Anti-Semitism

WE ATTACH  -FOR THE SCHOLARS AND THE GENERAL PUBLIC- THIS FULL EDITION (85,000 WORDS, 212 PAGES), WITH THE  SCOPE AND PURPOSE THAT THE PUBLIC CAN HAVE A VIEW TO THE COLOSAL  CONTINETAL REACH, SIZE & LOGISTICS OF THE JEWISH HOLOCAUST [1933-1945], PERPETRATED BY THE NAZI GERMANY AND SO MANY EUROPEAN COLLABORATORS: INDIVIDUALS, COMPANIES, INSTITUTIONS AND GOVERMENTS ALIKE.

THIS CONTENT IS SUPLYIED AS A COURTESY TO STUDENTS AND RESERCHERS. IF ADDITIONAL MATERIAL IS NEEDED, PLEASE CONTACT THE AUTHOR [email protected]. WE OFFER FREEE CONFERENCES ON THE JEWSIH HOLOCUAST.

THE TRAINS OF THE HOLOCAUST: An In-Depth Look at How Railway Transports Companies in Europe cooperated and assisted in the Second and Final Phase of the Holocaust, the "Final Solution".

    THIS GENERAL STUDY, deal with the concrete fact about how a modern railway system -the largest capitalist enterprise at the time, the Deutsche Reichsbahn [DRB]- with its associated railways companies (in collusion) in each European country, contributed to the colossal scale of evacuation and displacement, for the purpose of interment and slavery, especially after the Wannsee Conference in January 1942.

    The Nazi criminal regime (1933-1945), it’s military, civilian organizations, middle-level bureaucracy and associated dictatorial regimes all over Europe, succeeded in murdering millions of people and destroying a flourishing 900-years-old Jewish Culture in Europe.  In the process, they murdered of millions of humans across the continent: 6 millions Jews and 20 million other innocent civilians.
     
An efficient railways system across the continent with more than 100,000 km of rail, (only 42,000 km of which were in Germany proper) operated by the largest private railroad at the time, the Deutsche Reichsbahn, with more than 250,000 workers and a formidable 12,500 operational locomotives (kriegslokomotiven), totally sustained and assisted Germany’s formidable war machine and as aided the Nazi organizations in charge of the “Final Solution”.
     
The European railway companies totally and willingly assisted the Nazis in the transportation segment by carrying out this infamous crime: The Holocaust. Without the collaboration of European railways, the Holocaust could not have happened on the scale on which it did.
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My doctoral dissertation examines the experiences of the Italian volunteers in the Waffen-SS troops using in-depth interviews with former volunteers as the main primary source. This phenomenon, even if significant in size (depending on the source, some 15 000-20 000 Italian men volunteered in the Waffen-SS), has been hitherto largely unknown to historical research. The available literature on the Italian volunteers, mainly written by military history enthusiast journalists and methodologically weak, concentrates mainly on the combat operations and military organization, and offers a rather stereotypical profile of the volunteers.

My dissertation does not aim to reconstruct the military history of the different divisions of the Waffen-SS in which Italian volunteers operated but instead to examine the subjective, private and intimate experience of the volunteers in order to understand the motivations, attitudes, beliefs and cultural and family background, as well as their political ideas. The main objective of my doctoral dissertation is to discover the ideological precepts of the volunteers’ political credo. As the last phase of fascism and its ideology, often defined as the “Germanisation” or “Nazification” of fascism, is still the object of wide academic debate, a better understanding of the volunteers’ ideology also contributes to deepening overall knowledge of the nature of this last phase.

The theoretical frame of my dissertation lies in oral history, in particular in the postmodernist approach to oral history, through which I reconstruct the volunteers’ ideology. In-depth interviews with former volunteers are the main primary source, but multiple data collection methods have been adopted. Phone interviews and correspondence with the volunteers have also been considered as primary sources. In addition to interviews and correspondence, family archives consisting of diaries, correspondence with the volunteers’ relatives and photographic material have also been collected and examined. An ethnographic observation of the volunteers’ domestic spaces has been conducted during the in-depth interviews, and photo self-elicitation techniques have been used in cases where the volunteers were willing to share their photographs.

An exhaustive portrait of the ideological structure of the volunteers has been obtained, as well as of the cultural and social origins of the values that contributed to the rise and adoption of this ideology. Further, the volunteers’ motivations to enlist have been clearly reconstructed, together with their cultural, political, social and military backgrounds. The results of the research are particularly relevant both for comprehension of the Italian phenomenon of volunteering in the Waffen-SS and for the reconstruction of the ideological dynamics of the last phase of fascism. The volunteers’ political and ideological system, which can be defined as the Italian SS-fascist ideology, disagrees strongly with the vaguely described ideological profile offered by previous studies that describe volunteers as generically “super-fascist”. The research also offers the opportunity for a deeper understanding of the final fascist ideological trajectory, currently defined, not without a certain level of approximation, as the “Germanisation” or “Nazification” of fascist ideology.

