Anti-Semitism

Since the rise of the religious right, scholars have become increasingly interested in studying conservative Protestantism. Not only do conservative Protestants (CPs) make up at least a quarter of the US population; they differ from many Americans in gender-role attitudes, childrearing styles, political orientation, and other ways as well. In fact, religious factors often predict people’s political views better than do either class or gender, even though the latter two have received far more attention in the scholarly literature (Manza & Brooks 1997, Kellstedt et al 1996b). Unfortunately research in this area has been hampered by imprecise measurement and poor understanding of the various movements grouped together as CPs. This has muddied statistical results, stifled theoretical development, and blinded researchers to promising areas of analysis. Thus, in this chapter we first discuss the history and distinctive qualities of the various CP movements, then we use these insights to propose better survey measures, and finally we apply this knowledge to several substantive areas (i.e., gender-role attitudes, childrearing styles, tolerance, the .culture wars,. the religious right, and the reasons for the religious vitality of CP groups).

Eugenics and race played significant roles in Ukrainian interwar nationalism, yet remain largely unstudied. The Ukrainian nationalists’ understanding of the racial makeup of their imagined community was contradictory as they struggled to reconcile their desire for racial “purity” with the realities of significant variations between the populations inhabiting the enormous territories which they sought to include in their intended state project. The “turn to the right” over the 1930s placed an increased onus on race, and eugenics came to occupy an increasingly prominent place in Ukrainian radical nationalism from around 1936. In 1941, the leading Ukrainian far-right organization, the OUN had developed a project for eugenic engineering, for their aborted state, declared in L’viv on June 30, 1941. Racial conceptualiza- tions of the Ukrainian community figured prominently well into the Cold War era, gaining a new actuality and meaning in an émigré community dispersed across several countries.

This article provides a theoretical account of anti-Jewish prejudice and empirically tests this model using data from a recent national survey of adults in the United States. Whereas much prior research emphasizes the religious and cultural foundations of anti-Semitism, the present research provides an alternative framework that builds on Herbert Blumer’s (1958) theory of prejudice as a sense of group position. Two related yet distinct lines of research have evolved from Blumer’s seminal work, one emphasizing the position of an individual’s group membership relative to other groups and a second that focuses on aggregate factors such as local economic conditions and minority group size. These themes are integrated to investigate the individual and contextual correlates of anti-Semitism in the contemporary United States. The findings suggest that anti Jewish sentiments are most prevalent among African Americans and individuals residing in places with larger per capita Jewish populations. Interaction models further suggest that African Americans residing in areas with high concentrations of Jews are particularly likely to harbor anti-Jewish sentiments. These results cast doubt on strictly religious interpretations of anti Semitism while partly supporting, and qualifying, a group position model. The findings have implications for theories of anti-Semitism and for the development of group threat perspectives on prejudice and inter-group
conflict generally. Keywords: anti-Semitism, group threat, prejudice, group position, inter-group relations.

The relationship between European sociology and European anti-Semitism in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is investigated through a case study of one sociologist, Émile Durkheim, in a single country, France. Reactionary and radical forms of anti-Semitism are distinguished and contrasted to Durkheim's sociological perspective. Durkheim's remarks about the Jews directly addressed anti-Semitic claims about them, their role in French society, and their relationship to modernity. At the same time, Durkheim was engaged in a reinterpretation of the French Revolution and its legacies that indirectly challenged other tenets of French anti-Semitism. In sum, Durkheim's work contains direct and indirect responses to reactionary and radical forms of anti-Semitism, and together these responses form a coherent alternative vision of the relationship between modernity and the Jews.

This article contributes to debates about fascist influences among Argentina’s guerrilla groups of the 1970s. From the overall perspective of developments in Argentine nationalism, it traces back the history of the far-right Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista and Tacuara and assesses their significance as the nuclei from which later guerrillas came. Based on police reports and periodical publications from the period in question (c.1937–c.1973), it makes some generalisations about the collective biographies of militants. While not contradicting the widely held view that originally fascist groupings played a role in the emergence of Argentine guerrillas, the article introduces some nuances into this argument. Particular emphasis is given to the role of Peronism and the Cuban Revolution as facilitators of changes in Argentine nationalism.

