Agenda-setting Theory

Com a efervescência dos estudos em jornalismo, as constantes críticas e os sucessivos esforços de se delimitar epistemológica e metodologicamente a área, o presente artigo coloca em discussão os trabalhos sobre o agenda-setting, ou do agendamento da mídia, questionando o sucesso que a abordagem alcançou nacionalmente. A partir de uma análise empírica, com base em papers apresentados nos principais fóruns das ciências da comunicação no Brasil, examinamos como essa tradição é reapropriada pelos pesquisadores brasileiros, quais as metodologias usadas e se há acúmulo de conhecimento.

The NFL protests are only one of many celebrity-fueled political controversies during the Trump presidency. Why is there such a proliferation of celebrity activism? More importantly, does it amount to anything? What does our knowledge of celebrity influence tell us about the recent NFL controversy?

Cada vez más los medios de comunicación dependen de la venta de avisaje para subsistir. La relación entre la prensa y los avisadores es problemática, en especial cuando las empresas que pagan por avisos se ven envueltas en casos de alta connotación pública. La pregunta que motiva a esta investigación es cómo la prensa chilena cubre un caso de esas características. En este artículo se presentan los primeros resultados de un análisis de contenido cuantitativo de la cobertura de prensa del caso “Colusión de las Farmacias” entre 2008 y 2012 en cuatro diarios de circulación nacional y tres de regiones.

Increasingly the media depend on the sale of advertising to survive. The relationship between the press and advertisers is problematic, especially when the companies that pay for ads become involved in cases of high public connotation. The question that motivates this research is how the Chilean press covers such cases. This article presents the first results of a quantitative content analysis of media coverage of the "Collusion of Drugstores" case between 2008 and 2012 in four national newspapers and three regional newspapers.

The fading credibility of Turkey's European Union (EU) membership perspective has undermined the conditionality strategy of the EU. However, outside of the formal setting of the accession talks, twinning projects are considered as a tool to keep Europeanization processes on track. Based on the principle of partnership, these projects aim to induce domestic change via social learning. However, this case study of a twinning project concerning the training of the Turkish National Police reveals interaction characterized by strategic rather than social learning. This was due to the dominance of personal/organizational interests and the negative effects of Turkey's uncertain accession prospects. This suggests that, in the absence of a credible membership perspective, the aim of using twinning as a tool for fostering change via persuasion and socialization may be overambitious.

En este artículo se comprueba el peso real que tuvo el tema de la paz en la última campaña presidencial de los candidatos de los partidos políticos colombianos, y se identifican las posiciones de estos en el proceso de paz. Para ello, en primer lugar se examina la literatura
sobre construcción de agenda y se elabora el marco teórico; en segundo lugar, se realiza un breve repaso del contexto político del país; en tercer lugar, se presenta el análisis de contenido como técnica metodológica para conocer los temas de la agenda fijados por los actores políticos; en cuarto lugar, se examinan los resultados del análisis de los spots de campaña de los principales partidos; finalmente, se exponen las conclusiones y las perspectivas de futuro.

Los medios de comunicación realizan una selección de los temas y protagonistas que privilegian en la cobertura informativa. Este proceso de selección y repetición dirige la atención de la audiencia e influye en su percepción sobre cuáles son los asuntos más relevantes de la actualidad (McCombs y Shaw, 1972).
El objetivo de este trabajo es encontrar nuevas formas de medir el establecimiento de agenda en los usuarios de los medios digitales, implementando programas de análisis automatizado de texto. Los estudios de agenda-setting están basados en la búsqueda de correlación entre la agenda mediática, medida a través de un análisis de contenido de las noticias, y la agenda del público, recogida mediante encuestas. Los medios digitales incorporan en muchas de sus noticias un sistema de comentarios que permite a los usuarios expresar su opinión. Desde el punto de vista de las ciencias de la comunicación, esta herramienta permite abordar el estudio de los procesos comunicativos desde una nueva perspectiva, ya que la información de los medios y la opinión de la audiencia se encuentra disponibles para su estudio en el sistema de comentarios de la noticia (Fenoll, 2012).
Los programas de análisis automatizado de texto nos permiten utilizar una metodología cuantitativa, con la que detectar encuadres, protagonistas y emociones presentes en noticias y comentarios. De este modo, podemos comprobar si se produce una transferencia de agenda de primer y segundo nivel entre los medios digitales y sus usuarios más activos. Para conseguir nuestros objetivos, vamos a repasar, en primer lugar, cómo funciona el establecimiento de agenda de los medios de comunicación. A continuación, haremos una revisión de la investigación en el ámbito del análisis automatizado de textos y del software que vamos a utilizar en el estudio. Sobre la base de esta contextualización teórica  y empírica, formularemos una propuesta metodológica de análisis de agenda-setting para los medios digitales.

