Al Qaeda

This article contributes to the literature on terrorist group decision-making by introducing a new procedure, Applied Decision Analysis, in an attempt to understand how leaders of terrorist organizations make decisions. We examine twenty-three decisions taken by leaders of three terrorist organizations: Al-Qaeda, Hamas, and Hizballah. We also demonstrate the use of the Applied Decision Analysis procedure to uncover the "Decision DNA" or "decision code" of leaders of such organizations. After reviewing the results and insights derived from this analysis, we conclude with implications for policies to counter terrorism.

En este trabajo nos proponemos una aproximacion a la atribucion de sentido, realizada por la revista norteamericana Time a los acontecimientos posteriores al 11 de septiembre de 2001. Plantemos el analisis desde la perspectiva de la Sociosemiotica o Teoria de los discursos sociales. El corpus de analisis se circunscribe a la primera etapa de la invasion de Estados Unidos de Norteamerica a Afganistan. En el marco de las estrategias discursivas analizamos las “marcas” de la otredad a traves de los procedimientos de designacion de peligrosidad mediada a traves del nombre propio, por el rol, por el epiteto, por la atribucion de acciones, por la procedencia, y por otras figuras retoricas.

A group's resilience is often linked to its network structure. While decentralized network properties have been associated with resilience at the group-level, little is known about the individual-level factors that lead groups to adopt these structures. Criminal groups, consistently faced with unexpected external disruptions, provide an opportunity to examine individual decisions to collaborate across periods of increased risk. Using data on 118 terrorist offenders across six attacks we test whether individual decisions to collaborate are influenced by variation in law enforcement activity. Results from exponential random graph models demonstrate that many of the processes that drive collaboration between offenders differ when faced with greater risk. Connectivity was maximized in periods of decreased enforcement activity, with offenders more likely to collaborate in dense, local triads. Following an increase in interdictions, triad closure had no impact on co-offending.

A group's resilience is often linked to its network structure. While decentralized network properties have been associated with resilience at the group-level, little is known about the individual-level factors that lead groups to adopt these structures. Criminal groups, consistently faced with unexpected external disruptions, provide an opportunity to examine individual decisions to collaborate across periods of increased risk. Using data on 118 terrorist offenders across six attacks we test whether individual decisions to collaborate are influenced by variation in law enforcement activity. Results from exponential random graph models demonstrate that many of the processes that drive collaboration between offenders differ when faced with greater risk. Connectivity was maximized in periods of decreased enforcement activity, with offenders more likely to collaborate in dense, local triads. Following an increase in interdictions, triad closure had no impact on co-offending.

Türkiye'de İslamcılık 1980'lerden itibaren büyük bir atak yaparken en ciddi ve hararetli tartışmaların döndüğü mecraların başında İslamcı dergiler geliyordu. Bu dönemde birbiri ardına yayın hayatına atılan dergilerin en başta gelenlerinden biri de Ercümend Özkan'ın çıkardığı İktibas Dergisi'ydi. Özkan kamuoyunda 1967'de Hizbü't Tahrir isimli Ürdün kökenli radikal İslamcı bir örgütün Türkiye yöneticisi olarak tanınmıştı. Özkan Türkiye İslamcılığı'nın 1960'larda büyük oranda anti-komünist milliyetçi-mukaddesatçı sağ cenahın bir parçası olarak var olduğu bir dönemde en büyük tehlike olarak komünizmi değil Batı'yı ve ABD'yi göstermesiyle, geleneksel İslam anlayışına karşı Kuran ve Sünnet gibi öz kaynaklara dönüşün gerekliliğini vurgulamasıyla, açıkça İslami bir devlet yapısını arzuladığını ortaya koymasıyla özgün ve aykırı bir figür olarak bilinmişti. O, daha sonra Hizbü't Tahrir örgütüyle yollarını ayırsa da radikal İslamcı çizgisini hep korudu. 1980'lerde çıkardığı İktibas Dergisi ulusal ve uluslararası yayın organlarından yaptığı alıntılarla iletişim olanaklarının son derece kısıtlı bir ortamda okurlarının dünyanın farklı coğrafyalarından haberdar olmasını sağladı. Özkan İslam'ın yanlış anlaşıldığı ve yanlış yaşandığı vurgusuyla Türkiye'de yaşayan Müslümanları doğru bir İslam anlayışına sevk etmeye çalıştı. 1980'lerde radikal İslamcı çizgiyi kendisiyle birlikte paylaşan pek çok İslamcı aktör 1990'larda gerek Refah Partisi'nin seçim başarıları gerek Türkiye ve Dünya konjonktüründe meydana gelen gelişmelerle birlikte çok-kültürlülük, demokrasi, laiklik gibi kavramlar üzerine düşünüp bunları kısmen benimserken Özkan ve İktibas Dergisi çizgini değiştirmedi. Bu çalışmada literatür taraması ve metin analizi üzerinden Ercümend Özkan'ın özgün konumu tartışılmış, İktibas Dergisi'nin 1980'lerdeki İslamcı dergi bolluğu içinde nerede durduğu, nasıl bir yayın politikası izlediği masaya yatırılmıştır.

The Yemen conflict has created one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, leaving millions in urgent need of aid. However, humanitarian assistance has increasingly been exploited—obstructed, diverted, or misused by warring factions for strategic gain. This thesis examines the geopolitical, ethical, and legal implications of aid exploitation, highlighting violations of international humanitarian law and the challenges to neutrality and impartiality in relief efforts.

Using a qualitative case study approach, this research analyzes UN reports, Security Council resolutions, and field studies to assess the humanitarian response in Yemen. It explores the roles of key actors, including Saudi Arabia and Iran, and evaluates the effectiveness of international aid strategies. By addressing the exploitation of humanitarian aid, this study contributes to discussions on conflict resolution, humanitarian governance, and policy reform.

The Algerian Hirak is a popular non-violent protest movement pursuing systemic change in Algeria that has pressured the Algerian government for political transition since 16 February 2019. While the Hirak repudiates violent actors, al-Qaeda, a Salafi-jihadist organisation, attempted to engage the movement through propaganda by utilising a unique tailored approach to its commentary on the Hirak. Drawing from Algeria’s historical memory of French colonialism and the Algerian Civil War, al-Qaeda sought to gain support from Hirak protestors, foster violent government overthrow, and entrench themselves in the local social structure. This research paper examines al-Qaeda commentary on the Hirak through qualitative content analysis and identifies shifts in propaganda messaging. The research also seeks to contribute towards a gap in the literature by addressing a not commonly discussed subject matter within terrorism studies and providing grounding for future case studies exploring similar themes.