From 1933 through 1945, the Hebrew Bible was under attack in Nazi Germany. Indeed, the entire notion that Christianity had any connection to Judaism was systematically denied. Even within the Church, the long-standing tradition of “Old Testament“ studies was marginalized. This paper studies the heroic struggles of Gerhard von Rad. It tells the story of how von Rad, long before he became a famous Protestant theologian, fought in near isolation to defend the Old Testament. Much of the gripping story has not been widely known, and has only recently become available.

Keywords: Old Testament Theology, Jewish Studies, University of Jena, Gerhard von Rad, Walter Grundmann, Susannah Heschel, Deuteronomy, Deuteronomium, German-Jewish, history, Holocaust, modern German history, Karl Astel, Institut zur Erforschung und Beseitigung des jüdischen Einflusses auf das deutsche kirchliche Leben, Deuteronomy as sermon; Theologische Fakultät der Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena; Theological Faculty of the University of Jena

This essay outlines the characteristics of what I call the ‘totalitarian mindset’. Under certain circumstances, human beings engage in patterns of thinking and behavior that are extremely closed and intolerant of difference and pluralism. These patterns of thinking and behaving lead us towards totalitarian, anti-pluralistic futures. An awareness of how these patterns arise, how individuals and groups can be manipulated through the use of fear, and how totalitarianism plays into the desire in human beings for ‘absolute’ answers and solutions, can be helpful in preventing attempts at manipulation and from the dangers of actively wanting to succumb to totalitarian, simplistic, black-and-white solutions in times of stress and anxiety. I present a broad outline of an agenda for education for a pluralistic future. The lived experience of pluralism is still largely unfamiliar and anxiety inducing, and that the phenomenon is generally not understood, with many myths of purity and racial or cultural superiority still prevalent. Finally, as part of that agenda for education, I stress the importance of creativity as an adaptive capacity, an attitude that allows us to see pluralism as an opportunity for growth and positive change rather than simply conflict.

Meroitic language is one of the most controversial ancient languages but one of the few having advanced writing systems. Some classify it Asian, European, non-African, Semitic, or 'unclassified'. This paper contends Meroe, similar to their Cushitic friends, are left victims of preconceived ideas based on an entirely argument from silence, an hegemonic epistemology that elevates a single perspective and silences other(s). This paper, thus, comparatively analyzes Meroitic and Old Nubian lexical and grammatical items with corresponding Oromo, a Cushitic family which, many classical and contemporary philologists/linguists argue derives from a unique vocabulary possibly the Ancient language of the Nile Valley and/or Horn of Africa. Meroitic and Old Nubian lexical, grammatical and epigraphic data were collected from secondary sources by Meroitic researchers. Oromo corpora are obtained both from classical and modern descriptions and native-speakers. Results indicate Oromo lexemes show significant level of cognates with not only Meroitic and Old Nubian, but also with the Ancient Egyptian to their northern part.

Heidegger’s thinking once seemed to bear on everything and every philosopher, from the Pre-Socratics, such as Anaximander and Parmenides as well as Heraclitus, to Plato himself, to Aristotle as well as Plotinus and Augustine, Duns Scotus and Aquinas and all the modern names like Descartes and Leibniz. Kant, too, as well as Hegel, Schelling, Kierkegaard, Marx, Dilthey and arguably above all:  Nietzsche.
And Heidegger read Husserl. But with the publication of the Black Notebooks, everything turns around. If Heidegger could remind us as he does precisely in his reflections on the very idea of the Nachlaß as such, reflections constituting a central focus beginning with the first volume of the Black Notebooks arguing that posthumous works work – this is their Wirkungsgeschichte – to invert the order of time, the effect effected in what I call the “black night” of the Black Notebooks, has to be a Kehre to beat them all. Emmanuel Faye’s former student, Sidonie Kellerer,  has even suggested that the turn itself was invented as a cover for a more insidious concern: anti-Semitism at the core.  Thus, it seems Heidegger was preoccupied less with the Seinsfrage than the Judenfrage, particularly in terms of what Peter Trawny characterizes as Heidegger’s now ineliminable seinsgeschichtliche Antisemitismus, an obsession with Weltjudentum, wherein Heidegger is also revealed as having been fatally one-sided in his naming of names in the history of philosophy, especially his contemporaries and students.

