Ancient Egyptian Administration

The mechanisms by which Egypt was re-unified under Psamtik I (664-610 BC) are still, despite intense study, not fully understood. However, statues belonging to elite, non-royal, officials may hint to a program of royal favour towards officials who acted as “diplomatic intermediaries” between the king and local potentates during the later years of Psamtik’s reign. Statues of two such officials, Sematawytefnakht and Horudja, have recently been re-published by Leahy (2011; 2016 respectively), and give particular weight to this theory. Following on from these studies, my research investigates the corpus of Saite officials with multiple statues across a wide geographic spectrum during the reign of Psamtik I. Initial study of statues belonging to Pakheref (Paris Bibliothèque nationale 14; Cairo CG 48642), Nesnaisut (Berlin 17700), and Sematawytefnakht (Cairo CG 653; Cairo SR 286; Louvre E 25388), indicate that such officials played an important role as mediators between local rulers and the Saite authority as the king consolidated his power in the early part of his reign. The use of such “diplomatic intermediaries” as the eyes and ears of the king holds exciting prospects for further understanding the political processes of re-unification under Psamtik I, and in particular the self-expressed identities of these officials as they acted on behalf of the king.

Souvent méprisée, délaissée ou simplement oubliée des manuels d’histoire de l’Antiquité, la XIIIe dynastie d’Égypte (XVIIIe siècle av.J.-C.) n’a jamais fait l’objet d’un essai de synthèse historique. Associée au déclin général de la Deuxième Période intermédiaire (XVIIe-XVIe siècles av. J.-C.), prélude à la soi-disant « invasion Hyksôs », ou bien reléguée dans les ténèbres de la fin du Moyen Empire, elle est restée dans l’ombre d’une XIIe dynastie généralement considérée comme l’âge d’or égyptien. Cette vision caricaturale résulte d’une méconnaissance de la documentation de cette époque, dont la richesse a largement été sous-estimée.

À travers cet ouvrage, Julien Siesse remédie à ce manque et tente de réhabiliter la XIIIe dynastie. Il propose une nouvelle chronologie de la fin du Moyen Empire et de la Deuxième période intermédiaire, un état de la question de la famille royale et des modes de succession. Il étudie en outre l’environnement social des hauts fonctionnaires de l’administration centrale et des élites provinciales. Il en résulte une vision nouvelle de l’histoire de la XIIIe dynastie, qui marque l’apogée du Moyen Empire sur le plan administratif. Cette force des institutions vient modérer la vision traditionnelle d’une époque trop souvent définie par une instabilité politique largement exagérée. Le catalogue exhaustif des sources royales, présenté en annexe, est un outil essentiel pour quiconque s’intéresse à cette époque.

This paper publishes three shabti figures of the vizier Paser held in the Petrie Museum of the Egyptian Archaeology (UC39724-39726), together with another nineteen shabtis which are dispersed in four Museums (Egyptian Museum Berlin, Louvre Museum, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Penn Museum). It presents a set of criteria by which to distinguish the shabtis of Paser from those of other individuals who have the same name. It also investigates the archaeological context of these three shabtis missing from Petrie’s publication in 1935 and, using these parallels, attempts to identify their provenance. The function of the shabtis of the vizier Paser is also examined

Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt: January 2016, Vol. 52, No. 1, pp. 303-320

The author discusses the chronology of the tomb-robbery papyri, showing that the verso of both P. BM 10068 and P. BM 10053 should be ascribed to the wHm mswt. Whereas the traditional ascription of P. BM 10053 vso. requires an otherwise unsubstantiated period of anarchy, in its new position this text can be seen to refer to the Suppression of the High Priest Amenhotep. Jansen-Winkeln's alternative explanation for the Pnekhtemope case is shown to be untenable and his remarks about P. Ambras are discussed. The chronology of P. BM 10054 is shown to be intimately connected to that of the papyri named in P. Ambras. Finally, P. BM 10068 vso. 1, 1-25 (the "Srmt-list") is interpreted as a very last effort by the authorities to retrieve stolen goods.