This study investigated measures taken by Muslim religious scholars to counter media representation of terrorism in Kenya. As country with diverse religious groups and unique terrorism experience, Kenya presents a unique context for the study. Muslim scholars in Kenya, therefore, play a critical role within Muslim communities as they look after their congregation. The phenomenological theory was used as a framework for the study. The study used qualitative approach and phenomenology method. The study involved 10 participants drawn from the community of Muslim religious scholars operating in mosques and religious centers in Nairobi. The scholars were purposively sampled. The data was generated through in-depth interviews, analyzed thematically and presented in narrative form. The study found that Muslim religious scholars had taken measures like opening the mosques for the public and reaching out to non-Muslim religious leaders as a measure to counter what they perceived as a negative media representation of terrorism as a result of directly linking Islam with terrorism. The study concluded that there is need for guidelines and policies on terrorism coverage that recognize the place and the sensitivities of the Muslim population in Kenya, to improve media representation of terrorism, and as well as differentiate between Islam and terrorism, as part of the guidelines, and training journalists on their implementation.

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"Carthago delenda est" ("Carthage must be destroyed") is traditionally believed to be the phrase that Cato the Elder used to conclude his speeches to the Senate in the years prior to the outbreak of the Third Punic War in 149 BCE. Although Cato's aphorism is a later invention, his speeches to the Senate nevertheless demanded that Carthage must be smashed.

A  disputa  hegemônica  entre  EUA  e  China,  evento  contemporâneo fulcral, nos infere a refletir sobre o futuro do ordenamento global. Tradicionais recursos de poder (político, econômico e militar), inexoravelmente, se farão presentes. Nesse contexto, variáveis específicas exercerão influência sobre o processo, com destaque para a liderança no segmento científico-tecnológico, a balança do poder militar, as políticas de alianças e a os fatores ideacionais  centrais  que  caracterizam  as  diferentes  visões  de  mundo. À medida que a aludida disputa ganha impulso, cresce em importância a leitura apurada dos eventos de natureza conjuntural e  suas  conexões  com  questões  estruturais  marcantes  das  relações  internacionais. As análises decorrentes darão suporte ao inevitável reordenamento  das  estratégias  nacionais.  Este  artigo  objetiva descortinar as variáveis supracitadas, relacionando-as em causa e efeito ao dominante pensamento estratégico ocidentocêntrico. A conclusão busca retratar alguns desafios relacionados à eventual construção de um novo ordenamento global.

The thesis is titled “The Transformative effect of cyberspace on terrorism: The case of Islamic terrorism”. It analyses the phenomenon of cyberterrorism and whether information and communication technologies (ICTs) affect terrorism. The aim is to identify the impact that these technologies - and cyberspace in general have at the operational level of terrorism. The thesis adopts a holistic approach to identify how terrorism and cyberspace interact. The theoretical framework is based on Rapoport’s wave theory of terrorism. The wave theory is the best fit for examining the thesis’s key research question: if cyberterrorism constitutes the fifth terrorist wave. Thus, the extensive analysis of the transformative effect of cyberterrorism at the operational level is based on the above theory. It analyzes the empirical evidence at the operational level of the two case studies, Al Qaeda, and ISIS. It reviews the full spectrum of their activities in cyberspace based on the ‘Digital Jihad’ model, to trace their evolution through their operational actions. It also reviews the securitization theory of cyberspace by the European Union and the emergence of its strategies and policies on countering cyberterrorism. The thesis concludes that Rapoport’s theory is only partly applicable in the cases examined. In particular, in relation to the ideological backgrounds, the cases of Al Qaeda and ISIS are placed in the Religious wave. In relation to the rest of the criteria - the use of violence or the threat of use of violence in order to achieve a political goal, the international character and impact of their terrorist actions, the existence of the wave after a catalytic event (9/11 and global war on terror), the extensive use of digital technology as a means at the operational level and the creation of a new political reality (creation of Caliphate) - it is safe to conclude that Al Qaeda and ISIS are placed in the fifth wave of terrorism.

Öz 2011 yılında Suriye'de patlak veren toplumsal olayların hem bölgesel hem de küresel etkileri oldu. 1970 yılından günümüze kadar ülkeyi kontrolü altında tutan Esad rejimi, toplumsal tabanda istediği kontrolü ve denetimi sağlamak için antidemokratik ve baskıcı uygulamaları devreye soktu. Bu durum aynı toplumsal tabanda yaşayan ve çok farklı kimliklerin bulunduğu sosyal ortamın Arab Baharı süreciyle birlikte şiddete kanalize olmasında kritik rol oynadı. Kitlesel olaylar kısa sürede şiddet içeren ve aşırıcı eğilimleri olan grupların uzun süredir beklediği fırsatları sağlamış oldu. Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD)'nin 2003 İrak operasyonuyla başlayan bölgesel otorite boşluğu, el-Kaide başta olmak üzere çeşitli yerel silahlı aktörler tarafından doldurulmaya çalışıldı. Ayaklanmaların oluşturduğu toplumsal dinamizmi kendi lehine kullanmak isteyen gruplar etkin oldukları bölgelerde ya küresel bir terör grubunun desteğini almaya çalıştı ya da kendine özgü bir strateji geliştirerek öz yönetim yapısını uygulamaya çalıştı. Bu çalışma kapsamında ele alınan Heyet Tahrir el Şam (HTŞ) da bu iki durumu kullanarak kendisine iç savaş ortamında verimli alan bulan yapıların başında gelmektedir. HTŞ hali hazırda uygulamaya çalıştığı stratejisini üç temel ayak üzerine inşa etmektedir. Bunlar: Küresel örgüt bağlantılarından ayrışma, yerelleşme ve devletleşme. İ� lk iki aşamasını tamamlayan örgüt son aşama için ihtiyaç duymuş olduğu donanımı temin etme sürecindedir.