NB: This is an author's corrigendum addressing print artifacts or typographer's errors.  For the printed and official version, but also for the contributions in the issue, please see the publisher's official website: http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rbsp20/47/2

A lot has been said and written about the so-called Ethiopic civilization said to have been built by unspecified white South Arabians into Black Africa, chiefly the Horn, in the 3 rd century Christian era. While such colonial mentality has gradually ebbed away in this (pot-)modern era, its vestige is yet thriving in Ethiosemitic circles. Scholars have hardly subjected this narrative to critical analysis. Only Ayele Bekerie has significantly destabilized this century-old phantasmagorical history. He explicated that it was but an hegemonic epistemology imposed upon African Ethiopians by few Indo-Semitic external paradigm that, in turn, continued to miseducate Abyssinian historians originating out of monastic education. Yet, Bekerie himself falls short of a paradigm-shifter role, since he, among other fallacies, could not make a break with the unexplained Ge'ez or Ethiopic speaking 'people'. This paper critically and multidisciplinarily analyzed both Bekerie's skeptic and Indo-Semitists' de-Africanizing discourses in the name of 'Ethiopic'. It showed that 'Ethiopic' was a colonial era conspiracy fabricated by means of dogmatic translation/transliteration and/or systematically distorted re-construction with the intention to misappropriate the autochthonous peoples' social epistemological texts, linguistic or non-linguistic, and ultimately left them physically, nationally and ideologically ever divided and 'historically' disoriented. This not only disrupted their civilization but also pulled them back to pre-classical times of 'nation-building'. This conspiracy is also partly responsible for unending tendencies of separationism, ethnocentrism, fundamentalism, and theocracticalautocratic-militarist totalitarian states and, consequently, unending and equal share of impecuniousness. This paper explicates how and why Ethiopic has neither been engineered by a social history of their own (Ethiosemites or Abyssinians) nor of by their South Arabic 'ancestors'. It also shades lights on how this miseducation is significant area of further critical inquiry for future young researchers on Ethiopian and Horn of African history from postcolonial, open-mind, deconstructivist and reconciliatory and peacebuilding perspective.

This is an investigation into the idea of a link between literature and nation-building, proposed by Benedict Anderson, Timothy Brennan,  Salman Rushdie, and Salman Rushdie. This paper utilizes their ideas to interpret well-known Grimms' Fairy Tales in light of emergin German Nationalism

In the 1990s and early 2000s, there was much discussion about the democratic and anti-democratic implications of the internet, the latter particularly focused on the far-right using it to spread hate and recruit. Despite this, the American far-right did not harness it quickly, effectively or widely. More recently though, they have experienced a resurgence and mainstreaming, benefitting greatly from social media. This chapter will examine the history of the American far-right's use of the internet in light of this, in respect to: 1. How this history developed in response to political changes and emerging technologies; 2. How it reflected and changed the status of such movements and their brand of hate; and 3. The relationship between online activity and traditional forms and methods of communication.

This essay is a short set of reflections on the recent republication of Mein Kampf by the Institute of Contemporary History, and constitutes an afterword written for a Special Issue of the Bulletin of the German Historical Institute London that was devoted to the question.

The Holocaust was not unique to the Jewish population in Europe. Many others, including Poles, died in the same way, " said Romanian President Jon Iliescu in 2003 (Davidovitz, 2003, later mentioning that his nation cannot be accused of genocide in Transnistria. Similar statements were often made by other political leaders who denied the uniqueness of the Holocaust in order to present their own nations as unique victims of historical atrocities and to deny the historical cruelties perpetrated by ingroup members. Thus, perception of ingroup victimhood serves as a strategy that allows for denial of responsibility.

I esteem this essay to be one of the most significant essays I have ever written; it performs with John 6 something similar to what J. Louis Martyn achieved with John 9. Note, however, that four or five crises, or dialogical engagements, within the Johannine situation are herein involved, not just a Johannine-Jewish dialogue. Also, rather than being "off limits" for Johannine Gospel studies, the Epistles and other writings are here drawn into the contextual situation, evincing a variety of issues, not simply one. It was first published in Critical Readings of John 6 (ed. by Alan Culpepper for the Biblical Interpretation Supplemental Series #22;  Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997; reprinted in 2006, Atlanta: SBL), 1-59. This is a slightly revised version.

Linke Nahostdiskurse im Spannungsfeld von Erinnerungszwang und Erinnerungsabwehr.

Immer wieder wird in Deutschland kontrovers diskutiert, ob, wann und warum israelkritische Positionen zum Nahostkonflikt nur kaschierter Antisemitismus seien.
Peter Ullrich beleuchtet neue Perspektiven: Einerseits haben Lernprozesse der vergangenen Jahrzehnte dazu geführt, dass die linke Nahostdebatte in Deutschland heute komplexer und ausgewogener ist denn je. Andererseits bleiben doch die Gefahren für eine universalistische linke Position erkennbar. Immer wieder droht der Umschlag ins Partikulare, sei es in Form von Antisemitismus, Rassismus, Islamfeindlichkeit oder extremer Überidentifikation mit Konfliktakteuren.
Aus wissenssoziologischer und diskursanalytischer Perspektive untersucht der Autor verschiedene Aspekte des deutschen Blicks auf den Nahostkonflikt.

