Age Discrimination

This paper compares various philosophical approaches to the rights of future generations with the solutions adopted by national courts in climate litigation. It argues that two opposing visions emerge from this comparison: one that recognizes the rights of future generations as those of indeterminate groups of people, and another that views these rights as future projections of the rights of present individuals.

Les centre sociaux sont en premiere ligne puisque present sur des territoires singularises, pour le contact avec des populations en proie a des discriminations. Un etat des lieux de leurs pratiques face a ce probleme etait necessaire. La realisation d'un Diagnostic strategique de territoire pour le compte de l'Agence pour la cohesion sociale et l'egalite etait l'occasion d'aller voir ces pratiques et de chercher a mobiliser les acteurs de terrain.

In 1950, the United States could claim racial equity in one important respect – both black and white American men who reached age 65 could expect to live twelve more years to age 77. Unfortunately, by 2010, racial gaps appeared. White men at age 65 were projected to live almost 2 years longer than black men, while white women could expect to live one year longer than black women. In 60 years, racial equity turned into a racial gap in age-65 life expectancy. Th is is signifi cant when considering public policy proposals that seek to cut Social Security benefi ts by raising the retirement age, the age at which workers can collect their full Social Security benefi ts. A racial gap in life expectancy past the age of 65 means this cut in benefi ts will disproportionately impact Blacks.

This chapter deals with the prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of socio-economic status. This matter, of ever-growing importance in public international law and constitutional law, is analyzed in this chapter from the perspective of the Polish legal order. Despite the seemingly clear wording of the Constitution, which provides that ‘No one shall be discriminated against in political, social or economic life for any reason whatsoever’, the Constitutional Tribunal of Poland and the Supreme Court have not explicitly recognized protection against discrimination based on an individual’s socio-economic status. In this chapter, based on an empirical study conducted with the participation of judges from these two courts, the highest courts in Poland, I argue that this omission was the result of the judges’ lack of awareness of the importance of this ground of discrimination. Therefore, the courts have lost their opportunity to actively counter social inequalities

Esta comunicación deriva de la constatación de que la “edad” a menudo opera como una causa de discriminación que cuenta con un régimen jurídico de protección devaluado respecto a las causas tradicionales, en la medida en que se le atribuye un régimen de justificación especialmente permisivo. Así sucede de manera señalada en el Derecho de la Unión Europea, no solo porque se amplían formalmente las posibilidades de justificación del tratamiento peyorativo (arts. 3.4 y 6 de la Directiva 2000/78/CE), sino también porque la propia jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Justicia tiende a interpretar las excepciones a la paridad de trato de manera más flexible que en otros casos. Del mismo modo, el TEDH ha rechazado que se pueda aplicar a la edad el régimen de justificación cualificado que admite en otros supuestos de vulnerabilidad grupal. Los motivos para estas diferencias entre la edad y el resto de las causas no se terminan de hacer explícitos, a pesar de que es evidente que la edad contribuye significativamente a generar vulnerabilidad, exclusión y pobreza, particularmente en el contexto laboral. Se parte de la hipótesis de que estas contradicciones están provocadas por un déficit teórico relativo al concepto de discriminación que dificulta la delimitación de las conductas prohibidas. Puesto que no se comprende bien qué es la discriminación, tampoco se termina de identificar qué es lo que no es. Podemos intuir que existen casos en los que la edad no opera realmente como causa de discriminación, pero no se ofrecen parámetros teóricos que nos ayuden a identificarlos en los casos más problemáticos. Ante la ausencia de alternativas, la argumentación se termina deslizando al modelo abstracto del principio de igualdad formal, lo que permite, por ejemplo, la admisión de justificaciones basadas en estereotipos que no parecen apropiadas. Para abordar este problema, en primer lugar, se ha revisado la doctrina y la jurisprudencia más importantes en relación con la discriminación por razón de edad, para profundizar en la problemática anteriormente descrita, identificando los puntos más polémicos o los casos más dudosos. Posteriormente, se articula un concepto global y analítico de “discriminación grupal” –aplicable a todas las causas de discriminación– que se someterá a prueba proyectándolo sobre el contexto específico de la discriminación por edad, para identificar en qué medida permite abordar los supuestos problemáticos, tomando como referencia los casos recogidos en la jurisprudencia. De este modo, pueden identificarse unas pautas que sirvan de guía a los operadores jurídicos para reconstruir la discriminación en el proceso judicial o para defenderse de las alegaciones de discriminación que sean apropiadas para las peculiaridades de esta causa, que constituirían la aportación personal de este trabajo.

