Ancient vegetarianism

The written work is structured in the form of a manual for implementing the curriculum for the subject of ethics in the third grade of secondary schools. The work includes a systematic analysis of ethical content, covering all teaching units and units provided for in the teaching of ethics, strictly described according to the concept elaborated in the Textbook of Ethics for the Third Grade of Secondary Schools by the authors: Čoh, Ćiril;Lamot, Marija;Matuš Ksenija, Ethics.

This paper analyses the importance of food in human life from a socioeconomic , ethical, anthropological and cultural point of view. Diet is examined in passages from the Old and New Testaments, texts by the Church Fathers and the prescriptions of ancient monasticism. In a kind of continuity, Francis of Paola's concept of strettissimo magro and the modern concept of health, which is derived from choices of food, are analysed.

Sličnosti, razlike i izazovi postoje između njih

Mnogi ljudi misle da su judaizam, kršćanstvo i islam veoma različiti. U stvari, međutim, oni imaju mnoga zajednička vjerovanja, običaje i tradicije. Na primjer, oni smatraju Ibrahima (alejhi as selam) Božjim poslanikom i vjeruju u čovjekoljublje, čistoću i međusobne vjerske zakone o ishrani kao što su košer i halal (mada kršćanstvo nema zakone o ishrani).

Vegetarians never wanted to place themselves outside of the community in which they were living. Yet, their life choice has generated more debate in Antiquity than is often thought. After a review of four examples of mistrust towards vegetarianism in Imperial Rome, this study will try to explain its roots. For this purpose, we will consider factors such as the influence of social norms and the effects of social conditioning; the will to fight that some vegetarians have shown, a will perhaps symbolised by the Ovidian Numa in the Metamorphoses, and also manifest in their denunciation of the utilitarianism which would be at the origin of meat consumption; the Christian condemnation implications of vegetarianism.

Même si les végétariens n’ont jamais souhaité se mettre en marge de la société dans laquelle ils vivaient, le végétarisme a vraisemblablement suscité plus de débats dans l’Antiquité qu’on ne le pense souvent. Après l’évocation de quatre moments démontrant une forme de méfiance à son égard dans la Rome impériale, cette étude vise à en expliquer les racines. Dans ce cadre, sont mobilisés le poids de la norme et les effets du conditionnement social; une volonté de combat dont certains végétariens ont pu faire preuve, volonté peut-être symbolisée par le Numa ovidien dans les Métamorphoses, et manifeste aussi dans leur dénonciation de l’utilitarisme qui serait à l’origine de la consommation de viande; les conséquences de la condamnation chrétienne (après bien des hésitations) du végétarisme.

This is an essay in honor of Marcel Detienne.
The last time I saw Marcel in what had been our garden, nested in the forest of Fontainebleau, we talked about ongoing projects. He was writing about different practices of comparison. I was finishing an essay on Ovid’s Metamorphoses. I had discovered a pattern in the classification of plants and this, I thought, explained beautifully the crucial importance of Pythagoras’s speech at the end of the poem. It also agreed with Marcel’s early study “La cuisine de Pythagore” and, more generally, with
his life-long commitment to an “anthropology along with the Greeks,” namely an approach to ancient societies as such—societies, rather than bookshelves.  Already in the
sixties, Marcel had embraced the structural analysis of mythology, applying to Greek and Roman storytelling the same hermeneutical devices that Claude Lévi-Strauss had
experimented on American tales. The interrelation of humans, animals, plants, and minerals; the cultural salience of food, especially its symbolic and political meaning in
the context of bloody sacrifice: all this shaped a “logic of the concrete.” This approach to narrative thinking entailed a fundamental materialism and an ecocritical potential.
While I was reading the Metamorphoses, these ideas had come back to life, refreshed and more heuristic than ever. I had decided to take the poem itself as an object of anthropological analysis. The poem was a world: a possible world abiding by its own rules. “I had not thought about that!” Marcel said. I promised that I would show him the
article, but we did not have the time.
After that conversation, I have made a detailed demonstration with bibliographical discussions in two essays: “Apples and Poplars, Nuts and Bulls. The Poetic Biosphere of Ovid’s Metamorphoses.” In Antiquities Beyond Humanism, ed. Emanuela Bianchi, Sara Brill, & Brooke Holmes, 159–85. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019; and “Cuncta fluunt. The Fluidity of Life in Ovid’s Metamorphic World.” In Ovid and the Environmental Imagination, ed.Francesca Martelli & Giulia Sissa, 35–54. London: Bloomsbury, 2023.
What follows offers a further development of the argument, focused on sacrificial violence and its political significance in Ovid's thought.

Errata:
p. 60: neve Thyesteis cumulemus viscera mensis
p. 65:  Pomona’s orchard is full of apples and grapes;
p. 66: war “shakes clashing arms with its bloody hand”;
p. 84, note 5: the title of Philippe Descola’s book is  "Par delà nature et culture"

(Note e Bibliografia saranno incluse nel testo finale) L'essenza del nostro studio ci ha portati senza dubbio ad osservare che l'ambiente culturale, spirituale e persino familiare in cui si formò Yeshua e dal quale prendeva le mosse il suo messaggio fu quello di un Ebraismo in radicale antitesi con quel Giudaismo che si era affermato come dominante nelle sedi "centrali", laddove quest'ultimo aggettivo assume una connotazione non soltanto geografica. L'epiteto di Yeshua in quanto "Nazoreo" ingloba sicuramente, come un ricettacolo, molte delle sfumature di pensiero che si collegavano a questo mondo particolarmente ricco. Il sostrato del messaggio cristiano nel suo contesto ebraico fu quello di gruppi riformatori e nonconformisti come i Battisti, un insieme variegato di sensibilità e orientamenti di cui Yochanan/ Giovanni e il suo rituale battesimale ci hanno impresso una delle immagini emblematiche. In generale, la spiritualità coltivata da questi gruppi rigettava le cerimonie sacrificali del Tempio e proponeva perciò sia una nuova percezione del Divino che una propria halakha, cioè una prassi, fondata su uno stile di vita e una norma alimentare propedeutici. Questi stili di vita si raccordavano alle tradizioni delle antiche scuole profetiche precedenti la riforma sacerdotale postesilica, come gli bney nevi'im, i Nazirei, i Recabiti e i taumaturghi alla maniera di Elia. Il battesimo era l'iniziazione a questa nuova identità, e sostituiva i sacrifici animali della tradizione sacerdotale e la loro ideologia dell'espiazione per mezzo del sangue. L'alimentazione vegetariana sigillava questo rinnovamento del culto in senso non cruento. L'acqua, in quanto chayim ossia viva, assumeva una funzione sacramentale e teurgica in grado di purificare una contaminazione atavica che affliggeva l'umanità causando la presenza del male nel mondo. Oltre che a tradizioni adamitiche, questa concezione moltissimo doveva alle rivelazioni del libro di Enoch, capostipite della letteratura apocalittica e della Mistica del Trono divino. Tassello irrinunciabile della loro genesi, il libro di Enoch fu quindi in un certo senso la culla ideale di questi orientamenti di pensiero.