Zu den wichtigsten staatstragenden Personen des pharaonischen Staates gehören neben dem Träger des Königsamtes die sog. Wesire – TA.tj. In der folgenden Untersuchung soll die Gruppe der Wesire während der 66-jährigen Regierungszeit Ramses’ II. im Vordergrund der Betrachtung stehen. Hierbei werden die prosopographischen Quellen zu den Wesiren Ramses’ II. vorgestellt und ausgewertet, ihre Rang- und Funktionstitel analysiert sowie einige soziale Beziehungen der Wesire und ihre gesellschaftliche Verflechtung mit Hilfe des Netzwerkkonzeptes abgebildet und interpretiert, um so die sozialen, soziokulturellen als auch politischen Beziehungen des „zweiten Mannes im Staat“ (KAISER/PEČAR) dieser Zeit darzustellen.

Pepy I’ necropolis delivered many fragments of decrees, which are the subject of this article. The corpus discovered by the MafS includes fragments of widely varying size and interest. If some of them contain only a few signs, others are almost complete. As a whole, they reflect the significance of such documents in the organization of funerary cults. Issued by Pepy II for the queens, they refer to the moving of statues from one complex to another. Very close to other documents already known, these new decrees also specify some provisions regarding personnel and institutions in charge of worship. Particular attention is paid to ȝḥt-fields and jzn-territory.

The Old Kingdom viziers bore the composite title tAyty TAty (n) zAb. Further hieroglyphic signs, such as the phallus-sign and the addition mAa, were appended in some cases to this title. The form of the vizier’s title with the phallus-sign occurred frequently in a limited period of time. For the understanding of the usage of the phallus-sign in the vizier’s title, contextualization is crucial. Analysis and comparison of the title sequences of both, the viziers with the phallus-sign and those without, brought proof of clear distinction in the structure of titles between these two groups and indicated that the occurrence of the phallus-sign within the highest administrative title coincides with the social change regarding the state administration and royal family.

The early 18th Dynasty was a time of military and political reorganization and consolidation in which signifi cant administrative changes were enacted that were likely designed to support a "powerful and pervasive royal authority." 1 Certainly the offices of viceroy of Kush and vizier were a central feature of this, and the rise of Amun and his priesthood -with newly created positions -was another area which King Ahmose and his successors sought to promote. While initially the kings may have chosen men to fi ll the positions of viceroy and vizier, and likely several high posts within the Amun precinct, some office-holders were quickly able to establish family dynasties that would last for several generations. This paper reviews the connections, both political and familial, between the viceroys, viziers and various offi cials of the Amun domain. It seeks to demonstrate the considerable role that one elite family, utilizing heredity, marriage and nepotism, was able to play in controlling a wide range of positions within the burgeoning 18th Dynasty government.

he mass of papyri discovered in front of Galleries G1 and G2 has provided more than 400 fragments of widely varying size from logbooks, which have allowed us to identify a minimum of seven documents of this type, though more than ten would originally have been part of this lot. They record quite distinct missions that were most probably assigned to the same team of boatmen, "the escorts of < the boat named > 'the Uraeus of Khufu is its prow'", which is indeed well known in Wadi el-Jarf as being active in the final phase of the harbour's working life. Several hundreds of jars inscribed with this title have been discovered throughout the site, especially in the large dumps of pottery in Galleries G22 and G23 that were excavated during the campaigns of 2012, 2017 and 2018. These documents allow us to follow the activities of this group over a period of roughly one calendar year, which, according to the accounting records associated with these logbooks, would essentially correspond to Year 26 of the king's reign (the year after the 13th cattle count). 1 Beyond a simple identification of the missions that were assigned to the team, it is also possible to grasp through these reports an idea of their internal organisation, as well as a reflection of the different royal institutions within which their work was conducted.

«Borders are nothing other than lines drawn to demarcate states’ sovereignty […] they have to be agreed upon by each of the states whose borders they are» (Giddens 1985). The national border of Egypt belongs more to the defences of the state, and, as such, it is strictly connected with kingship and occupies a prominent place in the vocabulary of official compositions. Within a blurred and peculiar system of boundaries, already in the Old Kingdom some officials had supervision duties specifically intended at the borders of the country (i.e. “Head of the Western Door”); in the Middle Kingdom we find titles such as “Bolt of the door to foreign countries”, while a “commander of the garrison of the frontier of the Southern Lands” is mentioned in the tomb of Sarenput II. By analyzing administrative titles in connection with the borders, and thus the related defensive, security and exchange activities, this paper will explore the nature of the Egyptian system in the maintenance of the state.