A closer look, however, reveals the inadequacy of this static model. When viewed dynamically, invective and humour are seen not merely as opposites but as antagonists, which raises the question if they can coexist in harmony. Elsewhere I tried to show that satire is inherently contradictory (Kozintsev 2010: 22-24, 39, 64-65, 114-115). In this article, I will try to explore this issue using war propaganda as an extreme example.

"This article examines the reactions of late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century European Jewish musicians to Richard Wagner’s classic antisemitic essay, “Judaism in Music.” The voluminous debates about Wagner’s antisemitism have overshadowed the
question of his essay’s impact on Jewish musicians and Jewish musical identity. Strikingly, two of the key intellectual architects of the concept of modern Jewish music, Lazare Saminsky and Abraham Tzvi Idelsohn, embraced selective aspects of Wagner’s myth even as they called for a new kind of Jewish musical nationalism. Recovering their responses to Wagner helps explain the role of antisemitism in the formation of modern Jewish musical aesthetics and cultural nationalism in the Russian Empire and Ottoman Palestine. The article concludes with a discussion of the lingering questions of Wagner’s appeal and controversy among contemporary American and Israeli Jews."

The American election of 2016 and its aftermath have seen a startling surge in accusations of anti-Semitism, heated discussion of the place of Jews in the US, and deepened fault lines between Israeli and American Jews. This essay suggests this is because Jews are tied in both practice and symbolically, to the the tension between the particular and universal that is central to public debate in the emerging post-liberal world.

1950 saw the publication of a classic study in social science, The Authoritarian Personality. In this paper I explore the connections between authoritarianism and creativity. Even though there was some overlap between the researchers as well as the research of authoritarianism and creativity, the connection between the two has never been made entirely explicit, or studied in-depth even though the psychological profiles that emerged were mirror images of each other. The study of authoritarianism has taken on new urgency given the current resurgence of authoritarianism in Western Europe and the United States. The connection with creativity research offers intriguing avenues for further research, such as education for creativity as an antidote to authoritarianism.

Update: 2.1.21

This is a regularly updated compendium of sources intended to be of service to those who are committed to resisting and challenging the emergent authoritarianism fueled by the Trump administration, its benefactors, associates and allies. It includes a wide variety of organizations, names, and connections. It is a testimonial to free speech. All of its contents are publicly accessible and include web-addresses. It is organized thematically and alphabetically for easy look-up (by first name first). I make no claim to completeness, and I’m always open to additions so long as these sources are directly relevant to the compendium and are web-accessible. The best way to think of this collection is as sets of samples that aid in further research and encourage a clearer understanding of the emergence of a deeply troubling nationalistic, racist, xenophobic and misogynist movement in the United States and elsewhere. While my hope is that this compendium is of use to scholars, activists, and citizens working to preserve the democracy and resist fascism, its inclusions range from more scholarly journalistic work to well-respected news outlets to far-right hit-piece machines. I have also included social media platforms.

The compendium includes a wide range of the far right—from self-avowed Neo-Nazis and Holocaust deniers to their more gentile, but equally ideologically toxic, analogues on the “New Right.” It includes the Alt-Right, nativists, ethnostate separatists, identitarians, and Alt-Liters. It doesn’t include mainstream libertarians, moderate Republicans, or philosophical conservatives, although there is a compelling argument to be made that white nationalists have hi-jacked the GOP. All included are public figures and/or publicly recognizable organizations. I have not drawn a hard and fast distinction between these classifications—I leave it to the reader to make that judgment, but there are sources that do, and I have listed these in the section titled “General Information.”

The compendium includes articles that detail the tensions and divisions among groups and individuals. One excellent example of this is the “Rally Against Political Violence.” Billed as a counter-protest to Richard Spencer’s “Freedom of Speech Rally,” at the Lincoln Memorial, the “Rally Against Political Violence” boasted a number of speakers who seek to deliver on the appearance of a less racist, more civil white nationalism. But, as the many selections in the compendium make clear, the difference here is little more than cosmetic. It’s like comparing the Ku Klux Klan to the John Birch Society; the former may be more flagrantly violent and abhorrent—but the members of the latter believe in the same suite of racist and misogynist ideologies. Indeed, I’d argue the latter are more dangerous in that they’ve armed themselves with a dog-whistle vocabulary, a savvy use of social media platforms, and an insidious approach to recruiting young adults with the promise of making hate—thinly disguised as the “defense of Western ideals” or “real manhood”—“cool.” Fact is, these groups pose a real danger to democratic institutions. By convincing young folks that their professors are out to indoctrinate them, that the media is “fake,” that climate change is a “Leftist hoax,” that there’s no such thing as racially motivated police brutality, that making America great requires demonizing immigrants, and that breaking up migrant families is consistent with American values (or human rights), the far “Alt” right has sewn seeds whose fruit will bear fascism. Some will benefit greatly—but they’ll be largely the same white wealthy Western(ized) men who benefit now, the men threatened by the prospect of a genuinely democratic non-patriarchal social order.

