do artigo.

The article places the itinerant curriculum theory at the core of the struggle against the curriculum epistemicide and occidentosis. It unpacks the current contemporary global havoc as a result of the exhausted coloniality of power matrix of Modern Western Eurocentric modernity. In doing so, the piece dissects the challenges faced by a specific radical critical curriculum river framed by particular counter hegemonic approaches in the struggle against the curriculum epistemicide. It claims how counter hegemonic movements and groups, in such struggle against the epistemicide they ended up provoking a reversive epistemicide, by not pay attention to the validity and legitimacy of crucial onto-epistemological perspectives beyond Modern Western Eurocentric platform. Also, the article challenges such counter approaches to deterritorialize and delink from coloniality power matric, in order to open up their own Eurocentric canon and seek an itinerant curriculum theoretical commitment.

Case studies in postcolonial contextualization mark a forty-year-old missiolog-ical trend in evangelical scholarship. The largely unqualified support of indigenous theological expression by mission theorists represents an epistemological shift from a conservative bibliology toward felt-needs evangelization and religious roundtable dialogue methods. Evangelical contextualization theory today echoes German Ro-manticism's early assessments of indigenous language and local religion, especially as seen in the works of pluralistic Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803). No study of postcolonial contextualization is complete without considering the enduring influence of Herder's " vernacular consciousness " on the current missiological mindset.

The book 'Socjalistyczny postkolonializm. Rekonsolidacja pamięci' (Socialist Postcolonialism: Memory Reconsolidation) is about the Polish postcolonial tradition of before 1989, which has been blanked out of memory. The year 2000, i.e., the year in which the Polish translation of Ewa Thompson’s book Imperial Knowledge. Russian Literature and Colonialism appeared, is taken as the beginning of Polish postcolonial thought. However, the general thesis of the present book is that widely understood postcolonialism functioned in Poland before 1989. The real beginning of thinking in postcolonial terms started with the World Congress of Intellectuals in Defense of Peace, held in Wrocław in 1948. The purpose of the book is to reconstruct the rubbed out history of socialist postcolonialism and to determine the reasons why this cultural phenomenon was remembered/forgotten. This first task is achieved by analyzing political, press, literary, scientific and artistic discourses referring to the so-called Third World and its relations with the semi-peripheral Second World, i.e., Poland; while the second task is treated within an original conceptual framework for writing about remembering/forgetting, using the category of re/consolidation drawn from neuroscience and psychology. The work uses the terms “socialist postcolonialism” and “postcolonialism of the Second World” alternately and refers to postcolonial studies, although conceptually it is rooted in memory studies which are also seeing intense development in Poland.

On ne pouvait mieux marquer le cinquantenaire de la disparition de Frantz Fanon que par la traduction de l'un des ouvrages les plus complets qui lui ait été consacré. Les éditions La Découverte ajoutent à cette traduction une édition des Œuvres complètes de Fanon en un volume ...

Case studies in postcolonial contextualization mark a forty-year-old missiological trend in evangelical scholarship. The largely unqualified support of indigenous theological expression by mission theorists represents an epistemological shift from a conservative bibliology toward felt-needs evangelization and religious roundtable dialogue methods. Evangelical contextualization theory today echoes German Romanticism’s early assessments of indigenous language and local religion, especially as seen in the works of pluralistic Johann Gottfried Herder (1744–1803). No study of postcolonial contextualization is complete without considering the enduring influence of Herder’s “vernacular consciousness” on the current missiological mindset.

The Critical Theory Workshop/Atelier de Théorie Critique is an intensive research program whose primary objective is to provide an international forum for trans-disciplinary and comparative work in critical social theory, in the most expansive sense of the term. Participants are exposed to the work of contemporary thinkers and engage with current debates in the Francophone world and beyond. Special attention is paid to traditions of thought that have been structurally suppressed in the academy, including Marxism, anarchism, the black radical tradition, anticolonial theory, and radical ecological thought.

The Workshop, which takes place at the EHESS in central Paris and does not follow the traditional structure of a course, is comprised of three interlocking components:
• Débats: invited speakers debate a common theme or current research projects.
• Rencontres: intellectuals are invited to participate in interviews on their work.
• Groupes de travail: the participants workshop their own research.
The overall objective is to bring together a diverse panoply of thinkers from different horizons in order to cultivate productive debates on topical issues. Invited guests for 2018 thus far include Seloua Luste Boulbina, Jonathan Eburne, Eric Hazan, Jennifer Ponce de León and Delia Popa.

This article focuses on the idea of ‘colonial modernity’ to pursue a dual theoretical purpose: to interrogate the givenness of ‘modernity’ as an overarching and over-determining epistemological framework; and, secondly, to indicate how movements against colonial modernity were part of a ‘deep, global infrastructure of anti-colonial connectivity’. By examining a number of Islamic movements in the Dutch Indies and in British Malaya, this article seeks to map out some of the translocal spaces created and occupied by these movements, which linked North Africa to Saudi Arabia and to South East Asia. The focus on translocality speaks also to the existence and enactment of exteriorities to modernity. My deployment of ‘exteriority’ signals here certain historical, political, and cultural lateral relations among colonial spaces, through which the colonized generate and activate what June Nash calls ‘counterplots’ to colonial modernity.