Agrippina Minor

Schlüsselwörter: Tacitus; Sueton, vita Neronis; Agrippina d. J.; Agermus; Nomenklatur der liberti und libertae Agrippinas In Tacitus' Bericht über den Mordversuch Neros an seiner Mutter Agrippina wird auch ein Agermus genannt, einer ihrer Freigelassenen. Als Agrippina der Gefahr entkommen war, sandte sie ihn zu Nero, um ihm mitzuteilen, sie sei mit Hilfe der Götter einer großen Gefahr entkommen. Dabei war ihr Gedanke, es sei für ihr Überleben notwendig, nicht zur Kenntnis zu nehmen, dass das Geschehen im Golf von Neapel ein Mordplan ihres Sohnes gewesen sei. 1 Doch als Agermus dies Nero mitteilte, habe dieser, der schließlich wusste, was geschehen war, in seiner Angst versucht, umgekehrt Agrippina einen Mordplan gegen sich anzuhängen, deshalb habe er dem libertus einen Dolch "unterschoben" und ihn unmittelbar in Haft nehmen lassen. 2 Der Freigelassene ist bei Tacitus im 14. Buch der Annalen in den Kapiteln 6, 7, 8 und 10 genannt, jeweils allein mit seinem Cognomen Agermus. In der handschriftlichen Überlieferung erscheint dieser Name mit mehreren kleinen Varianten, nie aber mit einem Hinweis auf Praenomen oder Gentile, die er als Freigelassener der Agrippina getragen haben muss. Tacitus hätte dies auch als unnötig angesehen, da es für ihn wie für jeden Römer seiner Zeit klar war, dass sein voller Name C. Iulius Agermus gelautet haben muss. Männliche Freigelassene der Agrippina sind mit vollem Namen weder literarisch noch epigraphisch bezeugt, doch kennen wir zwei ihrer libertae durch stadtrömische Inschriften, bei denen auch das Gentilnomen angeführt wird: eine Iulia Aventina und eine Iulia Zosime. 3 Das bei ihren liberti anzunehmende Praenomen Caius ist nicht direkt bezeugt.

Les portraits des "mauvais" empereurs sont particulièrement présents dans notre imaginaire. Or, certaines femmes impériales sont elles aussi concernées par une mauvaise perception de leur rôle au sein de la Cour, de la part des auteurs anciens.
Il s'agit d'examiner ici le rôle de ces portraits au féminin dans l'élaboration de l'image des "mauvais" empereurs, avec, notamment, l'étude du cas de Claude et de ses épouses Messaline et Agrippine.

During the 19th century, the statuary type of Aphrodite seated on a refined klismos, ascribed to a Greek original of the 5th century BCE, enjoyed wide appreciation and was particularly used for the representation of empresses and sovereigns throughout Europe.
This paper aims, on the one hand, to evaluate the relationship between the adoption of the model and her traditional antiquarian identification as Agrippina, Major or Minor; on the other hand, in the perspective of the archaeologist, the aim of this paper is to analyse the phenomenon in the light of the contemporary development of Ancient Art History studies.

The excavation of the surviving remains of the stately Roman domus outside Mdina in 1881 brought to light a series of marble sculptures that have been found along the years to represent the Emperor Claudius (AD 41-54) and close members of his family. A headless marble statue of a draped female figure was discovered during that same clearance operation. So far no one, not even the present writer, seems to have seriously attempted to identify who this headless statue really represented. The following is a preliminary presentation of a piece of research work in progress on this issue.

Scholarship has recognised Tacitus' preoccupation with character and his use of rhetorical stereotypes even at a time when historiography was examined with the overriding aim of discovering the historical 'truth'. The search for empirical validity revealed Tacitus' historical unreliability and his manipulation of material. Historical theory has since evolved toward an acknowledgement of ancient historiography as a form of literary art and belonging to the domain of narratology. This article is based on the premise that the Annals of Tacitus closely corresponds to a modern literary text and that the 'manipulated material' requires of the reader to fulfil an active role in the interpretation process. A narratological analysis of Tacitus' characterisation of Livia Augusta and Agrippina Minor reveals a sophisticated use of the narratological device of 'analogy between characters'. The analysis is limited to identical nouns and adjectives used in the direct description of both these women and the reinforcement of these characteristics by indirect presentation. Tacitus' mastery of subtle narratological devices becomes evident and his portrayal of Livia as analogous to Agrippina reiterates his deeply seated hatred of the Julio-Claudian regime.