Feeling Power is a bold and provocative book whose breadth of inquiry is stunning. Author Megan Boler sets out to rescue emotions from their devalued and obscure political status by showing that they are both a site of social control and also a site for political resistance. She situates her inquiry within the context of education, convinced that classrooms, especially within higher education, constitute signifi cant locations of social and political struggle.

Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Antiochus of Ascalon ca. - First Mithridatic War  Sack of Athens by Roman general Sulla  Second Mithridatic War  Pompey takes Syria for Rome  First Triumvirate in Rome (Caesar, Crassus, Pompey)  Lucretius d. ca.  Julius Caesar in Egypt  Philodemus of Gadara st cent. Assassination of Caesar  Cicero - Battle of Actium: Octavian defeats Mark Anthony and Cleopatra  Aenesidemus st cent. Death of Cleopatra VII, ending Ptolemaic rule  Agrippa Andronicus st cent. st cent. Boethus of Sidon second half st cent. Eudorus fl. ca.  Senate declares Octavian as Augustus  Birth of Jesus ca.  AD AD Philo of Alexandria first half st cent. Death of emperor Gaius "Caligula"  Thrasyllus d.  Letters of St Paul - Seneca d.  Death of emperor Nero  Quintillian ca. - Destruction of Second Temple  Plutarch ca. - Jewish revolts in northern Africa - Epictetus ca. - Calvenus Taurus first half nd cent. Aspasius ca. - Justin Martyr ca. - War between Rome and Parthia - Ptolemy ca. - Marcus Aurelius - (r. -) Marcus Aurelius founds chairs of philosophy in Rome  Irenaeus of Lyons ca. - Death of emperor Commodus  Sextus Empiricus fl. ca.  Clement of Alexandria ca. - Tertullian -ca.  Galen -ca.  Death of emperor Septimus Severus  Alexander of Aphrodisias fl. ca.  Numenius mid-nd cent. Apuleius mid-nd cent. Alcinous nd cent. xxii D A T E S Origen - Plotinus - Plotinus on campaign with Gordian  Porphyry -ca.  Invasion by the Sasanians  Iamblichus ca. -ca.  Death of emperor Aurelian  Calcidius fl. s Death of emperor Diocletian  Arius ca. - Constantine proclaimed Caesar  Lactantius ca. - Constantine victorious at battle of the Milvian Bridge

Introduction: Hemoglobin level and pattern of food intake is closely associated with risk of cardiovascular diseases. The cardiovascular diseases are primarily may be due to altered lipid profile which is depend on type and pattern of food intake. Association of vegetarian and non-vegetarianisms in obese women is controversial.

Method: The study was conducted on vegetarianism and non-vegetarianism obese female. A total of 55 subjects were enrolled (35 cases and 20 control) for the study. The Anthropometric measurements viz. height, weight, BMI and WHR, BP, were taken and hemoglobin level (Hg %) was assessed in vegetarian and non-vegetarianism obese women.

Results: Our results showed that hemoglobin level (Hg %) in non-vegetarianism obese women was (12.35±1.083) high than vegetarian (9.036±1.002) obese women. The blood pressure systolic and diastolic was higher in the non-vegetarian obese women than vegetarians’ obese female. There were no significant difference was found in heart rate in both groups i.e. vegetarianism and non-vegetarianism obese female. The Blood pressure systolic and diastolic was (127.63± 20.16 and 79.23±10.78) and (128.71± 23.14 and 83.26±9.23) in Vegetarian Non-vegetarian respectively.

Discussion: Thus Hemoglobin Level (Hg %) of non-vegetarianism were high in obese women than vegetarian. Due to Some nutrients intake, hemoglobin level was better in non-vegetarians than vegetarians.

In this essay on Musonius Rufus's Discourse 18 "On Food" I discuss the typical foods of first-century Romans and characterize their dietary choices as rooted in opposed pairs of concepts: raw/cooked, pure/impure, civilized/barbarian, austere/luxurious, and strong/soft. Within this scheme I situate meat as a locus of moral debate. I contextualize Rufus's arguments in ancient philosophical vegetarianism. I reconstruct and analyze his arguments. Finally, two sorts of eaters portrayed in Περὶ τροφῆς are contrasted.

A 80-as években újjáéledt filozófiai gyakorlat mozgalommal párhuzamosan az ember-állat tanulmányok, más néven antrozoológia vagy animal studies, a mai napig egyre nagyobb teret hódít a nyugati tudományos világban. Dolgozatomban a mai kutyatartókat, mint a 21. század két lábon járó filozófusait mutatom be, felvázolva azokat a gondolati fordulatokat, amelyek Harriet Ritvo 2007-es "állati fordulat" megnevezésén keresztül az ember-állat tanulmányok diszciplínájához vezettek. A XXI. századi nyugati városi kutyatartás társadalmi szerepének vizsgálatát a filozófiai kávéházi mozgalom tükrében mutatom be és  amellett érvelek, hogy a városi kutyatartás a filozófiai életmód alternatív formája, sőt, a filozófiai gyakorlat jelentős példája. Ha elfogadjuk azt a tézist, hogy a kutya mindig is jelen volt az ember mellett, akkor releváns kérdés, hogy most hogyan van jelen az emberek életében, és ha másképp, mint korábban, akkor mi ennek az oka. Ritvo állati fordulatát és a filozófia gyakorlati fordulatát elemezve következtetéseket vonok le a poszthumán változások okait illetően, eljutva a kritikai kutyakutatás, röviden a "kutyizmus" eszméjének bemutatásához, amely a szerző kutatási területe és találmánya.