This paper explores the phenomenon of military intervention in Niger Republic as a form of resistance to French influence and interference in the country's political and economic milieu. Over six decades after gaining formal independence, the former French colony in West Africa continue to experience military coups and interventions that are often framed as responses to neocolonial influence. This paper examines scholarly perspectives on the historical roots of French imperialism, the political and economic mechanisms of neocolonialism, and the role of military forces in challenging these influences. The analysis highlights recurring themes such as the strategic interests of France in Niger, the persistence of economic dependency, and the complex relationship between Niger military and its former colonial ruler. By synthesising findings from various sources, this study seeks to provide a comprehensive understanding of how military interventions in Niger Republic serve as both a consequence of and a resistance to enduring French interference.

L'époque à laquelle nous vivons est incroyable pour plusieurs raisons. Tout d'abord, elle est singulière parce que nous traversons dans nos vies personnelles, nos communautés et à l'échelle de l'humanité une transition qui se passe à une vitesse et à une échelle sans précédent. Bien sûr, individuellement, des vies ont déjà été transformées et chamboulées. Des sociétés ont vécu des guerres, des épidémies ou des crises incroyables. Mais jamais dans l'histoire de l'humanité autant de vies humaines n'ont été transformées à une telle échelle et à une telle vitesse. Cette transition sans précédent est pleine de risques d'effondrement collectifs et individuels. Il n'y a jamais eu aussi peu de conflits armés et pourtant de nombreuses personnes vivent dans la peur de la violence ou du terrorisme. Nous n'avons jamais été aussi nombreux sur Terre, et nous n'avons jamais autant habité ensemble dans des mégacités, et pourtant, pour beaucoup, le sentiment de solitude n'a jamais été aussi grand. Le monde n'a jamais été aussi riche collectivement et jamais autant de personnes n'ont vécu dans la misère réelle ou perçue. Nous n'avons jamais eu autant accès à l'information et en même temps, jamais été autant perdus au milieu des fake news et autres théories du complot. Et pourtant, cette époque est incroyable aussi parce que nous n'avons jamais, dans l'histoire de l'humanité, eu accès d'un simple clic à tous les savoirs et toutes les sagesses que l'humanité a produits au cours des siècles. Ainsi pouvons-nous pour la première fois chercher comment comprendre et agir dans ce monde en transition avec l'aide de toutes les traditions, les religions, les philosophies, les arts ou les sciences, tant occidentales qu'asiatiques… Si nous savons comment trouver, traiter et utiliser ces informations. Toutes les précédentes grandes mutations de l'humanité ont été liées à des révolutions technologiques à la fois dans les domaines de l'énergie et les domaines de l'information. Le passage de l'ère de la chasse-cueillette à l'ère de l'agriculture-élevage a été accompagné (déclenché ?) par l'apparition de l'écriture, et de la maîtrise de l'irrigation et de l'énergie hydraulique. La transition vers l'ère industrielle a été, elle, accompagnée par la révolution de l'imprimerie et la maîtrise de l'énergie de la vapeur, du charbon, puis du pétrole. Depuis trente ans, nous vivons à nouveau une incroyable révolution technologique dans les domaines de l'information et de l'énergie : l'apparition, il y a quelques décennies, d'Internet et aujourd'hui, des énergies renouvelables décentralisées. Nous sommes ainsi probablement témoins et acteurs, volontaires ou involontaires, de l'apparition d'une nouvelle ère de l'histoire de l'humanité. Ne pas apprendre aujourd'hui à traiter l'information et à gérer les connaissances équivaut à ne pas apprendre à écrire ou à lire il y a quelques siècles ! Au début de leur vie d'adultes, mes parents avaient le choix, ou plus exactement aucun choix, d'une seule chaîne de télévision en noir et blanc. Je me souviens également que la marraine de mon père cachait sa télévision familiale sous un napperon, pensant que cela pouvait être une porte vers l'enfer. Avec le recul, je me dis qu'elle avait peut-être raison ! Au début de ma propre vie d'adulte, j'avais le choix entre trois chaînes et l'apparition d'une quatrième me paraissait être la plus belle chose depuis l'invention de la roue ! En écrivant ces mots, j'ai l'impression de parler d'une époque qui, comme me l'a dit, sans lever les yeux de son smartphone, un jeune ami, date d'avant la disparition des dinosaures… L'humanité est passée en quelques générations à peine d'une situation de rareté de l'information à celle d'une abondance, puis d'une surabondance, et enfin d'une explosion incontrôlable de l'information. Cette période est donc pleine de risques. Elle est aussi pleine d'opportunités, d'émergences possibles pour nous, notre famille, nos communautés et pour l'humanité si nous savons surfer sur le tsunami informationnel. Le livre d'Eliott nous permet de savoir comment apprendre à traiter une information de plus en plus abondante, comment la trouver, la qualifier et l'interpréter. Il nous permet également d'apprendre à apprendre, d'apprendre à désapprendre et d'apprendre à ré-apprendre avec facilité et légèreté. Il nous permet surtout de construire notre indispensable « second cerveau ». Celui qui viendra assister, libérer et renforcer le pouvoir, la tranquillité et la créativité de notre premier cerveau, celui que nous utilisons depuis des millénaires. J'utilise moi-même les méthodes décrites par Eliott dans son livre et, jour après jour, je vois comment elles me permettent de surfer sur le tsunami informationnel, de retrouver de la clarté et de créer des « émergences », non seulement dans mon cerveau, mais aussi, et surtout, dans ma vie. Alors, je ne vous demande pas de me croire, je vous invite à essayer ! Bruno Marion Surnommé le « moine futuriste », Bruno Marion est l'auteur de l'ouvrage de référence sur la façon de profiter du chaos et de l'incertitude : Chaos, mode d'emploi, et de plusieurs livres sur les cultures asiatiques. Prenons de la hauteur en adoptant une perspective historique pour commencer ce livre. Je ne vais pas remonter jusqu'au Big Bang, mais je vais commencer mon histoire au Moyen Âge. À cette époque, nous nous trouvions dans l'ère mercantile. La seule chose qui avait de la valeur était le territoire et les choses qui répondaient à un besoin primaire. On étendait son territoire le plus loin possible, et une fois qu'il n'y avait plus de place, on faisait la guerre pour prendre celui des autres. Et puis est arrivée la révolution industrielle. La valeur la plus précieuse de cette ère (l'ère industrielle), contrairement à ce que beaucoup de personnes pensent, n'est pas le charbon, ou les matières premières, mais bien le temps de travail. Chacun gagnait sa vie en échangeant son temps contre de l'argent. C'est un principe assez simple à comprendre : je participe à la production d'un produit, et je suis rétribué à hauteur de mes heures de travail et de mes compétences par un salaire. Et puis, comme vous le savez peut-être, nous sommes, et ce depuis le développement de la presse au XX e siècle, dans une économie de l'attention. Les revenus sont désormais totalement décorrélés du temps de travail que l'on fournit. En effet, le temps que je passe à écrire ce livre sera le même si le livre se vend bien ou s'il reste dans les tréfonds d'Internet. Les revenus, en revanche, sont corrélés au nombre de paires d'yeux que vous arrivez à diriger vers votre contenu. Nous sommes donc dans une économie dans laquelle la valeur la plus précieuse est l'attention de nos prospects. Néanmoins, il faut bien différencier deux types d'attention : l'attention dirigée par des objectifs internes ; l'attention stimulée par des stimuli externes. Le marché de l'attention est saturé, il y a trop d'informations pour trop peu d'attention disponible. Et puis, depuis une trentaine d'années, et ce à cause du développement d'Internet et de la démocratisation de la télévision, nous sommes entrés dans une guerre de l'attention. Autrement dit, les informations sont Avec un bon système, la création devient de plus en plus facile avec le temps. Au-delà de l'avantage de la gestion des connaissances pour ne plus sprinter, il y en a un autre pour la tortue, c'est qu'elle va pouvoir réutiliser le savoir qu'elle a accumulé durant son errance dans de nombreux projets. Ses courses vont être de plus en plus petites. Le lièvre commencera toujours au même endroit, et aura systématiquement la même distance à parcourir, le même effort à fournir, tandis qu'à chaque course, la tortue commencera de plus en plus proche de la ligne d'arrivée, car ses recherches seront déjà faites, jusqu'à ne plus avoir qu'à faire un pas pour réaliser un projet. C'est ce que j'appelle la « masse critique », mais nous y reviendrons dans les chapitres qui viennent. Finalement, pour emprunter l'autre chemin, tout ce qu'il faut faire, c'est regarder le problème, la montagne sous un autre angle, et se poser la question : qu'est-ce que je peux faire différemment, avant de me retrouver face à une page blanche, qui me permettrait de réaliser un meilleur projet plus facilement ? À ce moment, on découvre une nouvelle pente, bien plus facile et rapide, à l'écart de celle que tout le monde emprunte sans se demander s'il existe une meilleure solution. Cette nouvelle pente, ce nouveau système, nous allons les découvrir dans ce livre. Pour entamer notre aventure, et pour que vous ne perdiez pas le nord, j'aimerais vous présenter le système et vous montrer à quoi il ressemble en action. Cette première étape représente les « camions de votre usine », ceux qui vous amènent le contenu à transformer. Grâce à cette étape, vous n'aurez que les meilleurs contenus, les 20 % qui vous rapportent 80 %. Pour cela, nous verrons les grands biais psychologiques et les outils pratiques à mettre en place. Cette deuxième étape représente le tri : on va ranger les cartons sur les étagères pour les retrouver facilement. Grâce à cette deuxième étape, vous saurez comment prendre des notes sur les contenus que vous lisez, et comment capturer toutes vos idées. Cette troisième étape représente l'ouverture des cartons et la division de leur contenu. Grâce à cette étape, vous ne travaillerez plus avec des notes de contenus, mais avec des briques atomiques, qui peuvent facilement se réassembler en de nouveaux contenus. Cette quatrième étape représente l'assemblage de vos matériaux. Grâce à cette étape, vous allez être capable de créer des contenus de qualité de façon régulière. Le genre de contenu qui vous place comme l'expert de votre domaine, qui résonne avec votre audience et qui attire des superfans. Cette sixième étape représente le commandement du système. Grâce à cette étape, vous allez apprendre les meilleurs principes de productivité, et le système exact à mettre...