Cette communication a pour objet de confronter le portrait d'Agrippine la Jeune dans les récits de Tacite et de Cassius Dion, lesquels ont abondamment évoqué l'impératrice dans leurs oeuvres respectives.
L'analyse d'actes de pouvoir rapportés par l'un et l'autre révèle que leur perception peut différer, même si elle reste négative. Bien plus, la figure d'Agrippine a évolué en l'espace d'un siècle. Pour quels motifs ? Il convient de se pencher sur le contexte dans lequel chaque auteur écrivit mais aussi sur leur perception du pouvoir féminin. Quoi qu'il en soit, ce sont ces actes de pouvoir qui permirent à Agrippine de devenir l'un des personnages les plus célèbres, aujourd'hui encore, de l'histoire romaine.

The dating of Seneca's writing of his play Medea has traditionally been established as 61-61 CE (Hermann) or 63-64 CE (Arcellaschi). Both dates are relevant in that they happen shortly after Nero's murder of his mother Agrippina the Younger in 59 CE. While Seneca's role in Neronian politics and themes of revenge and abuse of power in his Medea have been amply covered by scholars, the relationship between Medea and Agrippina the Younger remains largely unexplored. In part, because Agrippina's historical role has been the subject of character assassination by all three of her male biographers (Tacitus, Suetonius, and Cassius Dio), and in part, because scholars have focused primarily on Seneca's De Beneficiis as a main text to establish his relationship to (and possible role in) Agrippina's demise. This paper explores how Agrippina's character, a transgressive Julio-Claudian wife and mother in the imperial court, is paralleled in Seneca's Medea as a public, undomesticated, and ambitious woman with a monstrous uterus. Of particular interest for this analysis are Agrippina's alleged last words "Uentrem feri!" in relation to Seneca's Medea 1012 "In matre si quod pignus etiamnunc latet / scrutabor ense viscera et ferro extraham", for both women draw attention to their wombs in a moment of narrative climax. The figures of Medea and Agrippina bear striking resemblances: both women are of royal birth, commit crimes to help their loved ones, demand abilities denied to their sex, are deceived by those they helped, and are primarily defined by motherhood and their monstrous wombs. By analyzing Agrippina's life accounts in parallel with Seneca's Medea, this paper establishes a connection between them and proposes that, if the dates of composition suggested by scholars are correct, Seneca's play contains enough references to his former benefactor to be esteemed more than coincidental.

No campo da historiografia quando possuímos representações sobre as mulheres, essas são criadas, na maioria das vezes, pelo gênero oposto, o masculino. Suetônio - em sua obra “A Vida dos Doze Césares”, composta no ano 121 d.C., durante o governo do imperador Adriano - ao descrever Agripina Menor, deixa claro o peso do aspecto simbólico que a dominação masculina carrega ao questionar a moral de uma mulher que exerceu papéis considerados masculinos dentro da política. Para compreender essa relação de dominação masculina sobre o feminino - construída histórica, cultural e linguisticamente – é preciso definir a submissão imposta às mulheres como uma violência simbólica. O presente artigo busca compreender a atuação feminina na política no período da dinastia Júlio-Claudiana, a partir da problematização da relação entre o feminino e o masculino. Mais especificamente, é através da análise de episódios da obra de Suetônio e outros autores antigos - como a escolha de Agripina como esposa do...

During protective archaeological researches performed in 1987-1988, on the Forum of Colonia Pola marble head was found representing Agrippina, wife of Claudius and mother of Nero. Three inscriptions mentioning Claudius and Nero had been discovered before on the Pula Forum. Since Agrippina had great infl uence on Claudius' political actions, her portraits were usually put in places where homage could be paid to the Emperor and his family. In addition to the Agrippina's portrait from Colonia Pola, there are some more female portraits resembling to her.

A peculiar and very distinct group of portraits have in recent years aroused the interest of an increasing number of students of Roman art. These are the Cyrenaican funerary portraits, some 117 of which were studied and published for the first time as a separate series by E. Rosenbaum in 1960. Several of these portraits have found their way into European collections of ancient sculpture in these last two centuries. One is presently housed in the Museo Nazionale in Rome, and six are in the possession of the Museum Authorities in Malta. Six of the portraits published by Rosenbaum come from the British Museum. To these a seventh one (PLATE 00) should be added, which has remained unpublished having escaped the attention of both Rosenbaum and the compiler of the volume devoted to Cyrenaica of the Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani for Great Britain. Considering the easily noticeable character of this type of funerary sculpture it is somewhat surprising that neither of the two distinguished s...