The question of why certain policy issues attract more attention than others is one that is of vital importance in any political environment. If an issue is high on the agenda of policy-makers, efforts to resolve it will bring with them a far greater concentration of resources and thus likelihood of success. This essay will look at two case studies from the field of international health, HIV/AIDS and the neglected tropical diseases (NTDs), through the lens of Shiffman and Smith's (2007) agenda-setting framework, examining the factors that determine how issues come to occupy a privileged position on the policy agenda. These factors include the power of the actors involved, the characteristics of the issue itself, and the political context, but also the way an issue is defined -its 'framing'. This essay will argue that while the way an issue is framed is a key determinant of political prioritisation in global health, at least in the cases presented, the success of a good framing is dependent on, and cannot be divorced from, the other factors identified in the framework.

Este texto busca hacer una aproximación teórica al momento de definición de los problemas públicos, vistos como producto de la lucha entre actores que buscan insertar su visión como la más factible a ser atendida. Al caracterizarse como historias de carácter causal, se da paso hacia una redefinición de la racionalidad administrativa, dando como resultado una de corte argumentativa y, por tanto, política.

Media image of reality. Empirical research conducted over decades has proven unequivocally that the media affects its audience. Depending on the decade and the existing paradigm, a broader or narrower scope for potential impact is indicated. The author presents selected results of research on the agenda ‑setting and fram‑ ing process as well as the characteristics of both phenomena in order to find out whether the mechanisms behind them should be considered in the manipulation category. Nowadays, in the age of rapid development of " new " media, especially social media platforms, individuals are no longer merely passive users but can act as an active sender. This causes the impact of the media to appear distracted. The purpose of this article is also an attempt to answer the question of what role traditional media plays today and whether their role in setting up the thematic agenda has changed significantly. Medialny obraz rzeczywistości. Prowadzone od dziesięcioleci badania empiryczne dowiodły jednoznacznie, że media oddziałują na swoich odbiorców. W zależności od dekady i obowiązującego paradygmatu wskazywano szerszy lub węższy zakres potencjalnego wpływu. Autor prezentuje wybrane wyniki badań nad procesem agenda ‑setting i uramowienia (framing) a także cech charakterystycznych obu zjawisk celem poszukiwania odpowiedzi na pytanie czy mechanizmy stojące za nimi powinny być rozpatrywane w kategorii manipulacji. Współcześnie, w do‑ bie gwałtownego rozwoju " nowych " mediów, w szczególności platform społecz‑ nościowych, jednostki nie są już jedynie biernymi odbiorcami, ale mogą pełnić rolę aktywnego nadawcy. Powoduje to, że oddziaływanie mediów wydaje się być rozproszone. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest też próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, jaką rolę pełnią dziś tradycyjne media i czy ich rola w ustanawianiu agendy te‑ matycznej uległa znaczącej zmianie.

¿Cuál es el proceso que ha determinado el posicionamiento de ciertos temas de interés social frente a otros, en la agenda pública de gobiernos locales?
A pesar de que formalmente los gobiernos sean democráticos y participativos, la atención gubernamental a los problemas locales, o la forma en la que estos llegan a convertirse en asuntos que generan alguna política pública, no sigue los cauces ideales de los ofrecimientos de las campañas electorales ni de manera completa, los procedimientos formales que las leyes establecen. Son, más bien, procesos que incluyen contingencias y diferentes niveles de improvisación. Esta condición incide en que al final de la gestión gubernamental, las localidades de estos gobiernos sigan con problemas sociales sin solucionar.
Los autores en este libro ofrecen el análisis empírico comparado de dos municipios latinoamericanos y sus administraciones, y realizan aportes teóricos y metodológicos a la comprensión de los procesos de políticas públicas en general, y al de la construcción de agenda en particular, desde una perspectiva crítica que empieza por poner en duda la categoría misma que es centro de su análisis.
Contribuyen así, al conocimiento del proceso de formulación de la agenda pública, asumiendo que la búsqueda de mecanismos procesales para su aplicación y la identificación de las acciones colectivas adelantadas por los diferentes estamentos sociales y la configuración de las redes públicas, ofrecen las formas institucionales de participación como derecho y deber, y la incentiva desde otro punto de vista, descubriendo posibles escenarios de conflicto.