C e volume présente les actes d'un colloque international organisé conjointement par l'université de la Sorbonne et l'université de Genève à Paris entre le 12 et le 15 février 2015. Cette réunion avait pour objectif d'établir un « état de l'art » de la documentation papyrologique de l'Ancien Empire égyptien, et plus généralement de celle des archives administratives qui nous sont connues pour cette période de l'histoire pharaonique (lettres, comptabilités, inventaires, journaux de bords d'équipes de travail, listes de personnel). Elle a permis de réunir la quasi totalité des chercheurs qui étudient ce type de sources, et de présenter successivement des lots documentaires, ou parfois certains documents isolés, issus de la région memphite (papyrus d'Abousir et de Saqqara), de la Haute et Moyenne Egypte (Meir, Sharouna, Gebelein, Elephantine), voire de zones plus périphériques de l'espace égyptien ayant également livré des archives similaires (ouadi el-Jarf sur la côte de la mer Rouge, Balat / Ayn Asil, dans l'oasis de Dakhla). Pour chacun de ces dossiers, les contributeurs font le point sur la documentation disponible et l'avancement des études la concernant. De nombreux exemples-certains totalement inédits-sont également publiés dans ce volume, afin de mieux définir le mode d'organisation de ces sources fondamentales, et ainsi de mieux appréhender le fonctionnement des différents rouages de l'administration à cette période, aussi bien au sein d'une même institution qu'à l'échelon provincial ou central.

Publication of a stela commemorating the vizier To of Ramesses III excavated at Medinet Habu dated to after year 2 of Ramesses V or VI. It is concluded that the stela was commissioned by Nebnefer in honor of his forefathers Bakenwerel and Pentaweret (all of whom are shown on the stela).

La percezione del territorio nell'Egitto del I millennio a.C.: divisioni amministrative, geografiche e religiose. Uno studio lessicografico." Candidata: Jessica PROCACCIO Matricola: 809655 Relatore: Prof. Paolo GALLO Anno Accademico 2016/2017 4 Una delle prime attestazioni risale già all'età amarniana nella stele di Nakhtmin (v. scheda 16,, nel quale viene usato il lemma qaH(t) con il senso di "area distrettuale". 5

The Semna Dispatches hold unparalleled importance as one of the only papyri remaining
for our understanding of Egypt’s control over its Lower Nubian forts in the late
Middle Kingdom. Here, we provide an edition and commentary on P. Ramesseum 18
(EA10771), another text concerning the forts. Its only previous publication was as a
photograph in Alan Gardiner’s The Ramesseum Papyri: Plates in 1955. The text provides
evidence for oversight from the Office of the Vizier in the form of letters to the
forts, in support of which only seal impressions and the Duties of the Vizier attested
formerly. One letter alerts the fortresses of Elephantine and Kuban about upcoming
inspections. Another mentions an official from Edfu connected with the Medjay commanding
a w'r.t-district at Kuban. Dating to the transition of Dynasty 12 and 13, the
letters verify the continuing control of the forts, including rotations of personnel from
Upper Egypt.

Since its discovery by Battiscombe Gunn, it is believed that Saqqara's Ostrakon is able to improve our understanding of how Egyptians designed curved elements, but the geometric significance of the hieratic values is still uncertain. Indeed, in order to obtain an indisputable result, the distance between the vertical ordinates is required, and this distance is not explicitly indicated on the limestone artefact.
But since there were no algebraic formulas at the time of the Pharaohs, a simple grid-based procedure was developed such as those used by the Egyptians to reproduce the scale drawings, to try to decipher the geometric meaning of the curve drawn on the find.
To conclude, this simple process permits to understand that the five hieratic values of the Saqqara Ostrakon describe a segmental arch whose span and rise correspond to the architectural proportions of several Egyptian tombs and arches, and that the numerical sequence of the artefact could be considered the most "ancient" mathematical formula of the circle.