Dossier "Transgresser pour mieux régner. Ombres et lumières du pouvoir dans l'Antiquité gréco-romaine", dirigé par Halima Benchikh-Lehocine et Marie Durnerin.

Résumé :

À la fin de l’année 48 apr. J.-C., l’empereur Claude résolut d’épouser sa nièce Agrippine. Ce mariage transgressait cependant les normes traditionnelles de l’inceste à Rome. Pour ne pas être considéré comme un tyran assouvissant ses caprices sans aucune retenue au risque de mettre en péril la cité, Claude manœuvra de façon à ce que ce mariage parût résulter de la volonté unanime du Sénat et du Peuple, et obtint le vote d’un décret autorisant une telle union. Claude se conformait ainsi au modèle du ciuilis princeps respectueux des normes et institutions traditionnelles, ce qui lui permit de faire reconnaître par tous sa prééminence au sein de la res publica et donc de légitimer son pouvoir. En effet, les mariages incestueux comme celui-là étaient caractéristiques des dynasties royales étrangères qu’ils contribuaient à distinguer du reste des populations. Claude obtenait donc d’être reconnu lui aussi comme un monarque extra-ordinaire, au-dessus des autres citoyens.

At the end of the year 48 A.D., the emperor Claudius decided to marry his niece Agrippina. However, this marriage broke Roman traditional norms about incest. To not be considered as a tyrant satisfying his whims without any restraint and at the risk of endangering the city, Claudius maneuvered so that this marriage seemed to result from the unanimous will of the Senate and the People, and he obtained the vote of a decree authorizing such a union. Claudius thus conformed to the model of the ciuilis princeps respectful of traditional norms and institutions, which allowed him to have his pre-eminence within the res publica recognized by all, and so to legitimate his power. Indeed, such incestuous marriages were typical of foreign royal dynasties, which they helped to distinguish from the populations. Claudius thus got to be recognized himself as an extra-ordinary monarch, far above other citizens.

RESUMEN: En la Roma arcaica, en un mundo en el que el hombre tenía la suprema potestad sobre todos los miembros de su familia, las mujeres debían desempeñar el papel de una perfecta matrona romana si querían gozar de un cierto reconocimiento por parte de la sociedad patriarcal en la que vivían. Tomando como referencia la reciente y destacada monografía de María José Bravo Bosch sobre Mujeres y Símbolos en la Roma republicana, en la que incide de forma especial sobre las figuras de Lucrecia y Cornelia, realizamos una serie de consideraciones relativas al entorno jurídico femenino romano.

The article describes a new portrait type „Munich-Antiochia“ for Agrippina minor, based on an analysis of her portraits on coins, compared to a marble portrait sculpture. This portrait sculpture was previously identified as Agrippina minor. However as it shows differences to Agrippina minor’s known portrait types in sculpture, Ines Jucker categorized it later as a contemporary private portrait of the Claudian/Neronic period. Main deviation is that this marble head shows Agrippina minor’s ears covered by large locks down to the tip of the earlobes, while all the currently available portrait
types in sculpture define Agrippina minor as having uncovered ears (Figs. 7a–d). Looking to her coin portraits, Agrippina minor is indeed shown with uncovered ears on some coin emissions (see Figs. 3, 9, 10, 12a, close to portrait type III Ancona). But there are as many coin portraits, from Rome and the provinces, with her ear covered (Figs. 5, 11, 12b, 13; Appendix). The large emission of tetradrachms of Antiochia ad Orontem of 56/57 AD (Fig. 13), which shows Agrippina minor with covered ears, was
used here to identify elements of a new portrait type with covered ears. All these hair style elements matched very closely to the above mentioned portrait sculpture, which seems to be a replica of the same portrait type (Fig. 8, for a comparison between the two media see Fig. 14). This new portrait type „Munich-Antiochia“ of Agrippina minor is defined by a hair style with 1) a broad middle parting, 2) four to five rows of large hair locks curled in from below, 3) a single upwards pointing curl in front of the ear, 4) the ear is covered except for the lower tip of the earlobes, 5) two twisted hair strains
are hanging behind the ear alongside the neck. Finally 6) in the back her hair is bound into a looped braid. Further replicas of this newly defined portrait type with covered ears may be identified by reexamining ‘private’ portrait sculptures of the late Claudian/early Neronic period