Nové šance a rizika: Flexibilita práce, marginalizace a soukromý život u vybraných povolání a sociálních skupin Kniha se zam uje na studování souvislostí a d sledk sou asných prom n pracovního trhu a pracovních podmínek na soukromý život lidí v eské republice. Ve st edu pozornosti p itom stojí dva fenomény, které mohou, ale nemusí být vzájemn provázané: zvyšující se flexibilita pracovních trh a pracovních podmínek a marginalizace ur itých skupin na pracovním trhu. Tyto fenomény byly zkoumány na p íkladu deseti p ípadových studií -kvalitativních výzkum zam ených na ur ité skupiny obyvatelstva nebo povolání. Studie ukazují, jak flexibilizace práce p sobí na soukromý a rodinný život t chto skupin, jaké požadavky naopak jejich soukromý život klade na uspo ádání jejich práce, jakou míru flexibility od nich požadují, i naopak jim umož ují jejich zam stnavatelé a co to vše znamená pro jejich postavení na trhu práce. Nejzávažn jším zjišt ním je fakt, že u mnoha povolání a pracovních pozic se jaksi v bec nep edpokládá, že by je vykonával n kdo, kdo má krom pracovních i soukromé závazky -nap íklad zodpov dnost za malé d ti i jiné závislé osoby. Rozhodnutí nemít d ti tak m že být tím nejzásadn jším dopadem prom n pracovního trhu na soukromý život v sou asných podmínkách nedostate né rozší enosti opat ení pro kombinaci práce a rodiny a nedosta ující pozitivní flexibility práce.

In this paper, we propose that agenda-setting theory also applies in the cultural domain of human activities. We argue that because cultural goods have high levels of relevance and uncertainty, their potential consumers will experience a high Need for Orientation (NFO), which will make them seek information in the news media, just like they do when faced with an NFO in the political domain. Moreover, we expect that agenda-setting theory would apply in the cultural domain in a more fragmented manner and that within the cultural domain it would apply differently in various cultural sub-domains. To build our argument, we draw from media, cultural studies and marketing literatures.

Se ha planteado que la brecha entre la prevalencia del delito y la opinión pública en Chile se debe a la televisión, por la prominencia del contenido delictivo. Sin embargo, la evidencia disponible es limitada. Por ello, este trabajo integra múltiples indicadores de percepción de delito y emplea tres metodologías diferentes: (1) un análisis de contenido sobre la presencia de la delincuencia en los noticieros de TV entre 2001 y 2012; (2) un análisis de series temporales sobre la relación entre los noticieros y la evolución del temor y preocupación por la delincuencia en 2001-2012; y (3) una encuesta (N = 1.502) realizada en 2012 que estima los determinantes de la opinión pública sobre delincuencia. Los resultados sugieren que, si bien la televisión tiene efectos de cultivación y agenda setting tanto en evaluaciones globales y personales, no es el factor más influyente; victimización, vulnerabilidad y predisposiciones políticas tienen mayor impacto.

The power of the news media to set a nation's agenda, to focus public attention on a few key public issues, is an immense and well-documented influence. Not only do people acquire factual information about public affairs from the news media, readers and viewers also learn how much importance to attach to a topic on the basis of the emphasis placed on it in the news. Newspapers provide a host of cues about the salience of the topics in the daily news -lead story on page one, other front page display, large headlines, etc. Television news also offers numerous cues about salience -the opening story on the newscast, length of time devoted to the story, etc. These cues repeated day after day effectively communicate the importance of each topic. In other words, the news media can set the agenda for the public's attention to that small group of issues around which public opinion forms.