In this essay, I shall argue that, contrary to common assumptions, Plato's so-called "City of Pigs" (Pl. rep. 372a3–373b1) is by no means an anti-philosophical state. Refuting this assumption, I aim to show that the dialogical context accounts for the interlocutors' rejection of this state: it is, I ar-gue, an economic system that stands at the outset of the ideal state's foundation as its basis. This system illustrates metaphorically, represented by population groups and concrete lifestyles, a hierarchy according to which necessary and non-necessary human needs ought to be satisfied. However, Socrates' idea of what necessary needs are (depicted in the "City of Pigs") seems all too meagre to Glauco personally, highlighted by his coinage "City of Pigs". Precisely this makes Socra-tes realize that the moderation he has in mind - rendering the system "healthy, true" (and by the way vegetarian) - would demand too much from average people. Thus, despite his explicit prefer-ence for that City he makes no attempt at rejecting Glauco's prototypical wish. Instead, he modi-fies this system of needs accordingly, thus turning it "luxurious, inflamed", even if its very abun-dance will lead to resource scarcity (and eventually war). Only at this stage does the dialogue face problems for which there has been no room in the preceding economic discourse: a splitting of society into specialised classes, the education of the guardian class, political power, etc. that gradually establish the ideal state. At its beginning, however, we encounter - in the form of the "City of Pigs" - an often-misjudged plea for moderation (and vegetarianism) that - as Socrates rec-ognizes melancholically - is not (yet) suitbale to the people (of his time).

Postojanje moralnoga statusa je gotovo činjenica za većinu, no kada njegovo razmatranje poprima širu dimenziju stvari postaju drugačije. Gotovo se svi slažemo da je pogrešno mučiti životinje, ali kada je u pitanju naša prehrana ili "njihovo" pravo na život postajemo suzdržaniji. Ovdje ću pokušati problematizirati dva radikalna stajališta vezana uz moralni status životinja: utilitarizam preferencija P. Singera i (eko)feminističku teoriju. Pokazat ću kako su prigovori koje iznose (eko)feministice ponekad sitničavi te kako nisu toliko u neskladu sa Singerovim gledištem. Alternativa koju pruža (eko)feminizam pokazat će se pomalo promašenom u takvom obliku diskursa, no to nije razlog da bismo je u potpunosti odbacili. KLJUČNE RIJEČI: Moralni status životinja, utilitarizam preferencija, jednako uvažavanje interesa, (eko)feminizam, etika brige i suosjećanja.

1 A jelen előadás témájához elvezető terminológiai problémára a Gediminas Technical University (Litvánia) és az Antioch University (Seattle, USA) szervezésében Vilniusban, 2011. szeptember 22-24-én Phenomenological Perspectives on Cultural Change and Environmental Challenges címmel megrendezett konferencia vitáin figyeltem föl. A konferencián tartott előadásom alapján készült írásomat lásd: The Human Nature and the Nature Itself. Natural and Societal Aspects of the Human Nature. Limes, Borderland Studies, 5, 2012. 2. 71-81. 2 Cicero ismert gondolatmenetéből azokat a részeket emeltem ki, ahol először az embert, mint élőlényt önmagához való viszonyában (III. 5, 16-17. §), majd mint a kozmosz részét (III. 19, 63-64. §), végül mint társadalmi lényt írja le (III. 20, 67. §). A minden mást meghatározó kulcspont itt az első, az élőlény-és az ember, mint sajátos élőlény-önmagához való viszonyának értelmezése.

At the end of Ovid's Metamorphoses, Pythagoras of Samos (570-490 BCE) advocates vegetarianism as a countermeasure to the liquid ontology of a metamorphic world. This eloquent speech is consistent with the vegetarian contrainte of the poem. Metempsychosis creates both morphological dissimilarity and physical consanguinity among living beings. Humanus cruor may run in different bodies.This compels us to ask what blood is. As the vital juice infusing raw meat and human flesh; as the fluid shed in the ritual butchery of sacrifices; as a material incarnation of the migrating soul, blood deserves special attention. This bright-red substance brings together the world. But the effusion of hypothetically human blood can also be a matter of quotidian gore, exactly as it is in what Pythagoras calls 'Thyestes' meals'.

Dining is a potential tragedy.

Pythagoras draws out the consequences of the very possibility of metamorphosis. There is a dark side to the virtual transformation of human beings into other bodies. Changeability makes the world interconnected, but also instable and uncertain. To be sure, change is generative rather than destructive, vital rather that deadly, creative of deceptively alien, seemingly-nonhuman forms rather than obvious monsters. But, precisely for these reasons, we then belong in a network of human/nonhuman/quasihuman/also-human beings. Precisely because a metamorphosis is not a total replacement of human identity, but an imperceptible hybridization, it creates ambiguity, confusion and, worst of all, the potential for cannibalism. Think of Io's father, facing a plump cow. Think of Tereus feeding obliviously on his own son's flesh. Think of your own reaction at Acteon's invisibility in the eyes of his own dogs. The same possibility for error is the effect of metempsychosis. Anything comestible, although apparently nonhuman, could be 'inhabited' by a human soul. Animism, and more precisely, 'anthropogenism' , as Philippe Descola has argued, is the ontological truth of this kind of world.

The dissolution of humanity in the liquid ontology of metamorphosis becomes a cause for perceptual insecurity. The loss of a previous shape prevents an observer from seeing through a new body, and from recognizing the person who is now dwelling in a bovine, meaty frame. The poem creates the virtuality of alimentary violence, but then pursues three intertwined strategies to avoid it. Firstly, it crafts an internal taxonomy, which opposes animals to plants. The former are all inedible. The latter can be either safe food, when they are not the outcome of a transformation; or non-food, whenever they derive from a metamorphosis. Secondly, the poem deploys a critical discourse on bloody sacrifice. Finally, it ends with Pythagoras' normative intervention, which brings together all these threads: a liquid ontology, metempsychosis, metamorphosis and the imperative to abstain, here and now, from blood-shedding and meat-eating.

It is because we are at risk of burdening our own digestive apparatus with something conceivably human, that we must avoid any kind of bloody food. The speech fits both the hybrid outcome of metamorphosis, and the vegetarian logic underlying the poem.

We will start from there...