espanolLas Filipinas son un archipielago en el que habitan mas de cien millones2 de personas, de las cuales un 5% son fieles de la religion musulmana. La poblacion que profesa la fe islamica se concentra en la denominada Region Autonoma del Mindanao Musulman (ARMM3). Esta region, la unica de Filipinas con gobierno autonomo, esta conformada por las provincias de Maguindanao, Tawi-Tawi, Sulu, Lanao del Sur y Basilan. La ARMM fue establecida el 1 de agosto de 19894 en Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao y Sulu. Su inauguracion oficial tuvo lugar en su capital, Cotabato City, el 6 de noviembre de 1990. En el ano 2001 se produjo la incorporacion de Basilan y la ciudad de Marawi. Desde la epoca de la colonizacion las diferencias religiosas fueron permanentes focos de tension entre la mayoria cristiana y la minoria musulmana. A lo largo de los siglos estas diferencias han favorecido el surgimiento en primer lugar de grupos independentistas mas o menos alineados ideologicamente con la doctrina islam...

CEPS Policy Briefs present concise, policy-oriented analyses of topical issues in European affairs, with the aim of interjecting the views of CEPS researchers and associates into the policy-making process in a timely fashion. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the authors in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which they are associated.

Islam is a monotheistic religion. Its adherents are called Muslims, and they make up approximately a quarter of the world's population. Muslims consider Islam the successor of earlier Abrahamic faiths such as Judaism and Christianity, and share their primordial assumptions, including their creation myth, where Adam and Eve are central gures. Islam also involves belief in an afterlife, a Heaven, and a Hell. Therefore, in a general sense, Islam too starts itself with the rst man and woman. In a narrow sense, however, Islam started in 610, when, according to Muslims, the archangel Gabriel revealed the rst verses of the Quran to Muhammad in Cave Hira, which is located on a mountain outside the city of Mecca in the Arabian peninsula. A 40-year-old merchant at the time, Muhammad used to spend extended periods of time in isolation in that cave, meditating and contemplating. These revelations continued for a little over two decades, or until shortly before Muhammad's death in 632, and they constitute the Quran, the holy book of Islam, which Muslims consider the verbatim word of Allah, which is "The God" in Arabic. The Quran is the supreme authoritative text of Islam. It mentions, among other things, biblical accounts, including but not limited to those involving Moses, Mary, and Jesus. These accounts are not always in full agreement with those in the Bible, however. For example, according to the Quran, Jesus is not God, or the son of God, but a messenger of God. He is one in a long line of messengers, beginning with Adam, and ending with Muhammad, while including gures such as Abraham, Moses, David and Solomon in between. The Quran thus reframes and revises some biblical accounts. From a Muslim perspective, however, the Quran actually corrects these accounts. In fact, Muslims consider the Quran not only the latest but also the nal message from God. Moreover, they believe its teachings will remain valid until Judgment Day. In that regard, Islam resembles Christianity, according to which, humans have received their nal warning, and these are the end times. In other words, life on earth is short and temporary not only for individuals, but also for the Introduction | 207