Ahstract Family responsibilities discrimination, bias against workers based on their responsibilities to care for family members is widespread in many organizations and is rapidly becoming a twenty-first century workplace concern. Employers who harass, pass over for promotion, and even terminate workers because they care for children, elderly parents or spouses, or disabled family members have becn sued with more th.:quency and have been paying increasing amounts in verdicts. Recently,cthe EEOC took an important step toward ending this discrimination by issuing cnforcement guidelines that wiJl educate employers and employees about family responsibilities discrimination and caregivers' rights and responsibilities. The Guidelines explain how federal equal employment opportunity laws apply to workers who struggle to balance work and family, and what firms can do to avoid potential legal problems and accompanying liabilities with respect to family responsibilities and caregiving discdmination. Key words family respoqsibilities discrimination. EEOC. work-family contlict. balancing work and family responsibilities. caregiver responsibilities A female nurse lost her job when she said that she could not stay for an unscheduled second shift because that would mean leaving her young children at home alone (Bravo~'.cICi7). A male Maryland State Trooper wa,; denied leave to care for his newborn and told by his supervisor that he could not qualify for the leave unless his wife was "in a coma or dead," and "God made women ro have babies and, unless [he] could have a baby there is no way [he] could be a primary caregiver" (Knussman v. Maryland 2no !, p. 629630). A supervisor told a woman eight months pregnant: "1 was going to put you in charge of that office, but look at you now" (Moore v. Alabama State University j (}(i7).

RESUMO-Procuramos compreender (a) se a estrutura pentadimensional (dimensões: adaptabilidade; valia dos mais velhos para a organização; conscienciosidade e lealdade; capital social e generosidade; desempenho) do instrumento de medida das atitudes dos gestores perante os trabalhadores mais velhos anteriormente desenvolvido é replicada em uma amostra de estudantes universitários e (b) se essas atitudes ajudam a explicar as decisões dos estudantes. A amostra envolveu 278 estudantes universitários portugueses. Os principais resultados são os seguintes: (a) a estrutura pentadimensional obtida com gestores portugueses e brasileiros replica-se na amostra de estudantes; (b) apesar de os estudantes reconhecerem qualidades nos trabalhadores mais velhos, revelam inclinação para práticas discriminatórias relativamente a esses trabalhadores, e essa inclinação parece ser mais acentuada do que a identificada em gestores.

Aging is a reality of life since the global workforce is getting older. The article first discusses the challenges confronting older workers in today's work environment, particularly the presence of negative age stereotypes and ageist prejudice and bias towards older workers, frequently resulting in age discrimination in employment. The authors relate the results of a cross-cultural age and cultural values survey regarding perceptions of older workers and the prevalence of age discrimination. The article then provides an overview of the key civil rights statute in the U.S. prohibiting age discrimination-the Age Discrimination in Employment Act (ADEA)-as well as a discussion of the nature and role of the federal regulatory agency in the U.S.-the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission-in implementing and enforcing age discrimination law. A succinct comparison of U.S. age discrimination law to the law of the European Community is also supplied. Principal purposes of this article are to provide to employers, business leaders, and managers practical strategies and recommendations to comply with age discrimination laws, to maintain fair employment practices, and to show how to handle an actual age-based discrimination lawsuit. Recommendations are supplied to managers on how to deal with the ADEA and especially how to avoid legal liability pursuant to this important anti-discrimination statute. Suggestions are also provided on how to deal with and to defend age discrimination lawsuit cases. Furthermore, suggestions are offered to the business community on how to view older workers as an opportunity and to utilize them in a beneficial fashion for the firm or organization. Another major purpose of this article is to provide older workers-whether current employees or job applicants-suggestions on how to keep and secure employment in a technologically advanced but recessionary economy.