In 1922, Lippman argued that there is an essential difference between ‘the world outside and the pictures in our heads.’  In Public Opinion, he recalled an island that was inhabited by an English, French and German populace.  Not knowing that the English and French were at war with the Germans, the island continued peacefully — until the unfortunate news arrived six weeks later.  Thus, Lippman began his argument for the pseudo-environments we all live in.  One that is fundamental for classifying, decoding and organizing information, but may not be a true reflection of our surroundings.
Lippman himself first purported that media play an integral role in negotiating the ‘reality’ of our outside world with our internal perspectives, opinions and thoughts.  Indeed, it was this axiom that led McCombs and Shaw to examine Chapel Hill voters in what has become the theoretical basis for over three hundred agenda setting studies (McCombs, Lopez-Escobar & Llamas, 2000).  The entire breadth of research which followed their seminal piece The Agenda – Setting Function of Mass Media, essentially derived from an initial hypothesis which suggested that mass media effectively sets the agenda for political campaigns, thereby influencing the salience of attitudes toward political issues (McCombs & Shaw, 1972).
Since 1972, countless researchers have relentlessly attempted to dissect public opinion from media representation in areas outside of politics as well.  This effort has resulted in a multitude of approaches and applications, which have been replicated numerous times over.  Ghanem has correctly suggested that agenda setting is now poised to become an indisputable theory in the field of mass communications (1997).  She references basic theoretical standards to bolster her argument: scope, parsimony, precision of prediction, and accuracy of explanation (Hage, 1972).  Clearly, agenda setting has already satisfied all four requirements and continues to strengthen its position with the continual coupling of core agenda setting principles with other mass communication theories.  One of the more recent contributions to agenda setting has been the introduction of second level agenda setting, which has a fundamental partnership with framing research.  However, before turning to this promising area of work, a brief review of the transformations that have taken place throughout agenda setting history should offer an unique perspective as to the profound impact second level agenda setting could have on the field of mass communications.

Resumen La discusión alrededor de las similitudes y diferencias entre la Agenda Setting y el Framing subyace en numerosos traba-jos académicos. Los investigadores de la comunicación política suelen distinguirse entre quienes proponen a la segunda como una fase de la primera y quienes pugnan por concebirlas como teorías independientes. Si bien ambas perspectivas comparten el objetivo de indagar en el tratamiento de los temas de inte-rés público en los hacedores de políticas, en las noticias y en el público, se distinguen en aspectos teóricos, epistemológicos y metodológicos que no pueden soslayarse si se procura compren-der la complejidad de cada una de ellas y sus implicancias para la investigación. Este artículo sistematiza tales rasgos, haciendo hincapié en la postura epistemológica, los antecedentes concep-tuales, las premisas centrales que cada una sostiene, el estatuto teórico sobre el cual se fundan y la estrategia metodológica que proponen. Palabras clave: Framing; Agenda Setting; comunicación política. Abstract There has been an ongoing debate in the literature about the similarities and differences between the concept of Agenda Setting and Framing. Moreover, there is a clear distinction among those political communication's researchers who propose Framing has a phase of the Agenda Setting and those who differentiate them as independent theories. However, both mainstreams share the ultimate goal of trying to figure out issues of public interest among politics, news and the public opinion. Despite these similarities, the diverge on theoretical and methodologi-cal aspects that need to be taken into account when researching because of its complexity and its implications.This systematize such features making emphasis on the epistemological's stand, the conceptual's background, the central premises that each of them stand for, the theoric statute in which they find its roots and the methadological strategy that they propose.

The goal of this book is to present an experimentalist approach to the problems of ethics in public policy grounded on John Dewey’s philosophy. Leaders in public policy face some unique challenges regarding the framing of problems, policy prioritization or agenda setting, as well as challenges of addressing the concerns of citizens who hold to conflicting religious and moral doctrines. This book is intended for students and leaders in public policy and for philosophers interested in how leaders in public matters can fuse the many important moral considerations that must be addressed in public settings concerning policy.