During protective archaeological researches performed in 1987-1988, on the Forum of Colonia Pola marble head was found representing Agrippina, wife of Claudius and mother of Nero. Three inscriptions mentioning Claudius and Nero had been discovered before on the Pula Forum. Since Agrippina had great infl uence on Claudius' political actions, her portraits were usually put in places where homage could be paid to the Emperor and his family. In addition to the Agrippina's portrait from Colonia Pola, there are some more female portraits resembling to her.

No campo da historiografia quando possuímos representações sobre as mulheres, essas são criadas, na maioria das vezes, pelo gênero oposto, o masculino. Suetônio - em sua obra “A Vida dos Doze Césares”, composta no ano 121 d.C., durante o governo do imperador Adriano - ao descrever Agripina Menor, deixa claro o peso do aspecto simbólico que a dominação masculina carrega ao questionar a moral de uma mulher que exerceu papéis considerados masculinos dentro da política. Para compreender essa relação de dominação masculina sobre o feminino - construída histórica, cultural e linguisticamente – é preciso definir a submissão imposta às mulheres como uma violência simbólica. O presente artigo busca compreender a atuação feminina na política no período da dinastia Júlio-Claudiana, a partir da problematização da relação entre o feminino e o masculino. Mais especificamente, é através da análise de episódios da obra de Suetônio e outros autores antigos - como a escolha de Agripina como esposa do...

Le film de Fellini, dont le sujet est pourtant « antique », n'est pas, n'est en rien, un peplum. En tout cas, il ne s'inscrit pas dans la tradition du peplum, il n'en partage pas les caracteristiques habituelles ni la facon de concevoir l'Antiquite, ni les valeurs. Il n'est pas non plus une adaptation du roman de Petrone. Pourtant, les deux oeuvres participent d'un imaginaire qui, s'il etait anachronique de le qualifier de commun, sert neanmoins de support a une vision decentree de Rome.

Pola marble head was found representing Agrippina, wife of Claudius and mother of Nero. Three inscriptions mentioning Claudius and Nero had been discovered before on the Pula Forum. Since Agrippina had great infl uence on Claudius ’ political actions, her portraits were usually put in places where homage could be paid to the Emperor and his family. In addition to the Agrippina’s portrait from Colonia Pola, there are some more female portraits resembling to her.

Ziel des Beitrags ist es, die Ereignisse um den Tod der Agrippina und ihre spätere literarische Überformung unter dem Aspekt der fides-Pflicht gegenüber dem Prinzeps und seinen Herrscherqualitäten bzw. der Infragestellung und Auflösung dieser fides-Pflicht näher zu beleuchten. Im Mittelpunkt steht die Frage, wie, wann und aus welchem Grund das Konzept des Vertrauens im Sinne der fides als Argument aufgerufen und gegen den Herrscher umgedeutet wird. Dazu ist es nötig, zwischen der unmittelbaren Deutung der Ereignisse im Jahr 59 n. Chr. und ihrer später erfolgten literarischen Überformung durch Tacitus, aber auch Sueton und Cassius Dio zu unterscheiden. Allzu oft wird übersehen, dass es für die Ereignisse im Frühjahr und Sommer des Jahres 59 n. Chr. zwei sich deutlich voneinander unterscheidende Überlieferungen gibt: Neben dem postneronischen, vor allem von Tacitus geprägten Narrativ verfügen wir mit den Akten der fratres Arvales des Jahres 59 n. Chr. über ein zwar wesentlich enigmatischeres, aber dennoch in hohem Grad authentisches Zeugnis. Anhand des Konzeptes der fides verknüpft der Beitrag die Argumentation beider Überlieferungen und zeigt, wie stark die postneronische Tradition mit dem Argument der Treue(pflicht) die Ereignisse umgedeutet hat.