Background: The global increase in life expectancy has significantly raised the elderly population. In Türkiye, the proportion of individuals aged 65 and over rose from 8.8% in 2018 to 10.2% in 2023. This demographic shift necessitates the planning of social and health services for the elderly. Ageism affects elderly health negatively and is prevalent in healthcare settings. This study aimed to determine the prevalence of ageism among resident physicians at Pamukkale University Hospital and identify factors influencing their preferences for providing healthcare to elderly patients. Methods: This cross-sectional study was conducted at Pamukkale University Hospital between 6 June and 16 June, 2024. A total of 448 resident physicians were selected through simple random sampling. Data were collected using a self-administered questionnaire, which included sociodemographic information, factors affecting ageism, and the Fraboni Scale of Ageism (FSA). Descriptive statistics, Chi-square tests, and logistic regression were used to evaluate factors influencing healthcare preferences. Results: The FSA score averaged 71.89 AE 7.87, indicating a 20.1% (95% CI:16.48-24.10) prevalence of age discrimination among resident physicians. Logistic regression analysis revealed that male participants (odds ratio (OR) = 1.519, P = 0.042), those with moderate to very poor perceived knowledge of elderly health (OR = 2.418, P < 0.001), and higher FSA scores (OR = 1.046, P < 0.001) were more likely to prefer not providing healthcare services to elderly patients. Conclusions: Ageism among resident physicians is prevalent, impacting their willingness to provide care to elderly patients. Gender, perceived knowledge, and ageist attitudes influence their preferences for providing healthcare to elderly patients. Addressing these factors is crucial for improving healthcare services for the elderly.

Шурупова К. В., Абдель Фатах А. С., Склема Т. Ю. Дискримінація за віковою ознакою на робочому місці: диференціатори впливу. Дана стаття вміщує в себе аналіз міжнародного, національного та трудового законодавства, відповідно саме в сфері дискримінації праці за ознакою віку. Проаналізовані та внесені рекомендації щодо поліпшення правового регулювання та застосування практичних нововведень у вказаній сфері. Враховуючі дані тенденції, щодо поширення дискримінації у сфері праці та не тільки за ознакою віку, а й за багато іншими чинниками, наприклад: статті, соціального становища або розумових навичок, що для багатьох людей дане положення представляється певною мірою природнім і правильним, дало змогу та стало певним мотиваційним фактором для того аби ретельно дослідити та приділити увагу чинникам, які підвищили продуктивність цієї боротьби з даною дискримінацію, створення окремого правозастосовного акту або нормативного документа, що буде окремо регулювати питання дискримінації у сфері праці, також розробка певних тематичних програмних комплексів, що будуть формувати уявлення та ставлення людей в робочому колективі для різних вікових груп, де додатково увага буде приділятися забезпеченню зайнятості молоді. В рамках дослідження питання також розглянутий міжнародний досвід, щодо ставлення та методів вирішення проблем у сфері дискримінації за ознакою віку не тільки в сфері праці, а й в цілому. Складність та розповсюдженість явища викликала різні точки зору на проблематику як зі сторони науковців, так і з нашої, тому в роботі визначене загальне поняття дискримінації у сфері праці, присвоєні йому особисті властивості та розділені за особливими характеристиками від суміжних правових категорій, з'ясовані методологічні нерівності та недосконалості , що викликають причино-наслідковий зв'язок з негативним показником боротьби з даною проблематикою. Виконаний порівняльний метод дослідження , стосовно дискримінації у сфері праці за ознакою віку, на підставі досвіду попередників, а саме порівняння ставлення тогочасного суспільства тоді та зараз у сучасному технологічному соціумі, де проблема технологічних процесів та нових інформаційних ресурсів