WHEN 'terrorism' is used to refer to certain groups or their actions, it risks straying into the realm of subjectivity. The attacks of September 2001 and the terrorism associated with Al Qaeda have only added exponentially to the existing confusion regarding the definition of the word by popularising new terms and phrases such as 'international terrorism', 'global terrorism', 'catastrophic terrorism' etc.

It was projected that a militarily weakened Al Qaeda, under extreme duress from the barrage of counterterrorism measures from the West, would start to succumb, as evidence of which the increasing number of failed terrorist attempts were put forward.

IDEOLOGY may have been the forte of Al Qaeda ideologues promoting global jihad, but it has also combined with a military tactical doctrine to make it look more pragmatic to millions of ‘jihobbyists’ around the world.
Since this becomes a conflict between good and bad, good has to necessarily triumph over bad, since without an alternative vision for the future, no ideology can hope to succeed.

This paper investigates the role of absolute language as a symbolic image, emphasizing its capacity to provoke psychological defenses and influence risk behaviors in jihadist contexts. Drawing on extensive ethnographic research conducted in Afghanistan (2013–2023) and integrating insights from Terror Management Theory (TMT), this study explores the paradoxical relationship between rigid religious doctrines and risk-taking behaviors, such as smoking and substance abuse. The research highlights how absolute language—characterized by its definitive and non-negotiable nature—triggers existential anxiety by vividly presenting spiritual safetyism, often framed through notions of salvation and eternal punishment. This anxiety fosters both compliance with extremist ideologies and behaviors that directly contradict religious teachings. Through in-depth case studies, the findings demonstrate that smoking and substance use act as coping mechanisms, enabling individuals to alleviate the psychological burden imposed by absolute doctrines. For instance, jihadists engaged in smoking despite its prohibition, citing its calming effects amid the fear-inducing rhetoric of religious sermons. By applying TMT, the study argues that absolute language operates similarly to visual mortality salience cues, evoking defensive reactions to mitigate existential fears. These reactions paradoxically manifest as behaviors that are both symbolic affirmations of identity and defiance against vulnerability. The dual impact of absolute language—reinforcing radicalization while normalizing risk behaviors—underscores its socio-psychological complexity. This paper concludes by emphasizing the need for deradicalization strategies and public health interventions that address the psychological toll of absolute language. Such initiatives should offer alternative narratives that promote personal agency and healthier coping mechanisms. These findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the interplay between language, radicalization, and risk-taking behaviors, offering actionable insights for policymakers, mental health practitioners, and researchers.

İngilizce ve Fransızca’da “intelligence” sözcüğü ile ifade edilen; manası “akıl” ve “zekâ” olan istihbarat sözcüğünün günümüz Türkçesi’nde sözlük manası “haber almak”dır. İstihbarat; iç ve dış tehditlere karşı askeri, iktisadi ve politik sahaya dair bütün malumatların toplanmasına vesile olan ve düşmanın bütün istihbarat faaliyetlerini tesirsiz hale getiren kuruluşlar, kullanılan malzemeler ve metotlar manasına gelmektedir. Ayrıca istihbarat, devletlerin her sahada hareket politikalarını belirlemelerinde baş aktör olmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Hz. Muhammed’in (s.a.a.v) istihbarat oluşumunu ve faaliyetlerini nasıl gerçekleştirdiği, gerçekleştirilen istihbarat oluşumunun ve faaliyetlerinin muhtevası ve İslam’a yönelik tehditlerin önlenmesinde istihbarat faaliyetlerinin nasıl bir rol oynadığını ortaya koymaktır. Araştırma nitel araştırma yöntemlerinden doküman inceleme şeklinde yapılmıştır. Elde edilen bulgular ışığında İslam Tarihi kaynaklarında Hz. Muhammed ’in (s.a.a.v) istihbarat oluşumunun ve faaliyetlerinin yer aldığı bulgusuna ulaşılmıştır. Hz. Muhammed (s.a.a.v) nübüvvetin ilk yıllarında Erkam b. Ebi’l-Erkam’ın evini istihbarat ve hareket üssü olarak kullanmış, Müşriklerin Daru’n-Nedve’de aldıkları gizli kararlara ulaşabilmek için istihbarat ajanlarını görevlendirmiş, Hicret esnasında da bu istihbarattan faydalanmıştır. Medine’de ise İslam Devletini kurar kurmaz istihbarata gereken önemi vermiş, civarındaki yollara ve bölgelere istihbarat toplaması için seriyyeler göndermiştir. Gönderdiği bu seriyyelerin gizliliği için develerin boyunlarına takılan zilleri dahi söktürmüştür. Bedir Savaşı’na giderken Kureyş’in iki adamını yakalamış, sorgulamış ve onlara her gün kaç deve kestiklerini sorarak ordunun sayısını tahmin etmeye çalışmıştır. Medine Kuşatması’nda ise ajanını kullanmış, kendisine dahi sövmesine müsaade ederek ittifak yapan Yahudileri ve Mekkeli müşrikleri birbirine düşürerek ittifakı bozdurmuş ve düşmanın çekilmesini sağlamıştır. Sonuç olarak Hz. Muhammed yaşadığı dönemin siyasal, sosyal, toplumsal olaylarını ve insânî algılarını değerlendirerek bunlardan istihbarat raporları elde ettiği ve bu raporlara göre hareket ettiği sonucuna ulaşılabilir. Bundan dolayı Hz. Muhammed’in istihbarat oluşumu ve faaliyetleri yadsınamayacak kadar önemlidir.