Al igual que en anteriores trabajos, intentaremos esbozar en las paginas siguientes los puntos fundamentales para un analisis narratologico de la praetexta Octavia. Con el apoyo teorico y metodologico desarrollado por Greimas y la denominada Escuela de Paris, nos proponemos describir la "historia" de la Octavia, tal como la reconstruimos a partir de la trama dialogica que constituye la materia textual. Nos exonera de la necesidad de justificar los principios que guian nuestro analisis los mencionados articulos en los que ya senalabamos los plantea­mientos de la metodologia seguida.

Ediciones Clásicas garantiza un riguroso proceso de selección y evaluación de los trabajos que publica. This volume has been peer reviewed through a process administered by the Editors-in-Chief. All reviews were conducted by external expert referees. Este volumen ha sido sometido a una revisión por pares realizada a instancias de los directores. Todas las revisiones se han realizado por evaluadores externos especializados. Esta publicación se realiza dentro de los trabajos financiados por la Universidad de Oviedo, así como por los Proyectos de Investigación "Falsificaciones y falsificadores de textos clásicos (grecolatinos) II" (PN-17 FFI2017-87034-P, Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades), AVIPES-CM (H2019/HUM-5742). y UCM-PR87/19-22659, cofinanciados por la Agencia Estatal de Investigación (AEI), el Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) y el Fondo Social Europeo. Esta publicación ha sido financiada por el Gobierno del Principado de Asturias con cargo a fondos provenientes del Plan de Ciencia, Tecnología e Innovación (PCTI) de Asturias.

Resumo: O imperador Calígula, descrito por Suetônio como um monstro, ainda desperta muita curiosidade nos dias de hoje. Entre as acusações que pairavam sobre ele, que ajudaram a construir sua memória de monstruosidade, está a de cometer incesto com suas irmãs. Assim, pretendemos aqui traçar um breve panorama da moral romana no que concerne essa relação sexual ilícita e sua judicialização, relacionando ambos os âmbitos aos principais discursos encontrados nas fontes latinas sobre a alegação de incesto cometido por Calígula. Destaque especial será dado à passagem de Suetônio que trata da posição das irmãs de Calígula nos banquetes, de um modo geral negligenciada pelos autores modernos, já que sua análise revela aspectos simbólicos importantes no contexto das acusações de incesto. Por fim, faremos um levantamento da forma como os principais biógrafos de Calígula da atualidade discorrem sobre a acusação.

Da sempre considerato un imperatore sciocco, incapace e succube delle mogli e dei potentissimi liberti di corte, Claudio si può ritenere senza alcun dubbio una vittima della storiografia senatoria a lui ostile e, soprattutto, degli studi scientifici pubblicati a partire dalla fine dell’Ottocento. La sua fama di homo philologus e di storico è troppo riduttiva e deve essere necessariamente associata con l’immagine di un raffinato politico capace di comprendere a fondo le dinamiche di corte. Consapevole di dover costruire un solido consenso al suo potere, Claudio promuove la carriera dei suoi uomini più fidati e anche l’ascesa di alcune comunità provinciali come, per esempio, i Galli. I fenomeni di mobilità sociale e di integrazione sono, quindi, la cifra distintiva della politica del penultimo imperatore giulio-claudio e ci permettono di riconsegnare al pubblico l’immagine di quello che possiamo definire, forse ancor più di Caracalla, il “principe dell’integrazione”.

La femme grecque ou romaine est cantonnée à la sphère domestique ; toute "intrusion" dans les sphères de pouvoir est interprétée comme un bouleversement, un signe du chaos. Comment les auteurs anciens réagissent-ils alors à la mise en valeur des femmes impériales ?
D'une manière négative dans l'ensemble, voire franchement hostile. L'un des meilleurs moyens pour discréditer le pouvoir (tant masculin que féminin) est d'insister lourdement sur la sexualité de la personne en question. Nous en voulons pour preuve les figures tristement célèbres de Valeria Messalina et Julia Agrippina.
Nos recherches insistent sur la prise en compte de la sexualité féminine dans l'élaboration des portraits de ces figures impériales (sexualité admise et non admise) mais également dans celle des empereurs romains. Comment ces derniers peuvent-ils administrer l'Empire s'ils sont incapables de contrôler les mœurs de leur parentèle féminine ?