Peter Singer Az állatok felszabadítása című, először 1975-ben megjelent könyve alighanem az első és egyben talán legfontosabb szisztematikus kortárs filozófiai mű, amely arra vállalkozik, hogy áttekintse az állatok jogainak, érdekeinek, érzéseinek, körülményeinek-és mindezek etikai következményeinek-lajstromát. Singer könyve azonban nem nevezhető egy par excellence filozófiai munkának: keveredik benne az ismeretterjesztés, az ideológiakritika, a történelem, a politikai aktivizmus és a filozófia (mindenekelőtt az etika). Ezt korántsem bírálatként írom, ugyanakkor ha az olvasó arra számít, hogy közel 300 oldal filozófiai fejtegetés várja a könyv elolvasásakor, akkor csalódni fog. Ez a diszciplináris és retorikai összetettség azonban kétségtelenül jobban illeszkedik a szerző céljához, nevezetesen ahhoz, hogy meggyőzzön minket, az állatokra nem tekinthetünk puszta nyersanyagként, gépekként, a vágyainkat kiszolgáló teremtményekként: az egyetlen morálisan helyes és következetes álláspont (és ami fontosabb: viselkedés), ha feladjuk az állatok kizsákmányolásával, leölésével járó élvezeteinket, legyen szó ételről, ruháról, kozmetikai szerekről s.í.t.-és másokat is erre bíztatunk. Ahhoz, hogy mérleget vonhassunk Singer vállalkozásának sikerességéről, sorra veszem a kötet fejezeteit, miközben a szöveg erényeinek hangsúlyozása mellett igyekszem rámutatni azokra a hiányosságokra, filozófiai és politikai vakfoltokra, amelyek lépten-nyomon tetten érhetők Singer kötetében. Az első fejezetben filozófiából nincs hiány: Singer itt fekteti le azokat a morális alapelveket (valamint ezekhez társított érveket), amelyeken a további fejezetek meggyőzőereje múlik-épp emiatt itt keveredhetünk vele leginkább vitába. Az emberek és állatok érdekeinek egyenlőségét affirmáló nézet azon áll vagy bukik, hogy Singer képes-e plauzibilis magyarázattal szolgálni az emberek és állatok közötti lényegi hasonlóságok tekintetében. 2 Mindenekelőtt a szerző (helyesen) leszögezi: "Az egyenlőség erkölcsi

godine u državi Illionis u Evenstonu (SAD), za izdavača Northwestern University Press. Knjiga se sastoji od pet poglavlja, uvoda i epiloga. Prvo poglavlje naziva "Životinje, ljudi i inače" otpočinje objašnjenjem zbog čega Kant često navodi konje, ovce i stoku kao primjere kojima ilustruje svoje radove. To je zbog zanatskog posla Kantovog oca, koji je radio sedla i remenje, obično za noseću stoku, a koga je Kant imao priliku posmatrati, živopisno navodi autor. U ovom poglavlju Baumeister nam predstavlja na šta je obratio pažnju u Kantovom pisanju, a to su tri sljedeće stavke: i ljudi i životinje su životinje-zajedno učestvuju u prirodnim ciklusima života i smrti, posjeduju dušu i sl; ljudi posjeduju razum, za razliku od bilo koje druge životinje na Zemlji-ovaj status označava psihološku i praktičnu dimenziju čovjeka; čovjek kao razumna životinja ima dužnost prema drugim ljudima koja se očituje u poštovanju-to poštovanje prema neljudskim životinjama izostaje. Baumeister nije zadovoljan načinom na koji rani Kant piše o životinjama, tretirajući ih samo opisno, ali ipak nailazi na poređenje ljudskog i životinjskog života kao univerzalnog u razvoju, u esejima iz 1754, kao i u eseju iz 1755 1 , što se kasnije samo potvrđuje kada se čitaju pozniji radovi gdje Kant kontinuirano čovjeka izjednačava sa životinjom. U ovoj fazi se Kant oslanja na Aristotela i njegovo učenje o duši, dodjeljujući dušu svim živim bićima, a u konačnici, tj. od 1790. godine i životinje i ljude podvodi pod naziv prirodni organizmi. Autor podvlači da je jedna od najvećih razlika između ljudskih životinja i životinja koju Kant navodi (iako bez empirijskog dokaza) posjedovanje razuma od strane ljudske životinje kao racionalne (iako bi se moglo tvrditi da je to bipedalizam, ali on je epifenomen za sebe). Međutim, ono što je bitno za savremeno izučavanje Kanta i

Budući da se danas, u pokušaju jednog novog promišljanja ideje univerziteta, ne možemo više skrivati iza nacije, države ili same institucije (Fichte, Humboldt, Schleiermacher), težište i oslonac takvog jednog procesa moramo tražiti izvan njih. Gdje nam onda preostaje ovoj ideji otvoriti nove horizonte? Dok su antičke visokoškolske institucije (Akademija, Lykei) djelovale u atmosferi aphetéos-ēdone, univerzitet i njegovi akteri u Srednjem vijeku i modernom dobu žive u atmosferi represija-entuzijazam. Stoga ovaj tekst promatra odnos uživanja i znanja u kontekstu antičkog poimanja obrazovanja. Tekst pokazuje na koji se način Platonova Akademija, kao arhetip modernog univerziteta, uspostavlja kao način života za koji je odredben methodos. Premda stjecanje znanja ovisi o učitelju, ključno je da učenici budu prepušteni sebi samima, odnosno da budu u mogućnosti sami u sebi razotkrivati znanje koje je u skladu s vrlinom. Takvo istraživanje u Akademiji je bilo praćeno uživanjem. Autorova je teza da je bios theoretikos neodvojiv od uživanja te da uživanje u tome kontekstu nadilazi pojednostavljeno suprotstavljanje čulnih i duševnih uživanja. Autor u drugome dijelu rada pokazuje da je prema Aristotelu uživanje sadržaj najboljega života pri čemu, u otklonu spram ustaljenog tumačenja Aristotela, pokazuje da se najbolji život kod Aristotela ne smije pojednostavljeno shvaćati kao bios theoretikos, već kao svaka djelatnost združena s uživanjem kojom čovjek razvija svoju vrlinu te tako nasljeđuje ono božansko. Možemo li danas obnoviti uvid koji su antičke visokoškolske institucije duboko iskusile: da su uživanje i sreća prirodni pratitelji znanja i studiranja? Može li se takva mogućnost danas misliti?