ISBN: 978-605-80439-9-2

While the English and French word "intelligence" denotes "intellect" and "intelligence," the Turkish word "istihbarat" has evolved to mean "to obtain information" in contemporary Turkish. Intelligence is a concept that encompasses the gathering of all information related to domestic and foreign threats in the military, economic, and political spheres, as well as the organizations, tools, and methods used to neutralize the intelligence activities of adversaries. Moreover, intelligence plays a pivotal role in shaping the policies of states in all areas. The aim of this study is to reveal how the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) established and conducted intelligence operations, the content of these intelligence activities, and the role of intelligence in preventing threats against Islam. This research employs a qualitative research method, specifically document analysis. Based on the findings of this research, it has been established that Islamic historical sources document the existence of intelligence gathering and operations during the time of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). In the early years of his prophethood, the Prophet Muhammad utilized the house of Arqam ibn Abi Arqam as a base for intelligence and operations. He dispatched agents to gather information about the secret decisions made by the Quraysh at Dar al-Nadwa. This intelligence was also instrumental during the Hijrah (migration). Upon establishing the Islamic state in Medina, the Prophet immediately recognized the importance of intelligence gathering and sent out scouting parties to gather information from surrounding areas. To ensure the secrecy of these missions, he even ordered the removal of bells from camels. Before the Battle of Badr, he captured two Qurayshi men, interrogated them, and asked about the number of camels they slaughtered daily to estimate the size of their army. During the Siege of Medina, he employed an agent who even insulted him to sow discord among the allied Jews and Quraysh, thereby breaking their alliance and forcing the enemy to retreat. These findings highlight the Prophet Muhammad's strategic use of intelligence as an essential tool for ensuring the security and survival of the early Muslim community. His innovative and effective intelligence operations set a precedent for future Muslim leaders and continue to be studied by historians and military strategists. In conclusion, it can be inferred that the Prophet Muhammad evaluated the political, social, and societal events of his time, as well as human perceptions, to obtain intelligence reports and acted accordingly. Consequently, the intelligence gathering and operations conducted by the Prophet Muhammad are of undeniable significance.

إن كلمة "استخبارات" التي تعني "العقل" و"الذكاء" باللغتين الإنجليزية والفرنسية، تحمل في اللغة التركية المعاصرة معنى "الحصول على الأخبار". وتشير الاستخبارات في معناها الحديث إلى المؤسسات والأدوات والأساليب التي تجمع كل المعلومات المتعلقة بالتهديدات الداخلية والخارجية في المجالات العسكرية والاقتصادية والسياسية، وتعمل على إبطال مفعول جميع أنشطة الاستخبارات المعادية. كما تلعب الاستخبارات دوراً رئيسياً في تحديد سياسات الدول في جميع المجالات. يهدف هذا البحث إلى الكشف عن كيفية قيام النبي محمد صلى الله عليه وسلم ببناء وتشغيل جهاز استخباراتي، وما هي طبيعة هذا الجهاز وأنشطته، وكيف ساهمت أنشطة الاستخبارات في منع التهديدات التي واجهت الإسلام. وقد اعتمد البحث على أسلوب تحليل الوثائق كأحد أساليب البحث النوعي. وبناءً على النتائج التي تم التوصل إليها، تبين وجود أدلة في مصادر التاريخ الإسلامي على قيام النبي محمد صلى الله عليه وسلم ببناء جهاز استخباراتي وتشغيله. استخدم النبي محمد صلى الله عليه وسلم في بداية الدعوة بيت أرقم بن أبي الأرقم قاعدة للاستخبارات والحركة، وبعث جواسيس لمعرفة القرارات السرية التي اتخذها المشركون في دار الندوة، واستفاد من هذه الاستخبارات أثناء الهجرة. وبعد تأسيس الدولة الإسلامية في المدينة، أولى أهمية كبيرة للاستخبارات، وأرسل سرايا لجمع المعلومات من الطرق والمناطق المجاورة، حتى أنه أمر بإزالة الأجراس من أعناق الإبل للحفاظ على السرية. وقبل معركة بدر، أسَر رجلين من قريش واستجوبهما لمعرفة عدد الإبل التي يذبحونها يوميًا، وبالتالي تقدير عدد الجيش. وأثناء حصار المدينة، استخدم جاسوسًا سمح له بشتمه ليتسبب في خلاف بين اليهود ومشركي مكة الذين تحالفوا، مما أدى إلى فشل التحالف وانسحاب العدو. وبناءً على ذلك، يمكننا أن نستنتج أن النبي محمد صلى الله عليه وسلم كان يقيم تحليلات سياسية واجتماعية ونفسية للأحداث والأشخاص، ويستخلص منها معلومات استخباراتية يتخذ على أساسها قراراته. ومن ثم، فإن أهمية جهاز الاستخبارات الذي أسسه النبي محمد صلى الله عليه وسلم وأنشطته لا يمكن إنكارها.

• Abstract.
Extremism has been the most reverberating term of the last two centuries, stoking fear, and destruction in many places. It comes in a  variable packaging masquarded behind beliefs such as social, ideological, historical and religious
Regardless of the fetus that nourishes it; it has continued to push  the world down a  dangerous quandary with survival and social cohesion melting and fraying more rapidly than anyone could guess.
In the depths of human consciousness, a maelstrom of ideologies converges, giving rise to the hydra-headed phenomenon of extremism. This labyrinthine odyssey traverses the complexities of human nature, where the fault lines of identity, ideology, and power intersect, precipitating a cacophony of violence, intolerance, and discord. All of which finally explodes at some point, putting peace and life at the threshold of bare survival

During 2011, Brian Michael Jenkins was asked to testify about the status of al Qaeda before Congress on several occasions and to brief members of Congress, NATO ambassadors and planners, federal judges, and senior intelligence and law enforcement officials. This paper summarizes those briefings. It focuses on the recurring questions of whether America has won the operational battle but lost the ideological contest; whether homegrown terrorism is a growing threat; whether maintaining American troops in Afghanistan is essential; whether the United States should declare on its own an end to the war on al Qaeda. The assessment presented in this paper should be of particular interest to policymakers and law enforcement officials who are concerned with the threat of international terrorism and with maintaining national security. This publication results from the RAND Corporation's Investment in People and Ideas program. Support for this program is provided, in part, by the generosity of RAND's donors and by the fees earned on client-funded research.