Among the myths I hope glossing through some of these entries dispels is that the rhetoric of references to “Saving the West,” “It’s Ok to be white,” or “protecting Western Civilization” is anything other than a thinly concealed dog whistle to the intended base of, broadly speaking, Alt-Right personalities and organizations. Same goes for the rise of the Incels, the “Return of the Knights,” and those who’d criminalize abortion in their fantasy of a world modelled on the Handmaid’s Tale.  Among the most fascinating reads are those of the women who promote these ideologies; it’s hard to imagine a more self-defeating worldview, or one more dependent on the labor and resources of developing world others. Among the themes the compendium tracks are the profound and often violent renditions of anti-feminist arguments and, in some cases, the unvarnished misogyny that stands out as a common theme particularly among those incarnations of white nationalism that seek to portray white men as victims of a culture that they’re no longer entitled to dominate (though, under Donald Trump they’ve certainly made this effort). While this anti-gay, anti-reproductive rights, muscular effort to reinstall heteropatriarchal institutions large and small is commonly cloaked in rhetoric that’s more explicitly racist, anti-Semitic, and/or militaristic, it makes clear that the place of women is subjugation to men—all the more so for non-white women. There are a good many arguments here, again, thinly veiled in other themes, that require a view of women as “naturally” in need of dominating male protection, as biologically programmed to want that protection for themselves and their presumed offspring, and as mentally ill if they reject male advances. The reader will also find a number of threads that, taken together, make sense of the emergence of the latest iteration of toxic masculinity, the Incel (the Involuntary Celibate). The Incel seeks to justify compulsory heterosexuality and/or female monogamy on the grounds that because women are shallow consumers of “lookism,” and thus empowered to turn away less attractive male sexual partners, men are entitled to institutions that enforce female sexual compliance. To be clear, I am not suggesting that every iteration of the Alt-Right and its fellow travelers share this absurd view of women, but it is unmistakably common to the ligature of this ideological universe to see women as inferior; the Incel movement is simply one foreseeable instantiation of a worldview predicated on white male entitlement.

I think it’s also true that we’re beginning to see the slow-motion implosion of the Alt-Right. From internal schisms to competition for the mantle of Alt-Right purity to back-biting to celebrity-mongering—there is much and fractious shrieking from inside a tent that was never that big to begin with. The recent efforts of Alt-Righters to distance themselves from QAnon are particularly head-shaking given that it’s precisely the same penchant for conspiracy mongering that gave rise to Birtherism, Climate Change Trutherism, Pizzagate, and a host of other absurd conspiracy theories that gave birth to QAnon.

I am open to corrections, but I make no promises to remove an article simply on the grounds of offense. We don’t live in that country—yet. To those who’d complain that this compendium is a “Leftist” analogue to TPUSA’s Professor Watchlist, and thus subject to the same complaint of hypocrisy, I say this: plainly, no. TP-PWL’s aims are to encourage harassment, censorship, and the repression of legitimate academic scholarship and pedagogy. Mine are to offer a topographical map of a wide range of agents and actors who, taken together, represent a vision of America radically different from the country we have now—a country whose institutions are profoundly endangered by this vision, especially as it’s currently personified in President Trump, his family, his cabinet, his associates and alliances. My aims, in other words, are to contribute to the defense and preservation of my country’s Constitution and Bill of Rights, its promise to equality, diversity, justice, compassion, opportunity, and political enfranchisement.

The compendium’s first part is devoted to Turning Point USA because it serves as one central pivot around which many of the other sources turn either closely or through degrees of connection ranging from Neo-Nazi to Alt-Right, from Alt-Lite to New Right.  It’s also where this larger project began—with my effort to convince my own university that Professor Watchlist was a real danger to the academy, and the TPUSA does, in fact, deliberately misrepresent their objectives and tactics. There is modest overlap in inclusion across the compendium (though I have sought to minimize this as much as possible)—some articles just do belong in two or more sections. The complete index is at the bottom of each of four (currently) parts. After part one, the compendium is alphabetized, first name first. The index is alphabetized, last name first.

Wendy Lynne Lee
Bloomsburg University of Pennsylvania

Peter Ullrich: Die Linke, Israel und Palästina. Nahostdiskurse in Großbritannien und Deutschland, Berlin: Dietz, ISBN 978-3-320-02156-6, € 19,90.