Taking its cue from Yājñavalkya's famous one-off cryptic pronouncement in favour of meat-eating, and building on the ground-breaking work by Alsdorf and others, this essay attempts to draw a passably coherent picture of the development of Indian vegetarianism out of the daunting mass of the diverse and often contradictory statements found scattered throughout the śāstras (‘codes of the law’). To summarize, whereas it is not doubtful, despite the outrage of many contemporary Brahmanic Hindus, that sacrificed animals (and even cows!) were consumed in Vedic times, meat-eating fell gradually into disfavour chiefly owing to the rise of the ideal of ahiṁsā (‘non-violence’) as brandished mainly as an anti-sacrificial weapon by the heterodox VI cent. BC (and earlier) śrāmaṇa movements such as Jainism and Buddhism. It should be noted, however, that ahiṁsā did not automatically entail a strict. ethically motivated vegetarianism in both religions (and a vegetarian diet is still not compulsory for Buddhists to this day), as it seems to have originally been held mostly on tabuistic grounds. Ahiṁsā was later adopted by Brahmanic Hinduism and provided with a sounder philosophical grounding (although magico-tabuistic preoccupations did survive to some extent) in the two core upaniṣadic doctrines of advaita (‘monism’) and rebirth: where all is One, the animal I kill is (my)Self; where everybody reincarnates, the animal I kill is but the fallen condition of one who was once a man: hence animals must not be killed.

People often wrongly assume that vegetarianism in Tibet is a modern-day phenomenon. However, despite the great difficulties of being vegetarian in Tibet, due to climate and vegetation, there are many examples of great Tibetan Buddhist masters who have publicly advocated vegetarianism, such as Ngorchen Kunga Zangpo, Jonang Kunkhyen Dolpopa, 4th Karmapa, 8th Karmapa, Patrul Rinpoche and, more recently, Jadral Rinpoche, Khenpo Tsultrim Lodro Rinpoche, Jetsunma Tenzin Palmo and  17th Karmapa, Orgyen Trinley Dorje.

Aside from being a foremost gender equality and female empowerment spokesperson in Tibetan Buddhism (see here), the 17th Karmapa is one of the world’s leading Tibetan Buddhist advocates of vegetarianism and animal rights for compassionate, environmental and ethical reasons. He has spoken on this topic many times (see here and here). In addition, as a young adult, despite having been brought up as a meat-eater in a nomadic family in Tibet, he later abandoned meat and expressly discouraged others from buying, making and eating meat.

I was personally present at the speech the 17th Karmapa gave at the Kagyu Monlam in 2007 in Bodh Gaya, India (for a the video, see here, for English translation see here), in which he forbade the buying, cooking and consumption of meat in Karma Kagyu Dharma centres and monasteries. He also quoted the 8th Karmapa, which he quotes again in these 2021 teachings, as saying that ‘If you eat meat, you are not a Kagyupa and are not my student.” It sent some shockwaves through the audience at his direct and forthright insistence that it was neither Buddhist, nor part of the Karma Kagyu tradition, to eat the flesh of animals deliberately killed for food.

Not so much is known about the previous Karmapas and their stance on meat-eating though. In fact, recent academic articles on the topic of vegetarianism in Tibet, past and present, have overlooked the strict vegetarian lifestyle and attitude of previous Karmapas. As the 17th Karmapa explained, vegetarianism is not some modern phenomenon among Tibet, previous Karmapas were also passionate advocates of abandoning eating the flesh of murdered animals. Below are some excerpts of what the 17th Karmapa taught about them (Days 13-16), in particular, from the 4th to the 10th Karmapas.

These teachings are remarkable in that they are the first time such a senior Tibetan Buddhist teacher and head of one of the four major lineages has given such detailed teachings on the history of Buddhist vegetarianism, but also the reasons for that strict vegetarianism. There are other teachers who have strongly emphasized the need for vegetarianism, such as Jadrel Rinpoche and but the 17th Karmapa is unique in being the head of a lineage to have done so.

CONTENTS
There are six chapters/sections in this edited publication.

INTRODUCTION 5

CHAPTER ONE: The Strict Vegetarianism of 8th Karmapa, “If you eat meat you are not Kagyupa or my student” 12
Introduction 12
4th Karmapa, Rolpe Dorje and the strict vegetarian rules of the Great Encampment 12
9th Karmapa’s text - The Great Rule Book for the Encampment: the Ornament of the World 13
Karma Chagme’s text - The Instructions of the Pandita Jamyang from the North : Meat: Distinguishing what is Allowed and What is Prohibited 14
Liberation-stories on 4th Karmapa composed by his students 17
Meat-eating, slaughter and butchery forbidden and punishable by expulsion, even during festive or special occasions 17
8th Karmapa’s strict vegetarianism 19
Text by 5th Zhamarpa – ‘Letter to my Defenceless Mothers‘ 21
Meat forbidden from being included in Gutor or Mahakala rituals 22
Meat is one of the eight impure things that must be abandoned by monastics 22
ENDNOTES 23

CHAPTER TWO: RULES OF BUDDHIST CONDUCT (VINAYA) ON EATING MEAT:  the Vinaya rules on ‘offered’ meat and the three ‘tests’ of impurity 24
Introduction 24
Vinaya Rules relating to eating meat 25
Begging for alms – monastics have  to accept whatever is offered to them 26
Forbidden meats even if offered 27
Three ‘tests’ of purity for offered meat 28
Karma Kagyu sources on eating meat – 8th and 9th Karmapas 28
When Buddha was served a meal of meat – 4th Century text on origin of the three ‘tests’ of purity meat rule 30
Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya 33
Tāmraśāṭīya Pali Vinaya 34
Sarvāstivāda Vinaya 36
Dharmaguptaka Vinaya 39
Mahīśāsaka Vinaya 40
Mahāsāṃghika Vinaya 40
Summary of the Vinaya traditions 41
“It is childish to think Buddha said we can eat meat” 43
The Buddha’s alms bowl 44
FURTHER READING 46
ENDNOTES 47

CHAPTER THREE: COMPASSION NOT COMPETITION: THE MAHAYANA VIEW ON EATING ANIMALS. 50
The Mahayana and Buddha-Nature View of Eating Meat 51
Devadatta’s competitive jealousy and impure motivation for stricter vegetarian rules 52
The Five Austerities of Devadatta 54
The Buddha’s vegetarian students, Mahākāśyapa and Bakula:  different motivations and conduct 55
The ‘Buddha-Nature’ Sutras: all beings like our parents and their inherent  Buddha Nature 60
Pointless doubts regarding the growing of plant crops that unintentionally kills beings 63
The spread of Chinese vegetarianism and Emperor Wu 64
Vegetarianism in Tibet 65
FURTHER READING 67
ENDNOTES 67

CHAPTER FOUR: JE MILAREPA’S SONG ON THE SUFFERING OF ANIMALS FOR THE EVIL ‘CUSTOM’ OF MEAT-EATING 72
Milarepa’s sorrowful song to Rechungpa 73
Tibetan text with phonetics 77
FURTHER READING 79