Terrorists often resolve internal disputes the old-fashioned way: They kill each other. This was demonstrated on February 22, 2014, when members of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) are believed to have carried out the suicide attack that killed Abu Khaled al-Suri, a founding member and leader of Ahrar al-Sham, a rival coalition of Islamist rebel groups in Syria. ISIL denied responsibility in a formal press release, and factional killings are not uncommon among Syria's rebels, but ISIL had already acquired a reputation for killing its rivals. (In November 2013, ISIL apologized for beheading another al-Sham leader, claiming that it mistakenly thought he was a Shiite militiaman, and it has publicly announced executing rival commanders since then.) Until recently, ISIL was al Qaeda's affiliate in Iraq, but when the group asserted its authority over Jabhat al-Nusra (JN), another al Qaeda affiliate fighting in Syria, JN's leader objected. Ayman al-Zawahiri, al Qaeda's leader, sided with JN and instructed ISIL to back off. At the same time, Zawahiri dispatched al-Suri to resolve the dispute between the two groups.

My testimony will address two fundamental questions: 1. What is the threat posed by Western fighters who have joined jihadist fronts in Syria and Iraq? 2. How can the United States enhance its ability to identify and intercept returning foreign fighters with passports from European and other countries that are currently covered by the Visa Waiver Program? Let's begin with the threat. Over the past eight months, my colleagues at RAND have had several opportunities to offer congressional committees their assessments of the evolving threat posed by jihadist groups in the Middle East and North Africa. 3 While the focus of my colleagues and their interpretations of

This paper uses social movement theory to examine the rise and development of Boko Haram and AQIM into radical groups. Boko Haram and AQIM were initially established as moderate and conservative Islamist groups in Nigeria and Algeria respectively. AQIM was originally a political partythe FIS but changed names to the GIA, the GSPC, and AQIM each with a different modus operandi. Boko Haram was a local organization that has been espousing an anti-system frame alongside violent tactics since 2009. Relying on secondary data, this paper found that the emergence and eventual transformation of Boko Haram and AQIM into radical movements signify the existence of social movement factors of political opportunity structures, mobilizing structures, and framing processes in Nigeria and Algeria. Results from content analysis of the data show that while the two movements emerged in two distinct socioeconomic and political environments, they were rational actors who continued to utilize the available political structures opportunity, mobilizing structures and framing processes to mobilize and sustain collective actions. It is evident that government repression only made the two groups change tactics and strategies when what they regarded as free spaces diminished at times they gathered material and non-material resources. That

This article analyses the high number of individuals who left Tunisia after the Arab Spring to join a jihadi organisation in Syria or in Iraq and it attempts to provide some explanations for this phenomenon. The analysis begins with an overview of countries in North Africa and, afterwards, it focuses on the Tunisian case. Relative deprivation theory is used to explain the radicalisation of a part of the Tunisian population. But no single explanation can depict the real situation of the Tunisian foreign terrorist fighters. For this reason, we investigated multiple motivations that anyone who left Tunisia to join the jihad was driven by. The increasing presence of a certain number of Salafi organisations, and its different strategy inside or outside the country, has also been analysed and considered as one of the possible causes of the worsening of the situation. Lately, one of the biggest threats in Tunisia is the return of foreign terrorist fighters.

In our study, first of all, the thoughts of the valuable sociologists of the 19th century on "change" and the phenomenon of "social change" and the fact that this phenomenon continues at a dizzying pace in the 21st century are explained, and the importance and importance of the media in line with the new developments in technology and computers-machines. Its place in social development was revealed, it was emphasized that the existence of the major terrorist organizations known in the Middle East continues, and that the organizations use technology and media for their own interests, and especially in the 21st century. The "September 11 Terrorist Incident" in the USA, which occurred in the first quarter of the 20th century, the 2015 "Terrorist Incidents" in France, and the armed terrorist acts that took place in the "Crocus City Hall" concert hall in the capital of Russia, which is still a very hot topic, are a "case analysis". ” and in the fight against terrorism, especially in today's rapid global developments, countries; In particular, efforts were made to explain the strengthening of our joint work on the US National Security Council/War on Global Terrorism and Strategy development and the Turkish Intelligence Agency's Counter-Terrorism Department/War on Global Terrorism-Strategy development.

En este trabajo, se realiza un análisis de algunos recursos discursivos que enmarcan la legitimación ideológica del yihadismo de al Qaeda. A través de textos de tres ideólogos fundamentales de diferentes etapas de al Qaeda (Abdullah Azzam, Osama Bin Laden y Abu Musab al Suri), se exploran las estrategias discursivas asociadas a algunos de los desplazamientos ideológicos decisivos en el islamismo yihadista, desde la lucha en Afganistán a finales de los setenta, hasta el escenario posterior a los atentados del 2001. El análisis de discurso propuesto permite describir las diferencias en los géneros, posicionamientos subjetivos, temas y esquemas argumentativos que han jalonado la evolución ideológica de al Qaeda.

President Bush's May 2003 announcement aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln that "major combat operations" had ended in Iraq has been replayed endlessly. What is less well remembered is just what the president claimed the United States had accomplished. "The battle oflraq is one victory in a war on terror that began on September the 11th, 2001," he declared. The defeat ofSaddam Hussein, he told the American people, was "a crucial advance in the campaign against terror." In fact, the consensus now emerging among a wide range of intelligence and counter terrorism professionals is that the opposite is true: The invasion of Iraq not only failed to help the war on terrorism, but it represented a substantial setback. In more than a dozen interviews, experts both within and outside the U.S. government laid out a stark analysis of how the war has hampered the campaign against AI Qaeda. Not only, they point out, did the war divert resources and attention away from Afghanistan, seriously damaging the prospects of capturing AI Qaeda leaders, but it has also opened a new front for terrorists in Iraq and created a new justification for attacking Westerners around the world. Perhaps most important, it has dramatically speeded up the process by which AI Qaeda the organization has morphed into a broad-based ideological movement --a shift, in effect, from bin Laden to bin Ladenism. "If Osama believed in Christmas, this is what he'd want under his Christmas tree," one senior intelligence official told me. Another counter terrorism official suggests that Iraq might begin to resemble "Afghanistan 1996," a reference to the year that bin Laden seized on Afghanistan, a chaotic failed state! as his new base of operations.