In International Relations debates’ we often deal with ‘security’, in both realist and idealist approaches. From Hobbes politics has been concerned about security issues of states and other organizations. Yet, little effort has been made to clarify theoretically what ‘security’ means, and only recent contributions have moved in such direction. Theories of IR have always been polarised between two core concepts: power and peace. These concepts developed mainly during Cold War and have provided narrow views of international affairs, while an approach based on security could deal better with global complexities.
The Copenhagen Security School has provided new frameworks for an enlarged concept of security. It offers an explication of the concept from a constructivist perspective, and this can build our deeper theoretical understanding of ‘security’. Such comprehension would enhance IR debates and it would improve the conditions at which decision-makers elaborate security policies.

The purpose of this paper is to introduce the concepts of key messages and key message integrity, and examines their viability for communication management scholars and practitioners in evaluating media relations activities. Key message integrity addresses not only what messages transfer, but also how well.
The authors analyzed 18 nonprofit organizations’ key messages and the messages’ integrity levels using content analysis on one month of their news coverage. In-depth interviews with eight of their media relations practitioners helped validate the concepts and the results.
The authors found five unique categories and functions of key messages: information concerned with dissemination, raison d’être concerned with purpose, categories concerned with positioning, resource management concerned with accounting for resources, and social relevance concerned with legitimacy. Findings also revealed varying levels of transmission and message integrity across the categories. Interviews revealed insights into challenges for communicating organizational key messages to the news media.
This study lays the foundation for additional research on key messages and key message integrity as useful metrics for communication management scholars and practitioners.

The effects of mass media is a picture of the strong influence in shaping public opinion. Any incidents or issues presented by the mass media have enormous power in determining what topics will be discussed by the community at that time. Media giving attention to certain issues will have an influence on public opinion. Agenda setting is the theory that discusses process of media impact on the public communication is. This theory describes the forces that influence the mass media give strong against the formation of public opinion. Thus, the agenda setting function will influence cognitive change among individuals. This research method literature, research by annalyzing books of literature, legislation, magazine , results of seminars and other resources related. The data obtained will be analyzed in a qualitative analysis is conducted by understanding and assemble the data that has been collected and arranged systematically , and conclusions drawn. One of the cases raised by the media and managed to influence the audience thinking that makes attention is the case RS Mulyasari Prita Omni International. The results showed that the Prita Mulyasari case became one of the media agenda that influence public agenda. Abstraksi Efek media massa merupakan gambaran pengaruh yang kuat dalam membentuk opini publik. Setiap kejadian atau isu yang disajikan oleh media massa memiliki kekuatan yang sangat besar dalam menentukan topik apa yang akan dibahas oleh masyarakat pada saat itu. Media memberikan perhatian pada isu tertentu yang berpengaruh pada opini publik. Agenda setting adalah teori yang membahas proses dampak media komu-nikasi publik, teori ini menjelaskan kekuatan yang mempengaruhi media terhadap pembentukan opini publik. Hal ini akan mempengaruhi perubahan kognitif. Penelitian dilakukan dengan analisa literatur, undang-un-dang, majalah, hasil seminar dan sumber daya lain yang berkaitan. Data yang diperoleh akan dianalisis dalam analisis kualitatif dilakukan dengan pemahaman dan merakit data yang telah dikumpulkan dan disusun secara sistematis, dan ditarik kesimpulan. Salah satu kasus yang diangkat oleh media dan berhasil mempengaruhi pemikiran khalayak yakni kasus RS Omni Internasional dengan Prita Mulyasari. Hasil penelitian menunjuk-kan bahwa kasus ini menjadi salah satu agenda media yang berikan pengaruh terhadap agenda publik. Kata kunci : agenda setting, agenda media, agenda publik I. PENDAHULUAN Masih segar dalam ingatan kita tentang kasus Prita Mulyasari yang dituduh mencemarkan OMNI yang menjadi headline di beberapa media cetak na-sional beberapa waktu lalu. Tidak hanya media cetak, media elektronik seperti radio dan televisi juga ramai memberitakan kasus Prita, bahkan "pro" dan "kon-tra" akan kasus prita juga ramai diberitakan di media media massa. Berita tersebut pun menjadi topik hangat yang diperbincangkan oleh hampir setiap orang, dikantor, kampus, bahkan di dalam kendaraan umum. Hampir tidak ada orang yang tidak tahu ten-tang masalah ini. Pro dan kontra pun muncul dalam masyarakat. Fenomena ini merupakan gambaran dari betapa kuatnya pengaruh media massa dalam pembentukan opini masyarakat. Media Massa mem-punya kemampuan untuk memilih dan menekankan