CHAPTER FIVE: UNBEARABLE GRIEF LIKE EATING THE FLESH OF ONE’S OWN CHILD 80
Jamgon Kongtrul’s Vegetarian Aspiration 81
Butchers set up shop next to monasteries for monastic meat-eaters 83
17th Karmapa’s decision to become vegetarian 85
Drugpa Kunley’s tale of the parents who were forced to eat their dead son’s flesh 88
Having compassion and kindness is more important than scripture, rules and logic 90
FURTHER READING 91
ENDNOTES 92

CHAPTER SIX: NGORCHEN KUNGA ZANGPO AND THE ‘SINGLE-SITTING’ VEGETARIAN PRACTICE 94
Introduction 95
Ngorchen’s strict vegetarianism and the ‘Single-sitting’ vegetarian practice 96
Monastic ordination and the Vinaya lineage of Śākyaśrībhadra 101
Śākyaśrībhadra (1127- 1225) – Kālacakra lineage holder and bestower of four transmissions in Tibet 104
The Four Monastic Communities (Joden Tshogpa Zhi) 107
The Gedun Gangpa community, the 8th Gedun Gangpa abbott Jonang Tselmin Zangpo’s ordination of the 5th and 6th Karmapas 109
3rd, 4th and 8th Karmapa’s monastic ordinations from Gedun Gangpa Abbots 112
The Zhamarpa incarnations and Gedun Gangpa ordination 118
Use of meat during Ganachakra 119
FURTHER READING 120
ENDNOTES 121

 

The paper’s aim was to identify, analyze, classify, and compare about 145 English and Hebrew eating metaphors(EM), about 80 English and 65 Hebrew, for the investigation of a general attitude to food and eating, and understanding of the national values of every linguistic community. The investigation of this cultural phenomenon is important for multicultural communication because the contrastive research of English and Hebrew EM is in the beginning. The pilot and limited study corpus consist of various forms of figurative language. Four tables (eating equivalents on the physical and other perspectives, and ethnocultural metaphors in every language) presented the work results. To analyze a large number of equivalent and less numerous ethnocultural food metaphors, Newman's scheme that divided food metaphors into agent-oriented (substances) and patient-oriented (eater) was used. Ancient metaphors talk about the physical value of food for a person, which must necessarily be supplemented by spiritual satisfaction, and the most important conceptual metaphors are the blessing on bread and food in Hebrew and English. Newer metaphors speak of a rational attitude toward the enjoyment of food, which should not be made the goal of life. Hebrew ethnocultural metaphors emphasize the psychological problems of hunger, the need for planning and foresight in preparing meals, English metaphors reveal a connection between efforts to obtain food and rewards for it, and are often pragmatic in nature, describing the setting of goals and the sequence of actions to achieve it.

Numerological Commentary: Parashat Vayiqra
According to Maimonides there is no explanation to the number of sacrifices. However, it is easily seen that there are a lot of sacrifices that come by 7, hence the number conveys the meaning of sacredness.

The main aim of this paper is to present the view of Porphyry of Tyre on the vegetarian diet and to find some examples of non animal based dishes in Ancient Cuisine. The first part will be dedicated to reasons shown by the Philosopher in his treaty De abstinentia, why foods based on animal products should be avoided. Porphyry of Tyre as one of the most prominent students of Plotinus dedicated his life to defending and commenting the works of his Master and as a result popularisation of Neoplatonism. Amongst all his scientifical texts one of the most meaningful seems to be the letter-like treaty De abstinentia, where he was trying to convince his friend Firmus to get back to vegetarianism. His arguments will form the base for the later investigation of Apicius' De re coquinaria in hope to find some examples of plant based dishes.

Les personnages des romans d'Emmanuel Bove aiment à se présenter comme des victimes d'un monde incapable de voir leurs mérites. Charles Bénesteau, héros du Pressentiment, s'éloigne en principe de ce modèle, car il ne fonde pas son bonheur sur la société. Il semblerait que Bénestéau pourra en effet être heureux car il ne demande rien des autres, néanmoins, la réalité des relations sociales condamne son projet d'existence libre et solitaire à l'échec. Ce misanthrope, qui cependant fait preuve de générosité envers autrui, deviendra la cible d'une société qui n'accepte pas facilement les gens qui font de la liberté individuelle leur bannière. Le résultat est absurde et décourageant.

A proposta inicial desse estudo é mostrar como o vegetarianismo além de ser naturalmente adequado também é eticamente recomendável para sociedade. Os argumentos apresentados focam principalmente no conceito de alma para Aristóteles (384 a.C. - 322 a.C.), filósofo grego, seguidor de Platão e autor de “De Anima”.Também é utilizado como base o livro “Sobre comer carne” de Plutarco (46 d.C. –120 d.C.), filósofo platônico e historiador grego, para mostrar como o argumento de instinto natural de predador do homem é uma farsa e como na verdade seria melhor não comer proteína animal.O texto é apenas uma pequena introdução a um assunto amplo como o Vegetarianismo, de modo que o objetivo é entender como Aristóteles que não era vegetariano, e defendia que pode ser interpretado como um defensor da superioridade humana em relação aos outros seres naturais, o homem poderia comer carne, e se apossar dos animais, acabou defendendo o vegetarianismo. Ao final mostro porque é antiético o consumo de ca...

Tema ovog diplomskog rada je Platonov dijalog Timej. U njemu Platon opisuje proizvodnju kozmosa, njegove duše i tijela, te čovjeka i drugih živih bića unutar kozmosa. U Timeju bog, koji se naziva Demijurgom, ne proizvodi kozmos iz ničega, već ga proizvodi iz vječnih ideja. U uvodu radariječ je nastanku i recepciji dijaloga, te omitskom obliku govora kojim je dijalog pisan. Sažecidijelova Platonovog dijaloga Timej u kojima Platon opisuje stvaranje duše i tijela kozmosa, stvaranje čovjeka i ljudskog tijela te tvar izneseni su na početku istoimenih poglavlja. Tema drugog poglavlja je stvaranje duše kozmosa i objašnjenje matematičkog aspekta ovog stvaranja, kao i Platonov pojam vremena. U trećem poglavlju je riječ o stvaranju tijela kozmosa i kozmičke harmonije. U poglavlju o stvaranju čovjekaobjašnjena je povezanost ovog opisa s drugim Platonovim dijalozima. Tema četvrtog poglavlja je čovjekova tjelesnost. U petom poglavlju predstavljen je Platonov opis tvari.U poglavlju o umu i nužnos...