While reflecting on intelligence, I related strategic, tactical, and operational intelligence to fundamental physics and quantum physics. I proposed analogies: strategic intelligence resembles gravity, which influences large-scale decisions, while tactical intelligence parallels electromagnetism, which operates in a focused manner. Operational intelligence was associated with quantum entanglement, enabling near-instantaneous coordination, and critical intelligence with Heisenberg's uncertainty principle, emphasizing the need for flexible analysis. I then critiqued modern counterinsurgency, highlighting its lack of adaptability. Figures like Petraeus and McChrystal are analyzed for prioritizing media presence over effectiveness in the field, contrasting with Van Riper, who provides an adaptive perspective from the field. Hamas' intelligence, as opposed to the technology-dependent IDF, illustrates the value of critical intelligence. Finally, the author underscores the importance of practical experience in intelligence beyond theoretical models.
I`m not a doctor, seems that is = stupid, but I`m with the Nobel Physics Dr. Feyman: "You can have a Master or doctorate and still you be stupid

The origins of ISIS were traced to the Arab Spring that created instability in the Middle East. This instability was exacerbated by the American-led coalition's invasion of Iraq in 2003, prompted by the 9/11 attacks. The paper aims to have an overview of the origin and goals of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and the strategies employed by the U.S. and Allied Forces to make ISIS fall. A systematic literature review approach was adopted to review the selected literature. ISIS was formed out of various militant groups in the country whose goal is to establish an Islamic caliphate governed by strict Sharia law. The goal of ISIS was to establish an Islamic caliphate in Iraq, Syria, and beyond with a caliph as the leader of the territories, thereby eradicating state borders and governments they deemed to be illegitimate. This caliphate is to be governed by strict Sharia law. This analysis delves into the strategies used by the US-led coalition to reclaim territories from ISIS. These strategies include military strategies, economic strategies, political strategies, and social strategies. It was, therefore, recommended that to combat ISIS's ideology effectively, the United States may need to collaborate more with Muslim clerics all over the world to promote interpretations of the Quran that counter radicalization in Islam.

A branch of the Al-Qaeda armed terrorist organisation, Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) was founded by Osama bin Laden to fight the Soviet Union during the Afghan War. This group persisted in opposing Islamic authorities who were viewed as corrupt because of their alliance with Western nations like the United States after the Soviet Union left Afghanistan in 1989. From 2009 to the present, the Republic of Yemen has seen chaos and violence brought on by AQAP, which is led by Nasir al-Wuhayshi. One of the factors causing Yemen's geopolitical instability is AQAP's resistance. This article examines AQAP's role and how it affects Yemen's geopolitical instability. Data collection and data analysis are the two main methods that were used. In this study, documentation approaches were used to obtain any relevant data. The thematic analysis was utilised to analyse the data. As a conclusion, the study's findings support the role of AQAP as one of the factors causing geopolitical instability in Yemen. This finding is notable when compared to research done by other academics and based on the information provided.

كتاب حبال من رمل قصة إخفاق أمريكا في الشرق الأوسط (Ropes of Sand: America's Failure in the Middle East)، تأليف مسؤول المخابرات الأمريكية السابق ولبر كرين ايفلاند (Wilbur Crane Eveland)، ترجمه إلى اللغة العربية سهيل زكار، صدرت طبعته الثالثة عن دار حسان للطباعة والنشر في عام 1990، جاء الكتاب في 592 صفحة من القطع المتوسط

Since the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, the Islamic schools known as madrasah havebeen of increasing interest to analysts and to officials involved in formulating U.S. foreign policytoward the Middle East, Central, and Southeast Asia. Madrasah drew added attention when itbecame known that several Taliban leaders and Al-Qaeda members had developed radicalpolitical views at madrasah in Pakistan, some of which allegedly were built and partially financedthrough Saudi Arabian sources. These revelations have led to accusations that madrasah promoteIslamic extremism and militancy, and are a recruiting ground for terrorism. Others maintain thatmost of these religious schools have been blamed unfairly for fostering anti-U.S. sentiments andargue that madrasah play an important role in countries where millions of Muslims live in povertyand the educational infrastructure is in decay. This paper aims to study a misconception of therole and functions of Islamic traditional religious sc...

Las revoluciones árabes pacíficas, a través de los vídeos e Internet, han logrado marginar a Al Qaeda como referencia en el uso de la imagen. Las imágenes y los símbolos de las revueltas pacíficas han invadido la imaginación árabe y su estética. Su capacidad de persuasión y su efectividad superan incuestionablemente los intentos de Al Qaeda en este campo, pasados y presentes. Con estas palabras el académico, Jaled Harub, desmontó las teorías que se vierten en torno a la vinculación entre los terroristas de Al Qaeda y las revueltas, revoluciones o rebeliones que se han llevado a cabo en el norte de África y en Oriente Medio para poner fin a décadas de dictadura y ausencia de libertades. Este trabajo pone de manifiesto la evolución de la "primavera árabe" en Libia y prevé un futuro basado en los testimonios de civiles y combatientes recogidos durante los dos meses de cobertura mediática. Se parte de la idea de que los jóvenes libios inician una revolución pacífica que, en contra de su voluntad, se ha transformado en un levantamiento armado ¿POR QUÉ NO SOMOS AL QAEDA?

The death of Osama bin Laden presents an important opportunity to reassess U.S. strategy in Afghanistan. Current U.S. thinking centers on two interests. The first is preventing al Qaeda and its Taliban allies from reestablishing a safe haven. The second is preventing the violence in Afghanistan from destabilizing Pakistan, thus putting its nuclear forces at risk and increasing the likelihood of nuclear terrorism. Coalition strategy is based on the assumptions that the only way to deny al Qaeda safe haven is by building a strong central Afghan state and that Pakistan's nuclear complex will become increasingly vulnerable to militant attacks if the Taliban succeeds in Afghanistan. Both assumptions are wrong. The United States does not need to build a state in Afghanistan because the conditions that allowed al Qaeda safe haven in the 1990s have permanently changed. Moreover, the steps needed to help Pakistan secure its nuclear arsenal have nothing to do with the war in Afghanistan. Policymakers should scale back their ambitions in Afghanistan. If they do so, they could cut troop levels by 80-90 percent while defending core U.S. interests and dramatically reducing the costs to America in both blood and treasure.