In a survey study of Arab and Jewish Americans, we examined which beliefs best predicted support for a two-state solution. We compared the role of a sense of collective victimhood, dehumanization of the outgroup, a zero-sum view, and a monolithic narrative on the conflict. In both the Arab American and the Jewish American samples, framing the conflict in terms of a monolithic narrative played the strongest role in predicting rejection of a two-state solution. On the other hand, when Jewish Americans agreed with the Palestinian narrative, that depicts the Palestinians as indigenous to the land but as dispossessed, they were more likely to support a two-state solution. Similarly, when Arab Americans agreed with the Israeli narrative, in which Israelis want to live in peace but need to defend themselves, they were more likely to support a two-state solution. In a second study, we examined if group values and concerns such as commitment to tikkun olam (commitment for justice for other minority groups) and concern with anti-Semitism mediated between identification as Jewish and acceptance of the Palestinian narrative on the conflict. We found that concern with anti-Semitism mediated between Jewish identity and rejection of the Palestinian narrative. On the other hand, grounding Jewish identity in values of tikkun olam mediated between Jewish identity and agreement with the Palestinian narrative. This research makes applied contributions by illuminating the key belief associated with support for peace among Arab and Jewish Americans. It also contributes to psychological theory on intergroup reconciliation by operationalizing and measuring the role of acknowledgement of the narrative of the other, group threat, and inclusive victimhood consciousness, in promoting peace.

This article revolves around a deceptively simple question: why did the FBI investigate bandleader Duke Ellington, the African American capitalist, political conservative, and vocal Christian, as a communist threat in the 1930's through the Cold War? Answering this question involves situating the FBI's "domestic security" program as product and productive of overlapping racial and sexual politics, and investigating the FBI's anti-Semitic conspiracy theory that Ellington's early-career promoter Irving Mills was a Jewish communist intent on capitalizing o the racial transgressions of jazz pleasures.

Although Latin American decolonial thinking has always maintained an interest in taking the theories and practices of the communities of Latin America's colonized peoples seriously, the theorization of communality and communal systems has been a new focus of the last two decades. That is, the academic decolonial dedication to diversity and difference has recently been imagined as a pluriverse of communal systems. As such, this decolonial group of thinkers has been effectively demanding that the radical theories of communality produced by Indigenous communities of the Global South be taken seriously as real and viable alternatives to capitalism and representative democracy. Nevertheless, a critical engagement with Latin American decoloniality reveals a serious oversight in communal-oriented decoloniality: it fails to engage in a serious manner the millions throughout the world who are not or are perceived as not part of any community or are exiled from their community. To demonstrate this threat within the communal-oriented vision, one can look to another (de)colonial context ubiquitously overlooked in Latin American decolonial thought: Ireland. More precisely, as a reading of James Joyce's Ulysses reveals, the communal-oriented Irish anti-colonialism of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries contained a common mode of modern anti-Semitism: Jews belong to no community and uproot and hollow out the life of any community they encounter. This article argues that although the pluriversal vision of communal-oriented decoloniality is explicitly opposed to the denigration, dismissal, or rejection of any community, it can still be characterized by this other mode of othering: the denigration, villainization, and oppression of persons who are perceived as embodiments of anti-communality.

The harmfulness of anti-Semitic beliefs is widely discussed in current political and legal debates (e.g., Cutler v. Dorn). At the same time, empirical studies of the psychological consequences of such beliefs are scarce. The present research is an attempt to explore the structure of contemporary anti-Semitic beliefs in Poland—and to evaluate their predictive role in discriminatory intentions and behavior targeting Jews. Another aim was to determine dispositional, situational, and identity correlates of different forms of anti-Semitic beliefs and behavior. Study 1, performed on a nation-wide representative sample of Polish adults (N = 979), suggests a three-factorial structure of anti-Semitic beliefs, consisting of: (1) belief in Jewish conspiracy, (2) traditional religious anti-Judaic beliefs, and (3) secondary anti-Semitic beliefs, focusing on Holocaust commemoration. Of these three beliefs, belief in Jewish conspiracy was the closest antecedent of anti-Semitic behavioral intentions. Study 2 (N = 600 Internet users in Poland) confirmed the three-factor structure of anti-Semitic beliefs and proved that these beliefs explain actual behavior toward Jews in monetary donations. Both studies show that anti-Semitic beliefs are related to authoritarian personality characteristics, victimhood-based social identity, and relative deprivation.