Bring together Jean-Claude Malgoire, Philippe Jaroussky, Agrippina, and Haendel, plus three male countertenors (they could have been four) and you have the most surprising opera you can imagine with a future emperor just out of puberty trying to rape everyone he meets in all the corridors of the Imperial palace. The ambitious and murderous mother of this future emperor is absolutely up to her reputation. Enjoy that masterpiece and get one DVD of any production. The music is beautiful, provided the countertenors are where they are supposed to be, i.e. on the stage.

The paper treats one of the most rare and interesting early Roman coins minted in Thrace under Claudius – sestertii for Britannicus Caesar, for Agrippina Minor and for young Nero, struck in the period ca. AD 50/51 – 54. It is assumed that they were produced in the civic mint of Perinthus, the provincial capital of Thrace. The following specimens of Britannicus Caesar are discussed within:
1) Sestertius, type B, 35 mm, 27.14 g; from the sacred spring at Aquae Calidae, 1910 – Berlin coin collection, acc. no. 1924/489; object ID 18202639 (von Kaenel 1984, 130, B.4). 
2) Sestertius, type B, from the collection of Mr. Panayotoff in the 1920’s – cast kept in the Stadtliche Museen at Berlin (von Kaenel 1984, 131, B.5).
3) Sestertius, type B, 36 mm; unknown weight, provenance not known – kept in the National History Museum in Sofia since 1979 (Божкова 1980, 10-11).
4) Sestertius, type A, 33 mm, 28.46 g; from excavations in central Sofia (metro station 8-II), campaign 2011 – published by Владимирова-Аладжова 2011, 110-116.
Whatever the case with the actual mint, these ‘Roman’ series of Claudius may be regarded as special issues for the first Roman troops and administration in the province of Thrace, shortly after the annexation and pacification of the country.

Bei der erneuten Untersuchung der Marmorstatuen von Lucus Feroniae, die vor einigen
Jahren begann, spielen die Kaiserporträts aus der prächtigen Villa der gens Volusia
eine wichtige Rolle. Diese suburbane Familienvilla liegt ca. 20 km nördlich von Rom an
der antiken via Tiberina im Gebiet des heutigen Fiano Romano.

Fixer les échos de la réalité », L'écriture et le monstre dans Claustria de Régis Jauffret L'homme a commencé par l'étrangeté de sa propre humanité. Ou par l'humanité de sa propre étrangeté. C'est en elle qu'il s'est présenté : il se l'est présentée, ou figurée. Tel fut le savoir de l'homme, que sa présence était celle d'un étranger, monstrueusement semblable.