Peter-Ullrich-Die-Linke-Israel-und-Palaestina-Texte-48-Berlin-2008 Die Debatte um das Thema „Die Linke und der Nahostkonflikt“ erhitzt seit Jahren die deutschen Gemüter. In der Diskussion wird immer wieder auf „typisch deutsche“ Bedingungen, Ideen und nicht zuletzt Verdrängungen der Vergangenheit verwiesen.
Mit diesem Band wird erstmals eine Studie vorgelegt, die diesen Fragen wirklich auf den Grund geht, indem sie die linken Nahost- und An­ti­semitismusdiskussionen in verschiedenen Ländern untersucht. Im Vergleich des linken Umgangs mit dem Nahostkonflikt in der Bundesrepublik und Großbritanni­en zeigt sich, dass zum Verständnis der deutschen Besonderheiten tatsächlich die Erinnerung an die NS-Zeit einen entscheidenden Schlüssel liefert.
Doch diese Nachwirkungen der deutschen Ge­schichte haben paradoxe Folgen: sie produzieren einerseits extreme Identifikationen mit den nahöst­lichen Konfliktparteien (Israelis oder Palästinensern) und damit eine aggressive innerlinke Aus­einandersetzung.
Andererseits stellt dieser konflikthafte deutsche Diskurs den Ausgangspunkt für einen kollektiven Lernprozess und damit für eine vergleichsweise komplexe Wahrnehmung des is­raelisch-palästinensischen Konflikts dar.

Since the rise of the religious right, scholars have become increasingly interested in studying conservative Protestantism. Not only do conservative Protestants (CPs) make up at least a quarter of the US population; they differ from many Americans in gender-role attitudes, childrearing styles, political orientation, and other ways as well. In fact, religious factors often predict people’s political views better than do either class or gender, even though the latter two have received far more attention in the scholarly literature (Manza & Brooks 1997, Kellstedt et al 1996b). Unfortunately research in this area has been hampered by imprecise measurement and poor understanding of the various movements grouped together as CPs. This has muddied statistical results, stifled theoretical development, and blinded researchers to promising areas of analysis. Thus, in this chapter we first discuss the history and distinctive qualities of the various CP movements, then we use these insights to propose better survey measures, and finally we apply this knowledge to several substantive areas (i.e., gender-role attitudes, childrearing styles, tolerance, the .culture wars,. the religious right, and the reasons for the religious vitality of CP groups).

The purpose of this book is twofold. It aims at providing a survey of – and a Spanish introduction to, which was heretofore lacking – the "radical new perspective on Paul". Yet it also intends to contribute to the latter by re-examining afresh Paul's Jewish background in light of contemporary Second Temple scholarship. – Carlos Segovia

"Carlos A. Segovia has, in several ways, made an important contribution to the study of Paul and Second Temple Judaism. It is hoped that Spanish-speaking communities on both sides of the Atlantic will take notice of this important work. To my knowledge, it represents the best and most updated treatment of Paul within his Second Temple Jewish matrix written from the so- called radical new perspective. . . . The quality and breadth of Segovia’s work merits its translation into English. Pauline scholars across the globe should take notice." – Isaac W. Oliver (Bradley University).

"This book surveys with great clarity the results of the so-called radical new perspective on Paul, which has so far received very little attention in the Spanish-speaking countries and to which the author himself contributes with new insights. A must for all Spanish scholars on, and Spanish readers interested in, Paul." – Antonio Piñero (Universidad Complutense de Madrid).


ABSTRACT:

Was Paul moved by a desire to replace or to reform Judaism, or did he simply want to incorporate the Gentiles into Israel through Christ? To be sure, this is one of the most thoroughly debated issues in contemporary Pauline scholarship – an issue upon which this book tries to shed new light (in dialogue with the work of scholars such as Krister Stendahl, Lloyd Gaston, John Gager, Stanley Stowers, William Campbell, Mark Nanos, Pamela Eisenbaum, Caroline Johnson Hodge, Paula Fredriksen, and David Rudolph) by re-examining the apocalyptic roots of Paul's message in its Second-Temple Jewish setting.

ABSTRACT:

¿Se propuso Pablo superar el judaísmo, reformarlo o simplemente integrar a los gentiles en Israel por medio de Cristo? En otras palabras: ¿fue Pablo cristiano conforme al significado que habitualmente asignamos a este término o continuó siendo judío? He ahí una de las cuestiones más intensamente debatidas hoy en los medios académicos internacionales y a la que este libro trata de dar respuesta. Su hipótesis, adelantada en los útimos años por autores como Krister Stendahl, lloyd Gaston, John Gager, Stanley Stowers, Mark Nanos, Pamela Eisenbaum, Caroline Johnson Hodge y Paula Fredriksen y David Rudolph (partidarios, todos ellos, del que viene llamándose el "nuevo enfoque radical" sobre la figura del Apóstol), es la siguiente: Pablo no abandonó el judaísmo, sino que buscó incorporar a los gentiles a Israel ante la inminencia del fin de los tiempos, instándolos a cooperar con los judíos en la preparación del reino de Dios y en la restauración final de Israel, que ha de verse como el horizonte de su misión a los gentiles. Pero con ello, afirma el autor, Pablo no sólo se opuso a cualquier presunción gentil ante la resistencia de algunos judíos a creer que Jesús era el mesías, sino también a los seguidores de Jesús que pensaban que no todo Israel se salvaría. Este libro reexamina además las raíces apocalípticas del mensaje paulino. """""