Despite its ever-present and at times escalating significance, conspiracy theory is an under-researched topic in the social sciences. This paper analyses the political influence of conspiracy theories by drawing on semi-structured interviews with the representatives of four major political parties from the Turkish parliament about widespread anti-Semitic conspiracy theories regarding Dönmes (converts). The findings indicate that right-wing political parties problematize the secret character of the Dönme community and use the conspiracy theories to express their own ontological insecurities emerging from the Sèvres syndrome. Left-wing and liberal parties conversely dissociate themselves from the conspiratorial rhetoric. The research concludes that the political parties reject or accept the conspiracy theories rationally and in alignment with their own ontological insecurities; by doing so, they pragmatically confirm their individual ideological perspective.

This article is one of the first to employ positioning theory to analyse an intellectual product. After introducing the theory itself, it explores how Sartre’s book Réflexions sur la question juive enabled him to locate himself within, as well as intervene in, the socio-political and intellectual context at the time.  Using the text, Sartre positioned himself as an authoritative public intellectual; that is, a generalist, drawing on his vast cultural resources to speak out about a wide range of important societal issues with moral conviction. He also positioned himself within the tradition of the Dreyfusard notion of the intellectual - that is, as an intellectual who engages with contemporary social and political issues and who is a defender of progressive Republican notions whilst remaining an independent voice - with the qualification that he expressed disquiet about the French Republican notion of citizenship. Drawing on these insights, the article ends discussing glaring omissions in Sartre’s Réflexions sur la question juive, making sense of them in the light of the socio-political context of the mid-1940s in France. The article shows the fruitfulness of positioning theory for analysing intellectual interventions whether they are in the form of books, essays or articles.

Key words: Sartre, perfomativity, positioning theory, intellectuals, Jews, anti-Semitism

This study investigates the youth organization Straja Țării, created by King Carol II of Romania in the second interwar decade. The research will consider two levels of analyses: the organizational and ideological dimensions of Straja Țării within the national project of unification (1); the relation of the Jewish youth to Straja Țării (2). Although Straja included youngsters from ages 7 to 18, I will focus mainly on adolescents (above the age of 14), because they were a distinct instrumental group for radical political movements. The paper's main argument is that by being packed in the formula of nation-building and strengthening, Straja Țării was rather an ineffective organization which served as a tool to consolidate the king's power at both the internal and external level. In relation to ethnic minorities, Straja oscillated between recklessness, assimilation, and rejection, lacking any mechanism for integrating non-Romanians.

In the 1990s and early 2000s, there was much discussion about the democratic and anti-democratic implications of the internet, the latter particularly focused on the far-right using it to spread hate and recruit. Despite this, the American far-right did not harness it quickly, effectively or widely. More recently though, they have experienced a resurgence and mainstreaming, benefitting greatly from social media. This chapter will examine the history of the American far-right's use of the internet in light of this, in respect to: 1. How this history developed in response to political changes and emerging technologies; 2. How it reflected and changed the status of such movements and their brand of hate; and 3. The relationship between online activity and traditional forms and methods of communication.

This study in comparative global history sheds light on a largely ignored forum for the politics of transition from monarchical empire to nation-state in the Middle East and Central Europe-religious festivals at sacred shrines. It compares the role of key pilgrimage festivals at politically important sacred shrines: (1) the Islamic Nabi Musa (Prophet Moses) pilgrimage to the Haram esh-Sharif and Nabi Musa Tomb near the Dead Sea in Mandatory Palestine and (2) various Catholic pilgrimages to Jasna Góra in Częstochowa in interwar Poland. The author demonstrates how these events served as sacred forums for secular politics, where various political factions contested their partisan ideas of the nation, which included the elite nationalism of Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Hajj Amin al-Husseini and the Catholic-Endecja nationalism of Polish clerical leaders. Moreover, I examine the role of these pilgrimage festivals in some of the major conflicts afflicting their respective areas, such as Arab-Jewish violence and hostility in Palestine and wars for borders as well as anti-minority sentiment, especially anti-Semitism, in Poland.