Y éste no siempre obtenía la satisfacción de sus deseos, ya que mi madre sabía el valor de sus favores y se los hacía pagar muy bien Tras dieciocho meses de estar ambos casados , Claudio informó al Senado que deseaba adoptarme Era el año 785 (50 d. C.) Y lo logró, como era lo natural De mi nombre original , Lucio Domicio , pasé a ser llamado Nerón Claudio Druso Germánico Estos nombres provenían de : Claudio, por mi nuevo padre ; Germánico en memoria de mi abuelo ; Nerón , para recordar y honrar a mi tío paterno, quien habíase llamado así , que significa fuerte y valiente Algunos criticones se rieron de esto, debido a que soy algo miope y de piernas no muy gruesas , pero se dice que "la envidia es cosa viva " Mis lecciones proseguían cuando mi madre entró al aposento y me dijo, ante la presencia de los que me acompañaban : " A partir de hoy tú serás Nerón Claudio ¡ Un día serás llamado Nerón César ! " Y se retiró, alta, bella y majestuosa Yo reí, pero mis acompañantes me hicieron creer en la realidad de lo dicho por ella ¡ Y me convencieron ! Por esos días llegaban senadores y caballeros a pedirme favores Al comienzo no entendía como querían que yo les hiciera favores, teniendo trece años de edad , pero luego se me informó que era a mi madre quien debía convencer para que ella sí resolviera aquellos asuntos con papá Claudio Mi madre gozaba cada día de mayor poder Se hacía rendir tributo y hasta las nuevas monedas de oro llevaban su perfil, junto al del Emperador Claudio Junto a mí recibía clases Flavio Tito, hijo mayor del general Vespasiano , y el príncipe Británico Ya la poesía y el arte dramático me enloquecían por sobre toda otra materia Aniceto me llevaba a ver toda nueva obra de teatro , a las que asistíamos secretamente También iba al Circo Máximo y tras ver las escenas allí sucedidas me era imposible concentrarme en nada Ver morir a los aurigas era algo altamente emocionante La música y la pintura eran mis deleites principales , pero aún más la composición poética Creía en su belleza, pues la poesía es el cantar del arroyo, el brillo de las estrellas y cien cosas más Aprendí a tocar la lira y muchos ya me consideraban un verdadero músico aunque yo bien sabía que aún me faltaba práctica para serlo realmente Mi madre me cambió el preceptor : en vez de Aniceto tuve al filósofo Séneca Lo malo del caso es que Aniceto se tomó a mal esto, hablando pestes de mi propia madre Le dije que cuidara sus palabras y aunque me pidió perdón por lo dicho , vi en sus ojos la furia del que se ve postergado Mi nuevo preceptor , Lucio Anneo Séneca, era un ibérico nacido el año 747 (6 a.C.) en Córdoba Decía que su padre había sido magister de retórica Su doctrina era la de Pitágoras y escribía nobles ensayos elogiando la pobreza, aunque personalmente amaba la riqueza El típico caso del que aprende mucho y, viendo las fallas de lo estudiado, se crea una modificada filosofía propia Sus ensayos y tratados eran bellos, y particularmente prefiero " La vida y la muerte ", " La juventud y la vejez " y " Los placeres de la vida sencilla " Mi madre lo eligió pues era un modelo de virtudes antiguas y veneradas , y eso era sabido por la aristocracia toda Séneca era el filósofo más apreciado del momento Un día me dijo :" El hombre feliz no es aquel que sabe, sino aquel que obra La vida debe ser vivida y no ociosamente contemplada en el pensamiento Es preferible una vida de acciones malas a otra imaginada sólo con la mente " Yo guardé silencio No había moral en una sentencia como ésa y me maravilló su desverguenza Pero, me servía Mi infancia había sido triste y yo anhelaba la alegría Estaba en el caso de imbuirme de sus enseñanzas , para taparles la boca a los que me criticaran ¡ En eso , Séneca era un maestro ! Y rayaba en lo cínico : decía que el pobre jamás podrá llegar a vivir una existencia de abstinencia , debido a que cada vez que pueda abusará de beber, comer o de otros excesos ¡ Y lo divertido del caso es que es verdad ! Para inducirme a la rectitud me decía : " Acuérdate de que tú serás César ! " Y esto moderaba mis impulsos ¡ No hay nada peor que el ser criticado ! Y sabía sobre el destino, que guía la vida de los hombres Me decía : " Si un día debes subir al trono, acuérdate de que has sido elegido de entre todos los mortales para representar la parte de un dios Tendrás en tus manos la vida y el destino de todo el Imperio Serás el más amado y tal vez el más odiado Irás cargado con el terrible peso de tu grandeza

Nerón era un megalómano y lo que hoy podríamos calificar como un showman, su único problema es que además era emperador de Roma, lo que era un problema para poder desarrollar su vocación de actor y músico. Pero él nunca se detuvo, incluso hay investigadores que creen que pudo confundir su vida con una gran obra teatral. Todo gran artista necesita de una claque que le siga y aplauda sus actuaciones, sean buenas o malas. Nerón creó para ello un cuerpo especial denominado Agustinianos que le seguían a todas partes. Su trabajo era el de ser del coro del emperador en la obra teatral de su vida.

Este artículo nace con la intención de realizar una aproximación a las relaciones establecidas entre el emperador de la dinastía julio-claudia Nerón y las mujeres que le rodearon a lo largo de su vida, tanto antes de ser nombrado emperador, como, especialmente, una vez que detentó el máximo poder dentro del Imperio Romano. El interés de esta temática recae en el hecho que las fuentes escritas clásicas, en su relato de la vida y gobierno de Nerón, otorgan una gran importancia a su relación con las mujeres que la rodean, de tal modo que, incluso, buena parte de sus características personales, mentales e intelectuales vienen determinadas, en parte, por dichas relaciones con el género femenino. Por otro lado, la visualización y caracterización que se hace de estas mujeres por parte de autores como Suetonio, Tácito o Dión Casio, permite obtener ciertas informaciones e indicios acerca de las características de la forma de vida y la participación dentro de las esferas privada y pública de las mujeres de clase alta romana durante el Principado.