Unlike many other publications on Nazi culture, this book is not primarily about what has been called "the Nazification of the arts," based upon state-supported use of the arts  for propaganda, a curtailment of freedom in art criticism, and the political and legal Gleichschaltung, "the forcing into conformity" under a hierarchical, dictatorial leadership (Führerprinzip) of all aspects of the various branches of national and local government, the civil service, education, public finance, business, the professions, and the arts.  To complement earlier studies of Gleichschaltung, the essays in this anthology explore the underlying beliefs of the Nazi racist state as they were developed and propagated in various fields of artistic activity.

This is chapter 7 of the multi-authored book, Forged From Reformation: How Dispensational Thought Advances the Reformed Legacy, published by SCS Press and released in celebration of the 500th anniversary of the Protestant Reformation.

The chapter demonstrates the irony and inconsistencies of Martin Luther's application of literal hermeneutics as he essentially dismissed the historicity of any prophecy given to national Israel. Thus, Luther held to an unbalanced application of the grammatical-historical hermeneutic. As such, Luther applied an allegorical interpretive methodology, which he inherited, to key texts ultimately justifying his radical anti-Semitism during the end of his otherwise heroic life.

Video games are increasingly becoming an important medium today, despite the light connota-tion of its initial categorization. Today they are an industry that produces billions of dollars and employs engineers and artists alike in an art form spanning interactive games, to virtual socie-ties where millions of people dwell. However, like all human products, our same fears, flaws and xenophobia show in the games, with the reflection of hatred, racism and stereotypes that are our everyday experience. Also, as a result of the influence of other media, like television, with misrepresentations of blacks, Latinos and other races, or the objectification of women are present in video games. The significant thing found researching for this assignment is that most of those who use these games are themselves part of minorities or races that are not exactly white Americans. Abuse of the frustrations and desires of the user, handling codes and the sys-tem answers of users to maintain the player engagement, has more resemblance to use of illegal drugs with art, but however, the complexity of the design, stories and global assessment, have led to other considerations by experts. Competing in the games could be considered as having more of escapism that the reality of engaging, but all human beings are expected in their tribes to compete and demonstrate their value as a member while complying with social norms or ex-pectations. Same as satisfying or surrender to corporate or group interests. Here are some ideas for the intent of this survey.

Dissertação de Mestrado (História/UEM), defendida em 2011 e posteriormente publicada em livro ("Sob o signo do Sigma: Integralismo, Neointegralismo e o Antissemitismo"; Eduem, 2014).
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Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a presença, intensidade e a importância do antissemitismo no integralismo em momentos distintos, isto é, a primeira e mais importante fase institucional do movimento, a Ação Integralista Brasileira fundada oficialmente em 1932, e os atuais grupos neointegralistas, que são pequenos grupos que, desde a morte do chefe nacional dos integralistas (Plínio Salgado), tentam rearticular as forças e os anseios de novos e antigos militantes na reorganização do integralismo, um dos principais movimentos da história política brasileira, marcado pelo discurso nacionalista, autoritário, fascista e intolerante. O antissemitismo, em ambos os contextos históricos, apesar de presente em diversas intensidades, constitui-se em um ponto de esquecimento da trajetória integralista, ao mesmo tempo em que se busca a utilização constante de alguns pressupostos de um discurso intolerante e preconceituoso contra os judeus, numa prática que leva em conta tanto o passado institucional integralista quanto as “necessidades” e limitações a tal prática existentes na sociedade do tempo presente.

Perhaps one of the most significant developments within contemporary Jewish Studies is the reclamation of the New Testament. The recovery of this particular part of Jewish history, however, has highlighted the problem of anti-Semitism that has for so long been associated with these documents. Although there is nothing as brazen as the Matthean ‘blood cry’ (Mt. 27:25), or the Johannine denouncement of ‘the Jews’ (e.g. Jn. 8:44), Hebrews is often placed among the most anti-Jewish texts of the New Testament. This paper revisits the anti-Jewish character of Hebrews in the light of recent developments in Jewish and New Testament Studies, showing how the classifications of this text as ‘anti-Jewish’ are not as straightforward as many have supposed.