Philosemitism – the idealization of Jews and Israel – and Chinese-Jewish history function as a platform of soft power for growing China–Israel relations and as a means to bolster Chinese nationalism. Given the Chinese Communist Party's current positioning of China as a globally dominant power as part of the Belt and Road Initiative, this article re-examines the contemporary incarnation of philosemitism in China as part of a civilizationist narrative designed to position China as globally central and superior. This not only places heavy emphasis upon Jewish racial stereotypes and erases genuine historical Jewish voices but it also ignores evidence of anti-Semitic beliefs in China.

Heidegger’s thinking once seemed to bear on everything and every philosopher, from the Pre-Socratics, such as Anaximander and Parmenides as well as Heraclitus, to Plato himself, to Aristotle as well as Plotinus and Augustine, Duns Scotus and Aquinas and all the modern names like Descartes and Leibniz. Kant, too, as well as Hegel, Schelling, Kierkegaard, Marx, Dilthey and arguably above all:  Nietzsche.
And Heidegger read Husserl. But with the publication of the Black Notebooks, everything turns around. If Heidegger could remind us as he does precisely in his reflections on the very idea of the Nachlaß as such, reflections constituting a central focus beginning with the first volume of the Black Notebooks arguing that posthumous works work – this is their Wirkungsgeschichte – to invert the order of time, the effect effected in what I call the “black night” of the Black Notebooks, has to be a Kehre to beat them all. Emmanuel Faye’s former student, Sidonie Kellerer,  has even suggested that the turn itself was invented as a cover for a more insidious concern: anti-Semitism at the core.  Thus, it seems Heidegger was preoccupied less with the Seinsfrage than the Judenfrage, particularly in terms of what Peter Trawny characterizes as Heidegger’s now ineliminable seinsgeschichtliche Antisemitismus, an obsession with Weltjudentum, wherein Heidegger is also revealed as having been fatally one-sided in his naming of names in the history of philosophy, especially his contemporaries and students.

NB: This is an author's corrigendum addressing print artifacts or typographer's errors.  For the printed and official version, but also for the contributions in the issue, please see the publisher's official website: http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rbsp20/47/2

"Bloom’s CV" analyses James Joyce’s representation of Bloom’s early career as a commercial traveller in Ulysses. Reading Bloom’s various jobs—from cattle sales to insurance—in their historical context, the article develops a clearer understanding of Joyce’s mimesis, and shows that he presents a strikingly realistic career path for a second-generation Hungarian-Jewish immigrant in 1904 Ireland. While the recent historicist turn in Joyce studies has at times suppressed the text’s other narrative dimensions, the article proceeds to identify unsettling intertextual connections to anti-Semitic discourses that were contemporary in the Irish nationalist press. Explaining these connections as part of Joyce’s broader reimagining of Odysseus as a Semitic traveller, the article positions Joyce’s overdetermined characterisation of Bloom as a crucial transitional moment between the naturalistic aesthetic the author inherited and developed in Dubliners and A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, and his transcendence of the realist mode in Finnegans Wake.

This article contributes to the study of the image of Islam among French anti-Semites at the end of the nineteenth century. More specifically, it analyses D. Kimon's book La pathologie de l'islam, in which the author advocates the need to destroy Islam by annihilating one-twentieth of the world's Muslim population and subjecting the rest to a regime of semi-slavery until they finally convert to Catholicism. Various issues are analysed in the course of this case study: the attitude of anti-Semites towards ethno-cultural groups other than Jews, specifically Muslims; the relationship between anti-Semitism and racism; and the relationship between Islamophobia and racism.

Systemic transition in post-communist Eastern Europe resulted in high inflation, rapid economic changes, and increased lack of control in everyday life. Atthe same time, anti-Semitic incidents were reported in this region after 1989. The ideological model of scapegoating (Glick 2002; 2005) might serve asan explanation of anti-Semitic prejudice in post-transition Eastern Europe. The model predicts that the ideology defining Jews as powerful, cunning, and dangerous would gain popularity in times of crises and would lead to greater discrimination against Jews. In two nationwide representative sample studies of anti-Semitism, in Poland (n = 1098) and Ukraine (n = 1000), we applied the ideological model of scapegoating to study various forms of anti-Semitism (conspiracy-based belief in Jewish control and discriminatory intentions toward Jews). In both samples, economic deprivation led to increased discriminatory intentions toward Jews; however, only in the Polish sample was deprivation linked with higher beliefs in Jewish control (scapegoat-defining ideology). In Poland the rise of conspiracy beliefs about Jewish control partially explained the effect of deprivation on discriminatory intentions toward Jews. The implications of these results are discussed.