Lollia Paulina, qui était la petite-fille de Marcus Lollius et la belle-soeur de Decimus Valerius Asiaticus, épousa en premières noces Memmius Regulus, un légat au service du pouvoir, avant d'être forcée de s'unir à Caligula. Vraisemblablement à la fin de l'an 39, le couple impérial se sépara, la jeune femme n'ayant pas pu tomber enceinte rapidement. Après son divorce de l'empereur, Lollia Paulina fut, une fois encore, contrainte de respecter les impératifs fixés par Caligula. Le choix de Claude de privilégier sa nièce à Lollia est moins empreint de rationalité. En effet, au lendemain de la mort de Messaline, alors qu'elle avait été pressentie pour devenir la nouvelle impératrice, elle fut finalement évincée par Claude, au profit d'Agrippine pour des motifs obscurs. La « mortelle ennemie de Lollia », avec l'accord tacite de son oncle et nouveau mari, s'acharna contre elle au point de la faire exiler, puis assassiner. Abstract Lollia Paulina, who was the granddaughter of Marcus Lollius and the sister-in-law of Decimus Valerius Asiaticus, married at first marriage Memmius Regulus, a legate in the service of power, before being forced to unite with Caligula. Presumably at the end of the year 39, the imperial couple separated, the young woman could not get pregnant quickly. After her divorce from the emperor, Lollia Paulina was, once again, forced to respect the imperatives set by Caligula. Claudius' choice of privileging his niece to Lollia is less marked by rationality. Indeed, the day after the death of Messaline, when she had been approached to become the new empress, she was finally ousted by Claudius, for the benefit of Agrippina for obscure reasons. The " deadly enemy of Lollia " , with the tacit consent of her uncle and new husband, fought against her to the point of exile, then murder.

Zusammenfassung: Der Tod eines princeps und die Nachfolge eines neuen stellten im gesamten Zeitraum des Prinzipats eine Herausfor-derung für die domus principis dar, da zur Vermeidung von Unruhen oder gar Bürgerkriegen ein reibungsloser Übergang gesichert werden musste. Speziell die Stellung der Kaiserin, die zugleich Ehefrau des ver-storbenen und Mutter des nachfolgenden princeps war, wurde durch die Herrschaftsübergabe nachhaltig verändert. In den ersten beiden Jahr-hunderten erlebten lediglich zwei Frauen solch einen Wechsel, und die zeitgenössische Wahrnehmung beider wurde daraufhin verändert. Ihre ambivalente Rolle als Ehefrau des einen und Mutter des nachfolgenden princeps ist direkt mit der auctoritas des princeps verbunden. Als Teil der domus principis trugen die Frauen in positiver oder negativer Hin-sicht zu dieser auctoritas bei, welche die Voraussetzung der Akzeptanz der Herrschaft eines princeps war.

Abstract: The death of one princeps and the succession of another posed a challenge for the domus principis during the entire principate because an unobstructed change had to be assured to prevent agitation or even civil war. Particularly the empress, who was simultaneously the wife of the deceased and the mother of the following princeps, was deeply aff ected by that succession. Only two women of the fi rst two centuries (Livia and Agrippina minor) experienced such a change, and the contemporary perception of both women was modifi ed for that reason. The ambivalent role as wife of one and mother of the following princeps is directly related to the auctoritas of the princeps. As part of the royal family the women of the domus principis contributed positively or negatively to that auctoritas, which was a requirement for the acceptance of the reign of a princeps.

Baroque opera is entirely plurimedial. Like no other medium, it offers unique possibilities to create, transform and reinterpret common historical images and figures, using different but closely intertwined semantic levels (drama, music, acting). This makes baroque opera a promising subject of historical, political and gender-specific analysis.

The present volume is based on a session of the Eleventh European Social Science History conference in 2016 and examines the (re-)presentation of antique female rulers in baroque opera. The volume is not about music history or music theory studies, but deals with how, in the baroque period, librettists, composers and stage processed the ancient material in order to present female rulers on stage. Baroque opera is a particularly suitable model of study, as ancient themes occupy a prominent place during that period of time.

This paper aims at analyzing public activities of imperial women, who took part in the public life as euergetai and, as a reward, were entitled matres of the town and other such highly appreciated honours. This allowed them, too, to share the public sphere with their husbands, they were those with the posts of magistracy. We know the women had public actions that brought about positive economic and social benefits for the communities they was involved in.