הסיבה שבעטייה החל הטקס המקורי נסתרת מעינינו, כפי שגם האופן שבו הקרבן ללא המזבח התגלגל למקדשים עם מזבחים שעליהם נזבח הפסח אינם ידועים לנו. במקרה זה, המסורת לא רק משמרת את העבר, אלא גם מתעדת את הרפורמות שחלו בה. במקרים אחרים, היא מסתירה את העבר, ומחליפה את זכרו בטקסים שיחסם אל האירועים שהולידו אותם נותר עמום, אולי במכוון.

Zahvaljujem na pomoći oko transliteracije sanskrtskih riječi filozofu i indologu izv. prof. dr. sc. goranu Kardašu s Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu, na pomoći oko razumijevanja i transliteracije starogrčkih riječi filozofu i grecistu, višem lektoru grčkog jezika Ninoslavu Zuboviću s Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu te anonimnim recenzentima na korisnim primjedbama, sugestijama za popravljanje rada i uputama za dodatnu literaturu.

This papers intends to show that Aristotle's theory on the political nature of man implies a specific difference in relation to other animals and that this does not arise from his understanding of human beings as naturally vulnerable animals that would seek in political life an artifice to redress their insufficiency or individual vulnerability to live. The qualitative difference of human beings in relation to other animals - including political species, such as bees or ants - drives them to an equally specific type of life, whose foundation obeys values that ca be universalized. The political application of these values does not correspond to what is done in the domestic sphere, nor does it correspond to the mere transposition to a quantitatively superior community, because the universality of political values is extracted from what is understood by human beings as necessary for the realization of man as man, not man as an element of nature.

Ideja srodstva cjelokupne prirode nije bila ekskluzivno italska paradigma, nego se njeni tragovi mogu pronaći i u jonskoj tradiciji. Anaksagora je usvojio općerašireno gledište da je život najprije nastao iz vlage, topline i nečeg zemljolikog tj. zemljanog, a kasnije su se živa bića rađala jedna od drugih. On je pretpostavljao da se u svemu što se sjedinjuje nalaze mnoge i svakojake stvari, i neizmjerna raznolikost „sjemena”, i da su tako ljudi bili oblikovani i druga živa bića koja imaju dušu. Kada je, potom, postulirao Um (νοῦς) kao arche svega kretanja, Klazomenjanin je povezao sve slojeve zbiljnosti. Nous je za živa bića bio svojevrsna unutarnja moć, dok je za nežive stvari bio vanjska sila. Nije, zato, iznenađenje kad se pronađu mjesta na kojima stoji da i biljke posjeduju neki stupanj opažanja i mišljenja. Osim toga, Anaksagora (i Empedoklo) kažu da se biljke pokreću po prirodnoj žudnji, da osjećaju i da se žaloste i vesele. Anaksagora iznosi i stav da su biljke životinje (ζῷα...

The author draws a parallel between the Stoics’ and Spinoza’s understanding of moral good and values in general, and their understanding of „living in agreement with nature”. It is indicated that the difference between the Stoics and Spinoza is slight when it comes to issues discussed in this paper. Spinoza, like the Stoics, held that moral good could be merely useful and that it is found in „living in agreement with nature”.

The contact between metamorphosis, metensomatosis, and vegetarian precepts in Pythagoras’ discourse in the last Book of Ovid’s Metamorphoses lays the text open to readings that undermine the salvific potential of its philosophical message. As the comparison with its model shows (Cic. Cat. 27), even the passage about Milo’s old age (Met. 15. 228-236) seems to imply that Pythagoras does not take much seriously his own role as liberator of humanity from the fear of death.

A discussion on antiquity with Anthony A. Long, one of the most distinguished scholars in the field of ancient philosophy, would be engaging in any case. All the more so, since his two recently published works, Greek Models of Mind and Self (2015) and How to be Free: An Ancient Guide to the Stoic Life (2018), provide the opportunity to revisit key issues of ancient philosophy. The former is a lively and challenging work that starts with the Homeric notions of selfhood, and leads the reader all the way through classical and Hellenistic philosophical psychology; the latter is a profound analysis of the Stoic ethics that focuses in particular on its foundation and principles, followed by Long's re-worked translation of Epictetus' Encheiridion and carefully selected parts of his Discourses. Anthony Long kindly accepted the invitation to discuss several issues that are in the core of scholarly concern, sharing interpretations and thoughts that originate from his long acquaintance with the ancient literary tradition.

I examine the Presocratic thinker Empedocles' philosophical, poetic and religious works-Peri Phuseous (On Nature) and Katharmoi (Purifications)-in terms of their orientations, attitudes and sensibilities toward the natural environment. Through the development of an ethical and material framework centered upon the four rhizomata (roots or elements) of earth, fire, air and water, Empedocles provides an early but important understanding of ideas and issues that remain ecologically relevant today, including conceptions of pollution, the treatment of nonhuman animals, descriptions of organic processes, and the speculative underpinnings of evolutionary theory. I suggest that we can reasonably view Empedocles as kind of shaman-naturalist who is keenly aware of and empathetic with the workings of the physical world even if he is not strictly an "ancient environmentalist". Finally, I point to the post-structuralist work of Deleuze and Guattari, where we can find a critical exploration of the kind of "roots" Empedocles identifies and a defense of the notion of "rhizomes" that enables us both to observe continuities with the Presocratic philosopher and to make creative or constructive links with our modern environment.