The feminist theological and historical work of Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza has been met with diverging responses. For feminist biblical scholars, Schüssler Fiorenza is essential reading, with even her works from the 1970s and 1980s still standing as key reference points. For mainstream ("malestream") biblical scholarship, however, her entire body of writing is typically ignored, including within historical Jesus research (HJR), despite its value in both problematising and advancing the so-called Quests for the Historical Jesus. By evaluating and synthesising Schüssler Fiorenza's HJR work on fundamentalism, feminism, and anti-Semitism, this article situates the effects of Schüssler Fiorenza's work and the credibility of her critics within the Quests. While the themes Schüssler Fiorenza addresses, such as feminism and Judaism, are key features of the Third Quest, Schüssler Fiorenza's proposals with regard to HJR, including the politics of interpretation, the shift to memory and orality studies, and the evaluation of meaning-making itself, are theoretically critical and self-reflexive in a way which the Third Quest has rarely been. Given the emphasis Schüssler Fiorenza places on self-evaluation, and her critical examination of the work of her peers in HJR, one is led to consider the possibility that her work may represent a Third Quest Critical-Stream, or even a Fourth Quest.

The product of an 18 month empirical study which examined the use of restorative justice for hate crime in the United Kingdom, this book draws together theory and practice in order to examine the causes and consequences of hate crime victimisation. Hate Crime and Restorative Justice: Exploring Causes, Repairing Harms also identifies the key process variables within restorative practice that can help to repair the harms of hatred. In doing so, it challenges commonly held conceptions of both 'hate crime' and 'restorative justice' through its use of qualitative research of restorative interventions across the UK.

The study's findings provide original data on the contextual variables that are intrinsic to both the cause and effect of hate-motivated offences, revealing complex socio-cultural and socio-economic factors that are fundamental, both to our understanding of hate crime and to how such incidents can be best resolved. Through meticulous analysis and discussion, the book also provides new information on how restorative processes can be used to repair the harms of hate and challenge the prejudices which give rise to hate-motivated conflicts. The issue of group identity and cultural 'difference' amongst participants of restorative justice is explored and examined through the use of detailed case studies, allowing assessment of whether dialogical barriers to reconciliation can limit the success of restorative processes. In particular, the notion of 'community', a fundamental concept of restorative justice theory and practice, is reconceptualised by exploring both its healing and harming features.

Utilising data from the first study of its kind, Hate Crime and Restorative Justice draws together theoretical assumptions about restorative philosophy and empirical evidence of its use for hate crime to offer a more holistic understanding of how restorative justice can help repair the harms caused by processes of hate, while simultaneously challenging the identity-based prejudices that continue to pervade our multicultural communities.
Readership: Restorative and criminal justice practitioners, police officers and policy makers, as well as scholars of criminology, sociology and criminal justice.

In this chapter I explore how Friedrich Nietzsche’s work The Anti-Christ inspired not only an unexpected charitable reading of Jesus’s life and thought in the New Testament, but also an unlikely sense of “holy envy.” I will examine how this unlikely sense of holy envy provides a unique opportunity for empathy in an American political context where political ideologies tend to be more divisive than religious or theological worldviews. The topic of Jesus is very tricky for Jews. In fact, the legacy of Christian anti-Judaism provides the hermeneutical lens for how Jews may interpret the life and teachings of Jesus in the New Testament. Incorporating aspects of Jesus’s life and teachings into a Jewish religious way of engaging the world, or even just appreciating them, can be an anathema to classical and even to many forms of modern Jewish thought. In this essay, I will explore the irony and power of how Nietzsche’s Jesus could inspire a contemporary Jewish thinker to admire and even connect to the Jesus of the New Testament.