The present article analyses different epigraphic material from Elephantine for the reconstruction of the sequence of governors of the first nome of Upper Egypt during the reigns of Senwosret I and Amenemhat II. Detlef Franke, in a study of the local cult of Heqaib, established a line of succession from the reign of Senwosret I until the first third of the Thirtieth Dynasty. However, in this study
he did not discuss a graffito discovered by Labib Habachi in Elephantine four decades earlier. In that graffito, the high official Ameny is mentioned in connection with some important epithets and titles. Although his appointment to office was made by the king, he took care to legitimize his position vis-à-vis the previous ruling lineage, the local community and its gods.

A catalogue record for this book is avaiable from the British Library Front cover: Model of a scribe from shaft 16L25/1C (2710/144) at Deir el-Bersheh, compare colour plate XIII All rights reserved; no part of this publication may be produced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except as

Since its discovery by Battiscombe Gunn, it is believed that Saqqara's Ostrakon is able to improve our understanding of how Egyptians designed curved elements, but the geometric significance of the hieratic values is still uncertain. Indeed, in order to obtain an indisputable result, the distance between the vertical ordinates is required, and this distance is not explicitly indicated on the limestone artefact.
But since there were no algebraic formulas at the time of the Pharaohs, a simple grid-based procedure was developed such as those used by the Egyptians to reproduce the scale drawings, to try to decipher the geometric meaning of the curve drawn on the find.
To conclude, this simple process permits to understand that the five hieratic values of the Saqqara Ostrakon describe a segmental arch whose span and rise correspond to the architectural proportions of several Egyptian tombs and arches, and that the numerical sequence of the artefact could be considered the most "ancient" mathematical formula of the circle.

L’examen de la stèle de Minhotep Houtoutou (Musée du Caire 17/5/25/7 [S.R. 12041]) et la confrontation avec un passage du papyrus Ermitage 1116-B verso, (38)-(39), permettent d’assurer que Minhotep Houtoutou fut bien un contemporain d’Amenhotep III et qu’il participa même à l’un des jubilés du roi. Il en résulte que le papyrus du pErmitage 1116-B verso est plus récent que le règne d’Amenhotep II auquel il a toujours été attribué, ce que confirme la présence d’un cartouche de Thoutmosis IV au lieu de celui reconnu jusqu’à présent comme appartenant à Thoutmosis III aux lignes (61) et (66). Minhotep pourrait également être le père du grand pontife d’Amon sous Toutânkhamon Parennefer / Ounennefer dont la tombe thébaine a été retrouvée en 1990 par Fr. Kampp et K. Seyfried et être apparenté à l’intendant Sennefer dont la tombe, située au pied de la falaise du Bubasteïon a été localisée et fouillée par A.-P. Zivie.

The study of the stela of Minhotep Hututu (Cairo Museum 17/5/25/7 [SR 12041]) and comparison with few lines of papyrus Ermitage 1116-B verso, (38) - (39), make sure that Minhotep Hututu was indeed contemporaneous with Amenhotep III, and that he even participated in one of the kings jubilees. Consequently, papyrus Ermitage 1116-B verso is likely more recent than the reign of Amenhotep II to which it has always been attributed. This is also supported by two occurrences of a cartouche naming Thutmosis IV which were until now misinterpreted as cartouches of Thutmosis III [lines (61) and (66)]. Minhotep could also be the father of the high priest of Amun under Tutankhamun, Parennefer / Wenennefer, whose Theban tomb was found in 1990 by Fr. Kampp and K. Seyfried. He may also have been related to the steward Sennefer whose tomb, located at the foot of the Bubasteon cliff, was located and excavated by A.-P. Zivie.