On 5 th January 2011, Poland approved new Gender Quota Law, which insists on 35% neutral gender quota on the party electoral lists and has been implemented through amended electoral law (electoral gender quota type). According with that mandatory regulation, partiesmust guarantee minimum 35% candidates of both sexes (female/male) on their electoral lists.This dissertation focuses on gender quota policy formulating analyzing on the grassroots and parliamentary level in Poland, while finally outlines factors which impact on 35% gender quota policy and proposes recommendations to increase quota effectiveness. The two policymaking models are implemented to support quota policy observation - the Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Model (MS) and partially the Sabatier’s Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF)(which are explained in the methodology section). Firstly, overall paper determines the wayhow gender quota policy is being formulated on the grassroots and parliamentary level andexamines institutional and non-institutional factors which impact on recently passed quotaregulation. Although, additionally within thesis sections they are few sub - questions toexplain which will be followed. The dissertation starts with preceding section, which outlineswhat gender quota policy is, for what is used and what makes the Polish case special to takeresponsibility as the researcher for involving into that case study and no another. The firstsection deals with analyzing grassroots gender quota policy campaigning level and outlines policy actors (both pro and against) involved within quota shaping to the point of policygetting into the Lower Assembly (state highest legislative body). Section 2 begins withoutlining parliamentary working under Gender Quota Proposal within parliamentary debates and commissions and what is the most important focuses on outlining
party’s attitudes towards quota policy shaping (in the 2011 General Elections background) which revealed and impacted on final quota policy regulation. That section investigates voting results under  proposal. The last section investigates 35% gender quota from both institutional as non- institutional factors which have impact on quota outcomes. The policy recommendations are proposed and 35% quota mechanism limits are being examined.

La investigación de las emociones ha ido adquiriendo importancia en los análisis sobre comportamiento político o toma de decisiones, dejando atrás una de las dicotomías clásicas de la Ciencia Política como es la de la razón/emoción. El presente trabajo, con una visión descriptiva, utiliza el software Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count para analizar las emociones negativas de los ciudadanos expresadas en 25.959 tweets (369.769 palabras) como respuesta a los mensajes de los candidatos en cuatro campañas presidenciales en América Latina entre los años 2015 y 2017 (Argentina, Perú, Ecuador y Chile). Los resultados muestran, de forma indiciaria, la existencia de corrientes de opinión digitales, la distinta reacción en función del tema del que se discute, situando a la ideología y al territorio como factor diferenciador.

This theoretical paper introduces the notion of personal salience, expanding the traditional paradigm of agenda setting theory to encompass digital, online activities for the establishment of personal agendas. Self-agendas have been examined from many diverging points of view and competing perspectives. In this paper, we aim to place them within the precise categorization of the agenda setting paradigm. In its fifty-year history, scholars have examined the specific mechanisms and processes that render "issues" and "objects" salient. The current paper aims to classify personal agendas and personal salience as distinct typologies of mediated significance.

the year 2019, the Amazon rainforest was the site of wildfires that mounted to unprecedented devastation now known as the Amazon rainforest wildfires (ARWF). There is no clear date for when the catastrophe began. However, in June 2019, satellite images of the Brazilian National Institute for Space Research (short INPE) showed that vast areas of rainforest were burning (INPE 2019). The wildfires spanned over the territories of Brazil, Bolivia, Paraguay, Venezuela, Ecuador, Colombia and Peru. Throughout the timeline of the catastrophic event, various international institutions, politicians, activists, celebrities, and leaders of state associations were involved in the news coverage on the ARWF. The continuation of the devastation became a big news item in the agendas of international online news outlets. The news media only picked up the ARWF as a news item in August that same year. The time gap between the INPE’s reporting and widespread coverage on the ARWF is a result of different media agendas. This dissertation investigates these agendas examining examples from the countries Germany and Brazil to uncover why the coverage of the ARWF only came after a time gap. In the following dissertation, the publications of the four major online news outlets from Brazil and Germany are analyzed to understand the media agenda-setting in the news coverage of the 2019 Amazonian Rainforest Wildfires. This dissertation argues that the agenda-setting of the news media covering the wildfires was influenced by world hegemonies, meaning that elite actors and core countries were key variables in the prior negligence and following increase of coverage on the catastrophic events during the Amazonian Rainforest Wildfires.