"This article examines the reactions of late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century European Jewish musicians to Richard Wagner’s classic antisemitic essay, “Judaism in Music.” The voluminous debates about Wagner’s antisemitism have overshadowed the
question of his essay’s impact on Jewish musicians and Jewish musical identity. Strikingly, two of the key intellectual architects of the concept of modern Jewish music, Lazare Saminsky and Abraham Tzvi Idelsohn, embraced selective aspects of Wagner’s myth even as they called for a new kind of Jewish musical nationalism. Recovering their responses to Wagner helps explain the role of antisemitism in the formation of modern Jewish musical aesthetics and cultural nationalism in the Russian Empire and Ottoman Palestine. The article concludes with a discussion of the lingering questions of Wagner’s appeal and controversy among contemporary American and Israeli Jews."

What is the relationship between Mizrahi feminism and Israeli ultranationalism? What is the relevance of gender justice activism to the 2014 Gaza War and Israel’s foreign policy?

Wrapped in the Flag of Israel Second Edition examines neoliberal bureaucracy in the Global South using feminist critical race theories. It interrogates the relationship between the State of Israel and its Mizrahi single mothers who are at the forefront of Mizrahi feminism. It also presents a model of bureaucracy as divine cosmology that preempts the agency of disenfranchised Mizrahim who are Israel’s demographic majority. Mizrahi protests fall flat when the Israel-Palestine conflict dominates the headlines. While most studies of neoliberal bureaucracy employ a Foucauldian or Marxian lens, this book illustrates how Israeli bureaucracy draws on a theological essence that fuses religion, gender, and race into the foundations of citizenship. It sets out to understand why Mizrahi mothers remain loyal to a state that injures them though its bureaucratic system.

The extensive Afterword to the Second Edition connects intra-Jewish racial and gendered dynamics to the 2014 Gaza War. It tracks sequences that began with social protest and ended with elections that bolstered Israel’s political right. In between came bloodletting between the IDF, the Palestinian Authority, and Israel’s neighboring Arab states. The 2014 Gaza War was a watershed, but not only in the Israel-Palestine conflict. Under the smokescreen of war, Israel accelerated neoliberal economic reform. The first victims of this restructuring were Mizrahi single mothers. Palestinians, however, would pay the highest price for Israel’s Mizrahi-Ashkenazi rift.

In music histories, Emil Medtner has been overlooked almost completely, as well as the Germanophile cultural tendencies he represented. His severe criticism of “modernist” trends in music and his frankly exposed racist and anti-Semite worldview have made him a sort of bête noire for musicologists. A closer look on his writings reveals many contradictions and ambiguities in his judgements. Taking Liszt and Rachmaninov as examples, it becomes evident that Medtner's attitude towards music and his distinction between performers and composers, as compared to his own brother Nikolai, was based on culturological and ultimately racist ideologies.

Peter Ullrich: Die Linke, Israel und Palästina. Nahostdiskurse in Großbritannien und Deutschland, Berlin: Dietz, ISBN 978-3-320-02156-6, € 19,90.

Peter-Ullrich-Die-Linke-Israel-und-Palaestina-Texte-48-Berlin-2008 Die Debatte um das Thema „Die Linke und der Nahostkonflikt“ erhitzt seit Jahren die deutschen Gemüter. In der Diskussion wird immer wieder auf „typisch deutsche“ Bedingungen, Ideen und nicht zuletzt Verdrängungen der Vergangenheit verwiesen.
Mit diesem Band wird erstmals eine Studie vorgelegt, die diesen Fragen wirklich auf den Grund geht, indem sie die linken Nahost- und An­ti­semitismusdiskussionen in verschiedenen Ländern untersucht. Im Vergleich des linken Umgangs mit dem Nahostkonflikt in der Bundesrepublik und Großbritanni­en zeigt sich, dass zum Verständnis der deutschen Besonderheiten tatsächlich die Erinnerung an die NS-Zeit einen entscheidenden Schlüssel liefert.
Doch diese Nachwirkungen der deutschen Ge­schichte haben paradoxe Folgen: sie produzieren einerseits extreme Identifikationen mit den nahöst­lichen Konfliktparteien (Israelis oder Palästinensern) und damit eine aggressive innerlinke Aus­einandersetzung.
Andererseits stellt dieser konflikthafte deutsche Diskurs den Ausgangspunkt für einen kollektiven Lernprozess und damit für eine vergleichsweise komplexe Wahrnehmung des is­raelisch-palästinensischen Konflikts dar.