§ 1 Introduction § 2 Political power of the army § 3 State bureaucracy and "navy" § 3.1 Military functions and ranks in the "navy" § 3.2 Naval administration § 4 State bureaucracy and army § 4.1 The Royal Guard § 4.2 Abuse of military authority § 4.3 Military management, workforces, and army logistics § 4.4 Military administration abroad § 4.4.1. Nubian provincial administration and the military § 4.4.2. Foreign administration and the military in Asia § 4.4.3 Supplies of troops, fortresses and garrisons § 4.5. Soldiers' civil careers: Aspects of a loyalistic model of the state § 5 Conclusions § 1 Introduction In ancient Egypt, centralized power was always connected with a (sanctioned) use of violence and the control of armed forces. Historical evidence shows that at least from the Middle Kingdom, the mastery of specialized weapons, the organization of manpower, leadership, and battle experience were basic features of any claim to the throne. An efficient bureaucracy and military organization guaranteed political stability and success in Egypt and aborad. Both sectors flourished particularly during the earlier New Kingdom until the beginning of the 19 th Dynasty, when Egypt made her appearance on the political stage in Syria and the Levant and became one of the leading superpowers of the ancient Near East. 1 One major achievement of the New Kingdom-with possible roots in the Late Middle Kingdom-was the change from a rather heterogeneous economic administration controlled by municipal or provincial governments towards a more tightened bureaucracy centralized in the royal residence. In the Middle Kingdom, the organization of the military and related branches depended on the same system of regional administrations. Implicitly corroborating the socioeconomic importance of township, soldiers were called anx.w n.w nw.t, literally "(armed) inhabitants of a town", i.e., "soldiers of a town regiment", 2 later changed into anx.w n.w

In all pre-industrial societies, storage allowed consumption to be postponed
and spread over time in order to prevent food insecurity. Methods used for storage therefore provide information on the technical choices made by various human groups, on the volume of stocks available, on the spatial distribution of foodstuffs and on the populations capable of collecting and centralising surpluses. Such information is particularly evident not only in the prosopographical and textual sources that document the institution of the Šnw.t in the Middle Kingdom, but also in recent results of urban archaeology. Such elements make it possible to draw up the socio-economical features of cereal storage during that period.

The papyrus collection of the Museo Egizio in Turin houses several administrative documents, which date to the reign of Ramesses IX and are related to the workmen’s village of Deir el-Medina. Since the end of the 19th century these manuscripts attracted the attention of a number of scholars, such as Pleyte and Rossi, who already included sections of them in their catalogue from 1876. Especially the work of Jaroslav Černy made it possible for other scholars to have a good overview of this material and to start publishing it. The copies provided by Černy were used by other Egyptologists, such as Allam, Caminos, Helck, and Kitchen. Others had the possibility to work with the originals: for instance Botti, Demarée, and Valbelle. What has never been tempted, however, is to give a complete publication of the corpus as a whole: by looking at the originals it is clear that they are related, not only because of their content, but also with regard to their materiality and scribal practices. Therefore, it seems likely that they are part of an archive situated probably in Deir el-Medina that contained all the documents related to the village life, the work in the necropolis, and their respective administration. The purpose of this paper is to highlight the main features of this corpus and to clarify the reasons for why it needs to be considered as a whole and not as a series of unrelated administrative documents.

secrétaire générale M me Nathalie Favry trésorier M. Gérard Bizien responsables des publications n Revue d'égyptologie M. Olivier Perdu (RdE) n Bulletin de la Société française M me Laetitia Gallet d'égyptologie (BSFE) compte bancaire titulaire du compte Société française d'égyptologie ass.

Dans L'Administration provinciale sous l'Ancien Empire égyptien, Émilie Martinet propose une analyse novatrice des structures administratives provinciales et de la hiérarchisation des élites locales sous l’Ancien Empire (2700-2160 avant notre ère), à partir d'une étude critique des sources et en s'appuyant sur une base de données comprenant environ 1500 personnes titrées. Elle utilise une approche globale et novatrice qui dépasse le cadre de l'analyse prosopographique et qui intègre l'ensemble des niveaux hiérarchiques ainsi que les relations entre l'administration centrale et l'administration provinciale. Le caractère exhaustif de cette étude, le raisonnement historique mis en œuvre, l'élaboration d'une typologie des structures administratives provinciales et d'une nouvelle terminologie des divers responsables des provinces sont parmi les atouts majeurs de cet ouvrage.
In L'Administration provinciale sous l'Ancien Empire égyptien, Émilie Martinet offers an innovative analysis of the provincial administrative structures and the stratification of the local elites in the Old Kingdom (2700-2160 BC) based on a critical study of sources and building on a database containing about 1500 titled individuals. She applies a comprehensive and novel approach which goes beyond the scope of prosopographical analysis and which includes all the hierarchy levels as well as the links between central administration and provincial administration. The exhaustive character of this study, the historical reasoning which is employed, and the development of a typology of provincial administrative structures and of a new terminology for the rulers of the provinces are among the major assets of this book.