A la luz de la realidad chilena, este capítulo busca responder dos preguntas principales, relacionadas entre sí: (1) ¿Qué tan anclada está la cobertura de los noticiarios televisivos en la realidad y experiencia ciudadana del delito? (2) ¿En qué medida el consumo de la televisión –el medio más usado en Chile para informarse (CNTV,2015)– influye en la opinión pública sobre la delincuencia, específicamente en la determinación del temor y preocupación por el crimen? Tomando evidencia cuantitativa levantada durante 12 años (entre 2001 y
2012), este trabajo dará cuenta de que la exposición a contenidos noticiosos sobre delincuencia en Chile sí está asociada a percepciones de las personas en torno al problema de la seguridad ciudadana, aunque en forma moderada y menos significativa que otros determinantes actitudinales, de predisposición política, vulnerabilidad y experienciales. Con ello, la percepción frente al crimen aparece situada en la realidad social y delictual, en tanto no se puede inferir que la representación que realiza la televisión sobre la delincuencia se desarrolle con total independencia a la ocurrencia real del crimen, y que la exposición a medios de comunicación sea la única causante de las opiniones de la ciudadanía sobre el tema, sino que emerge como un factor más –entre otros determinantes sociales– que actúa de manera heterogénea según el tipo de actitud o juicio ciudadano. Estos resultados han sido alcanzados a través de un trabajo conceptual y metodológico que integra múltiples indicadores y metodologías acordes a los desafíos que impone un fenómeno complejo como la opinión pública sobre la delincuencia. En particular, se realizó (1) un análisis de contenido de amplio alcance sobre la presencia de la delincuencia en los noticieros centrales de la TV chilena entre 2001 y 2012; (2) un análisis de series temporales sobre la relación entre los noticieros y la evolución del temor y preocupación por la delincuencia en encuestas públicas agregadas entre 2001 y 2012; y (3) una encuesta original a más de 1500 personas realizada a mediados de 2012 que estima a nivel individual los determinantes de la opinión pública sobre delincuencia, especialmente los asociados al consumo de medios. Con estos datos se examina hasta qué punto son aplicables algunos aspectos de las teorías de cultivación (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan y Signorelli, 1994; Romer, Jamieson y Aday, 2003), como los efectos de la TV en juicios de primer y segundo orden (Shrum, 2004), y de la agenda setting de primer nivel, referida a la influencia de los medios en la agenda temática de la opinión pública (Gross y Aday, 2003; Lowry, Nio y Leitner, 2003; McCombs, 2004; Scherman y Etchegaray, 2013). El propósito, en este caso, es explicar la opinión pública chilena en torno a la delincuencia, poniendo especial atención al tipo de percepciones más proclives a verse influidas por los medios de comunicación.

The meaning of “fake news” has undergone a profound evolution in the decades since Norm McDonald opened Saturday Night Live’s Weekend Update segments with “Here’s the fake news.” From harmless satire in fake newspaper The Onion to misleading clickbait about the Pope’s supposed endorsement of Donald Trump (Ritchie 2016), “fake news” has morphed from evoking mere laughter to evoking an existential threat to democracy. While other scholars have examined “fake news” stories as media artifacts (Bakir and McStay 2017; Potthast, et. al. 2017; Horne and Adali 2016), Donald Trump’s appropriation of “fake news” as a rhetorical device for discrediting unfavorable coverage of his presidency, and the wide-spread adoption of the same tactic among Republicans and even foreign interests, calls out for more scholarship. This chapter takes up that challenge with an examination of “fake news” as a discursive weapon in Trump’s tweets as president. Text mining more than a thousand tweets from Trump’s first six months in office, it demonstrates the president’s rebranding of the phrase for his own reputational management, and examines civic and cultural effects of that rhetoric.