In the wake of the Second Vatican Council, Mexican traditionalist Catholics mobilized in apparent unity against Catholic "progressivism" and the Left. Yet, they succumbed to their own internecine fights. This article examines the conflicts within Mexico's post-Cristero Right during the 1960s and 70s by tackling the ruptures and realignments surrounding the excommunication of Fr. Joaquín Sáenz Arriaga, a traditionalist Jesuit famed for attacking conciliar reforms and the legitimacy of Paul VI's papacy. I argue that the ensuing debates put into question the apparent coherence of conservatives in the face of social unrest after 1968, highlighting the long-standing entropy of right-wing Catholicism, as traditionalists clashed over matters of orthodoxy, Catholics' historical relationship with the postrevolutionary state, and the contested memory of the Cristero War, which they used to legitimize their positions and define the terms of their traditionalism. Using anticommunism and anti-Semitism to wage their battles, these traditionalists occupied important spaces in the public sphere, contributed to Mexico's Cold War polarizations, and shaped the Mexican Right's international outlook. Their conflicts attest to the contentious plurality of the Mexican Right during this period, which invites further study to better understand how these actors situated themselves in a rapidly changing world.

This article discusses Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaraḍawi’s approach toward Judaism, Zionism and the State of Israel. Using Irwin Cotler’s nine-point definition of anti-Semitism, it will endeavour to position Qaraḍawi’s on an anti-Semitism-anti-Zionism scale.

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My objective is to provide insight into how "Jewishness", primarily as a cultural signifier, is created in the sitcom Seinfeld and how it is a reflection of contemporary conversations and negotiations of Jewish cultural identity within North America. This kind of research is important because television is still a primary media source despite declining ratings , and sitcoms are the primary workhorse (and globally distributed) of the TV networks, hence NBC's "Must-See TV" and the astronomical salaries that top sitcom stars receive. Seinfeld is a breakthrough "Jewish" sitcom because it is the first time, since The Goldbergs left the air in the 1950s, that a Jewish lead character is directly defined (Jerry self-identifies both directly and indirectly) as Jewish. Like Jack Benny and George Burns, he is assimilated, but he is not in the Jewish closet. This historical development is of interest to those who study the shifting nature of race via class in North America, the racing of Jews in particular, and how this racing informs popular TV representations of Jews. However, the sitcom is also notable and fascinating because it engages in the historical network TV practice of Jewish selfcensorship, and it also employs primarily negative stereotypes. The rest of the core and supporting ensemble are ambiguously sketched in terms of ethnicity (not race, I argue they are raced in terms of unmarked whiteness) and they are stereotypical and self-deprecating. They can be read as Jewish or not Jewish, but there is no direct or clear designation. Jewishness appears as signifiers and coding that can be read as Jewish (food, philosophical references) and possibly Jewish (mannerisms, phenotype, anxiety). Therefore, two more key questions that I address are: Why are only Jewish characters, as opposed to other white ethnics in sitcoms, presented ambiguously? Overall, how does the complex relationship between Jewishness and whiteness shape the Jewish representations in Seinfeld?

This is the first chapter from the critically acclaimed book From Coexistence to Conquest: International Law and the Origins of the Arab-Israeli Conflict (Pluto Press 2009). To order a copy visit: http://www.plutobooks.com/display.asp?K=9780745325781&

The city of Jerusalem and the Palestine cause have been internalized by Islamist
movements throughout the world as a pan-Islamic issue. Turkey’s Islamist
movement, or the National Outlook Movement as it is known, has similarly
appropriated Jerusalem as a cause to be defended against what it sees as Israeli
encroachments. On two occasions in 1980 and 1997, the National Salvation Party
and the Welfare Party, representing the Islamist movement, organized political
demonstrations or events to highlight the significance of Jerusalem for the Muslim
community and used it as an excuse to demand the introduction of Islamic law
in an ardently secular country. These endeavours resulted in a backlash from the
military, toppling the governments in power due to political instability and a
purported threat to the secular nature of the regime.