This book makes a comparison of the ways in which anti-Semitism and Islamophobia create the image of the Jewish or Islamic threats by using the sacred texts of both religions. Although a brief historical analysis from the Middle Ages is made, the book focuses on the post-eighteenth century period.
The study is based on the analysis of various authors. On the anti-Semitic side, the book analyses the works by Eisenmenger, Félix Alamín, Voltaire, d'Holbach, Michaelis, Chiarini, Gougenot des Mousseaux, Rohling, Dietrich Eckart, Léon de Poncins and David Duke. On the Islamophobic side, the book makes a brief analysis of the period between the Enlightenment and the decolonization and focuses on the works by Antonio Elorza, Oriana Fallaci, Robert Spencer, the extreme-Right politician Josep Anglada and the case of Anders Breivik.

As a consequence of the right’s elitist conception of history, conspiracy theories abound in conservative historiography and social analyses when events develop in a manner contrary to their economic and/or cultural preferences. This is especially so on the fringes of the right, among its various fascistic and religious fundamentalist sects. Whether it be a cabal of malicious Zionists seeking to subvert gentile societies in order to achieve racial hegemony, or secular humanists unwittingly fulfilling the antichrist’s unholy objectives through the promotion of non-religious educational curricula, conservative sociology is fundamentally based upon autonomous human agents directing the course of history. This applies equally to when society happens to be in accord with the values conservatives espouse; the institutional hierarchy is thought to be occupied by men of principle in these instances. Thus it is predictable that conspiratorial narratives would be fabricated in an effort to explain why the contemporary West has come to exemplify certain values and behaviors antithetical to those favored by cultural conservatives. The specific conspiracy theory this paper is intended to address is that of “cultural Marxism,” which has been gaining momentum among segments of the far right over the past decade.

Wherever one looks one finds a consensus among scholars that Auerbach’s vision of literary history can be read through the lens of figural reading, as though he had adopted this interpretive technique and made it his own, not only in “Figura,” where Auerbach is giving a historical account without endorsing a thing, but also in Mimesis, whether in his reading of the Hebrew Bible in the famous first chapter of that work or even in later chapters where his analysis concerns secular and no longer Jewish or Christian writing. At another extreme, it can be asserted that history is grasped by Auerbach as itself a figural mechanism under the sign of mimesis. Figura here becomes something like a master trope in Auerbach’s conceptual armory, and it threatens to overwhelm the whole of his thinking. Can the figure of figure bear so much meaning? I doubt that it can. A closer look at the role of figura in Auerbach’s writings will bring out some of the intricacies of this concept and will show that figura functions for him more as a vanishing mediator than as a master trope, much as late antiquity was in Auerbach’s mind a watershed but also a passing moment in the history of Western culture. Auerbach had a keen sense of the direction that history had taken, and his writings demand that we situate him within this perspective.

The Quranic text may be construed as a palimpsest with regard to those scriptural and para-scriptural writings of Jewish and Christian provenance previously known to, and used in, the ‘sectarian milieu’ from within which the Islamic religion gradually emerged. In this paper I examine the parallels that can be drawn between chs. 21–2 of ApAb, in which Abraham is given a vision of how the earth was created and of the fate of each human group according to their faith and deeds, and vv. 1-56 of sūrat al-wāqi‘a (Q 56), which provide an apocalyptic vision of the earth and its inhabitants in the end of time that reframes the spatial, numerical, and axiological distinctions displayed in ApAb 21–2. Then I go on to show that ApAb 21–2 may have played (together with Rom 4 and/or Gal 3) a prominent role in the founding myth of Islam, which, I shall argue, is to be regarded – just like its (post-Pauline) Christian counterpart – as a supersessionist myth.

Globalizing Race explores how intersections between French antisemitism and imperialism shaped the development of European racial thought. Ranging from the African misadventures of the antisemitic Marquis de Morès to the Parisian novels and newspapers of late nineteenth-century professional antisemites, Dorian Bell argues that France’s colonial expansion helped antisemitism take its modern, racializing form—and that, conversely, antisemitism influenced the elaboration of the imperial project itself.

Globalizing Race radiates from France to place authors like Guy de Maupassant and Émile Zola into sustained relation with thinkers from across the ideological spectrum, including Hannah Arendt, Friedrich Nietzsche, Frantz Fanon, Karl Marx, Max Horkheimer, and Theodor Adorno. Engaging with what has been called the “spatial turn” in social theory, the book offers new tools for thinking about how racisms interact across space and time. Among these is what Bell calls racial scalarity. Race, Bell argues, did not just become globalized when European racism and antisemitism accompanied imperial penetration into the farthest reaches of the world. Rather, race became most thoroughly global as a method for constructing and negotiating the different scales (national, global, etc.) necessary for the development of imperial capitalism.

As France, Europe, and the world confront a rising tide of antisemitism and Islamophobia, Globalizing Race also brings into fascinating focus how present-day French responses to Muslim antisemitism hark back to older, problematic modes of representing the European colonial periphery.