Als Pythagoras die Misshandlung eines kleinen Hundes beobachtete, schritt er ein und sagte: „Hör auf mit dem Schlagen. Denn es ist ja die Seele eines Freundes – ich erkannte sie, als ich die Stimme hörte.“ (Xenophanes, DK 21 B 7)
Das Fragment von Xenophanes (um 580 v. Chr. – um 500 v. Chr.), einem Zeitgenossen des Pythagoras, erhellt schlaglichtartig einen Aspekt der antiken Tier-Mensch-Beziehung, der nicht so recht in das klassische Bild von blutigen Altären und fetttriefenden Herden passen will, wie es u. a. in den Epen Homers gezeichnet wird. Denn bereits aus der kurzen Textstelle geht hervor, dass Pythagoras dem kleinen Hund eine dem Menschen vergleichbare unsterbliche Seele (griech. ψύχη/psýchē, lat. anima) zugestand. Er fühlte mit dem gepeinigten Tier, verstand es als Seelenverwandten und Freund. Die pythagoreische Empathie beschränkte sich dabei nicht allein auf den Hund, der heute noch als Gefährte und Freund des Menschen gilt, sondern schloss alle Mitkreaturen, darunter auch Fische und Pflanzen, ein. Vor diesem Hintergrund war der strenge Vegetarismus, dessen oberstes Primat die Enthaltung von allem Beseelten (griech. ἀποχὴ ἐμψύχων/apochē empsychōn) darstellte, ein folgerichtiger Schritt. Die Seele, nach antiker Vorstellung gleichbedeutend mit Lebenskraft, stand ins Lateinische übertragen als anima sogar Patin für den Begriff animal, also für das beseelte Tier. Empathie und Respekt für die Mitkreatur bildeten so den emotionalen Nährboden, aus dem die pythagoreische Vorstellung von der beseelten Welt im Allgemeinen und der Tierseele im Besonderen erwachsen konnte – eine Denkfigur, die später jedoch im strikten Widerspruch zum paulinischen Weltbild stand, das schließlich grundlegend für das gesamte Christentum und damit auch für das heutige Mensch-Tier-Verhältnis wurde.

This thesis examines the culture of eating and dining among Jewish men and women in Medieval Ashkenaz (Northern France and Germany) during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, delving into the social, cultural and religious significance of meals and feasts and their contribution to constructing and reinforcing identity and belonging.

The aim of this article is to present the reason why Empedocles did not eat meat. I would like to prove that-contrary to the most intuitive assumption-Empedocles' vegetarianism did not result from the belief in reincarnation. In my analysis, I focus especially on B138 in which the poet from Akragas compares animal sacrifices to killing own family members. I try to prove that this fragment does not speak about transmigration, as in Empedocles' view reincarnation does not concern all beings. Moreover, I analyse two other possible reasons, why Empedocles would promote a vegetarian diet. The first one is connected with the belief in the golden age, while the second-the idea that all beings are kin. The last one results from the assumption that there is one spirit penetrating the whole cosmos and connecting humans with animals and plants, as well as from the conviction that all beings were united with each other in the period of the Sphairos. Basing on the extant fragment concerning Empedocles, the last option seems to me as the most plausible.

Though Aristotle’s position on omnivory may seem in stark contrast to Plutarch’s vigorous defence of vegetarianism, the following paper assumes that the moralist from Chaeronea uses teleological arguments that seem to recall Aristotle’s theory of causality to fight against the ancient Stoic theory of the naturalness of human carnivorism.  After consideration of the Stagirite’s theories of nutrition, this paper discusses Plutarch’s possible re-use of and deviation from the Aristotelian position of human omnivory (and carnivorism) as a proprium hominis, highlighting two elements within Aristotle’s corpus that might have afforded Plutarch’s ‘vegetarian’ reading.  Firstly, in Meteorologica, cooking is seen as a pre-digestion process that takes place artificially outside the stomach. For Aristotle,  cooking food is seen as a proprium hominis, while for Plutarch this treatment of animal meat is considered as something against nature. Secondly, in Aristotle’s ethical treatises, as well as in Problemata, the term pamphagia (‘omnivory’) is not a neutral one, but means either ‘voracity’ or even ‘gluttony.’  This may have inspired Plutarch’s moralizing reading of human pamphagia as an ethological and biological outrage,  leading him to exploit these Aristotelian ambiguities for his own purposes.

Pierwszy opublikowany przekład z języka greckiego na język polski mów Plutarcha z Cheronei "O jedzeniu mięsa" wraz z komentarzem i wstępem. Praca naukowa finansowana ze środków budżetowych na naukę w latach 2014-2016 jako projekt badawczy w ramach programu pod nazwą „Diamentowy Grant”

Plutarch był wegetarianinem i orędownikiem bezmięsnej diety. Dał tego świadectwo w różnych swoich pismach, w szczególności w mowach Peri sarkofagias, których obszerne fragmenty w tej pracy publikowane są po raz pierwszy w języku polskim. W artykule komentuję cytaty Plutarcha, które obrazują jego stosunek do jedzenia mięsa oraz jego sposób argumentacji. Próbuje on obrzydzić odbiorcom jedzenie mięsa turpistycznymi opisami, przedstawia je jako niegodne z naturą człowieka, uzasadniając to budową jego ciała, stara się dociec, dlaczego człowiek sięgnął po mięso oraz stwierdza, że aktualnie nie ma potrzeby jeść zwierząt. Zabijanie dla osiągnięcia zmysłowej przyjemności smaku uważa za przekroczenie naturalnej miary zmysłów, co prowadzi do stopniowego upadku moralnego człowieka. Nawiązuje też do religijnych źródeł wegetarianizmu, do pitagoreizmu oraz orfizmu, ale sam nadał mu nowy wymiar, etyczny i bardziej współczesny. Praca naukowa finansowana ze środków budżetowych na naukę w latach 2014-2017 jako projekt badawczy w ramach programu pod nazwą „Diamentowy Grant”.

Plutarch was a vegetarian and advocated meatless diet. He confirmed that in his various writings, especially the speeches Peri sarkofagias, whose extensive passages are published in this work for the first time in the Polish language. The article quotes Plutarch’s comments which represent his attitude towards meat eating and his way of reasoning. He provides repugnant and cadaveric descriptions of meat
eating, presents it as unworthy of human nature and against the construction of the human body. The ancient writer tries to figure out why man reached for meat and concludes that currently there is no need to eat animals. Killing only to achieve the sensual pleasure of taste is considered by Plutarch as exceeding the natural measure
of the senses, which leads to a gradual moral decline of man. He also refers to the religious sources of vegetarianism, to Pythagoreanism and Orphism, however, Plutarch himself gives it a new dimension, ethical and more contemporary. This paper is financed by the budgetary funds for science in 2014-2017 as a research project under the program named Diamond Grant by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of Poland.

This paper is an attempt to describe Plutarch's view on the idea of justice between animals and humans on the basis of a representative selection of passages from his works. Most of the analyzed passages are from De sollertia animalium and De esu carnium. The criterion of selection was lexical and contextual, so passages containing words semantically related to the Greek terms for justice or law were particularly taken into account, as well as passages simply referring to the subject of justice for animals. The conclusion is that Plutarch believed that justice between humans and animals is possible and should be applied. However, conscious of how difficult this postulate is to achieve, he was content with urging people to limit the consumption of meat. This paper is financed by the budgetary funds for science in 2014-2018 as a research project under the program named Diamond Grant by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of Poland.