The considerable evidence base linking social conditions to population health has spurred many in public health to call for political action. Most of these conditions fall outside the purview of health departments, meaning that advocates are increasingly calling on other government sectors to improve health. Whether levelled at the whole-of-government or individual departments these calls seek a paradigm shift in governmental goals. Paradigmatic political change is an essentially normative process – one based upon ethical, rather than empirical, reasoning. Successfully achieving political change requires that public health advocates improve their normative justification for change and reduce their reliance upon evidence-based arguments. evidence-based policy • social determinants of health

In this paper we argue that policy punctuations differ from each other in ways that reflect distinct types of political change. We identify three main kinds. The first are procedural changes that have unique unrelated policies within the same issue area. Within the remaining large policy changes, high-salience punctuations are associated with increased attention in the media, whereas low-salience punctuations do not attract such scrutiny. The analysis applies the typology to data from the UK Policy Agendas Project, identifying punctuations from the content of Acts of the UK Parliament between 1911 and 2008. Using evidence from the historical record and the data series, the analysis places each observation within the typology. We claim that the typology has a more general application and could be replicated in other jurisdictions and time periods. We conclude that attention to the historical record and qualitative studies of punctuations can complement and inform the analysis of aggregate data series.

¿De qué hablamos cuando decimos “agenda”? En sus inicios, la teoría de la agenda setting postuló el vínculo causal entre agenda mediática y pública. Hoy nos encontramos frente a un replanteo de su hipótesis basal, en el que la idea de una “transferencia de relevancia entre agendas” reemplaza ese vínculo.
El rol de los medios de comunicación, actores políticos y sociales por excelencia, se ha puesto en el centro de la discusión. De ahí la importancia de pensar sus agendas en una relación de mutua influencia con las agendas política y pública. Ahora bien, ¿cómo se ejerce la influencia de “los que deciden”, de los medios y de los ciudadanos? Para medir tal influencia, ¿es más eficaz cubrir “grandes” cuestiones o centrarse en asuntos específicos? ¿Focalizar en temas que toquen la experiencia o probar con otros más lejanos?
No es posible comprender fehacientemente una corriente si no se la pone en discusión con otras, sin subsumirlas –ni a unas ni a otras– bajo el brazo de su contendiente. Por eso, Natalia Aruguete propone un recorrido crítico de la agenda setting: analiza el contexto de su creación y discute las nociones subyacentes de su idiosincrasia, como el escenario sociopolítico y económico de su surgimiento y consolidación. En definitiva, busca poner en evidencia que ninguna teoría es tan vasta como para dar respuesta a todas las inquietudes que surgen en su aplicación como herramienta para comprender la realidad. Que no es tal, por cierto.

This study aims at contextualizing the theoretical and empirical underpinnings of agenda-setting theory amidst cultural traditional values in Africa. First, it tests the influence of agenda-setting theory in the Zambian presidential elections and then asserts perceptions of what the voters believe influences their choices for a presidential candidate. The study investigates the plausibility and applicability of agenda-setting theory at a global context. It questions how the ruling governments that own(ed) and control(led) the mass media and its agenda (in the 1991 and 2011 Zambian presidential elections) could lose to the opposition governments that barely created a media agenda for their campaigns. Findings suggest that cultural variables were more statistically inclined to voters' behaviors in the Zambian elections when compared to agenda-setting theory.

This study focused on adjustment difficulties of college freshmen with reference to sex and age and was conducted in a state college during the First Semester of School Year 2010-2011. Adjustment difficulties are believed to be one of the primary reasons for the decline in enrolment of college freshmen come second semester of every school year. To achieve the purpose of the study, an initial survey instrument was developed based on the review of relevant literature and on the result of a focus-group interview conducted with eight college freshmen representing several courses as participants. The initial survey instrument was reviewed and evaluated by three Registered Guidance Counselors (RGCs). Suggestions given by the RGCs were taken into account in the preparation of the pre-try-out survey instrument. A trial-run using the pre-try-out survey instrument was conducted among 20 college freshmen to check for the average time needed for administering, the clarity of the direction, and suitability of language used. Observations and comments from the trial-run participants were taken into consideration in the preparation of the final survey instrument. The final survey instrument consisted of 68 items covering academic, social, and personal adjustment difficulties. A total of 470 college freshmen (Male=134, Female=336) completely answered the final survey instrument. Statistical analysis showed that males and females significantly differed in terms of adjustment difficulties. Age was also found to be significantly correlated with academic adjustment difficulties.