The aim of the present study is to investigate how age discrimination affects successful aging, but also whether internalizing negative attitudes towards old age explains the relationship between the two variables. Materials and Methods: The study involved 391 people aged between 35 and 90, 315 women and 76 men. The tools used were The Fraboni Scale of Ageism, Attitudes to Aging Questionnaire, and Successful Aging Inventory. Outcomes: According to the results, there was no statistically significant correlation between perceptions of age discrimination and successful aging. Also, there was a statistically significant negative correlation between negative attitudes towards aging and successful aging. Finally, there was a statistically significant positive correlation between the perception of age discrimination and negative attitudes towards aging. Conclusions: The approach in the present study allows for a deeper understanding of subjective perceptions of one's own aging. The study investigated two variables that may have relevance in understanding subjective successful aging-perceived age discrimination and negative attitudes toward aging. The results allow us to better understand the antecedents of successful aging and their importance.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to report on fieldwork observation of direct age discrimination cases within employment tribunal (ET) hearings over a three-year period. The observation focussed upon whether the witness evidence revealed age stereotyping by employers and whether the ET panel addressed the stereotyping in its questioning and in its judgments. The observation was combined with an analysis of jurisprudence relating to direct age discrimination over an 11-year period. Design/methodology/approach This research analysed a sample of 90 ET judgments concerning direct age discrimination, which included five fieldwork observation cases concerning direct age discrimination in an ET. Findings This paper opens a window on age stereotyping in the workplace, illuminating the existence of age stereotypes in the context of ETs and the approach of the courts towards stereotypes in the sample is analysed. Research limitations/implications The fieldwork observation is limited to on...

support. He showed me what is achievable. Thank you Prof D. Wassenaar for your guidance regarding the sometimes-complicated ethics processes. Finally, I would also like to express my sincere gratitude to my family; my wife for her support and understanding while working on this project. Her question "how far are you with your work?" pushed me towards the end goal.

Les procédures disciplinaires à l'université Avant d'engager des poursuites disciplinaires, la présidence de l'université doit diligenter une enquête administrative afin de réunir les éléments factuels permettant d'éclairer la décision. Des mesures conservatoires, limitées dans le temps, peuvent être mises en place dans l'attente de la décision de la commission disciplinaire (interdiction d'accès aux locaux, par exemple). Les sanctions contre l'auteur•rce des faits sont d'une nature variable (blâme, exclusion de l'établissement pour un•e étudiant•e, exclusion temporaire de fonction pour le personnel administratif, interdiction d'exercer toute fonction d'enseignement ou de recherche pendant cinq ans au maximum pour un•e enseignant•e-chercheur•se, révocation, etc.). Dans le cas où un membre du personnel exerçant des fonctions d'enseignement est en cause, la section disciplinaire n'est composée que de membres du corps enseignant. L'appel de ces décisions se fait devant le CNESER (Conseil national de l'enseignement supérieur et de la recherche). Lorsque l'auteur•rice est étudiant•e, la section disciplinaire (qui n'a plus, depuis 2019 1 , valeur de juridiction administrative mais seulement d'organe administratif collégial) comprend également des pairs étudiants 2. Dans ce dernier cas, les recours ont lieu auprès du tribunal administratif. L'action publique en matière de lutte contre les discriminations dans l'enseignement supérieur s'est étoffée depuis une dizaine d'années, conduisant à renouveler les moyens mis à disposition des victimes de discrimination. La création des cellules d'écoute des victimes de harcèlement sexuel et des missions égalité fait suite à la mobilisation au début des années 2000 du Collectif anti-sexiste de lutte contre le harcèlement sexuel (CLASCHES) et de l'Association nationale des études féministes (ANEF) (Cromer & Hamel, 2014). Suite à la création de la Conférence permanente des chargés de mission égalité et diversité (CPED) en 2011, la loi relative à l'enseignement supérieur et la recherche du 22 juillet 2013 (dite « loi Fioraso ») a généralisé les missions Égalité dans les établissements universitaires. Leur travail, centré sur les questions d'égalité femmes-hommes et de lutte contre le harcèlement sexuel, s'est ensuite élargi. Par ailleurs, à la suite des attentats de 2015, le ministère de l'Enseignement supérieur et de la Recherche a encouragé le développement d'un réseau de « référents laïcité », puis de « référents racisme-antisémitisme » dans les universités. Selon les établissements, ces différentes missions peuvent être confiées à la même personne ou réparties sur plusieurs agent•es. Si le renforcement du réseau des « référents « racisme-antisémitisme » a été annoncé récemment (dans le Plan national de lutte contre le racisme et l'antisémitisme 2018-2020), il tarde encore à se manifester en pratique : dans certaines universités, ces référents n'existent pas, tandis que dans d'autres établissements, le manque de financement et/ou de définition de leurs missions entravent leur action. En parallèle, le mouvement #MeToo, apparu en 2017, a relancé les politiques de lutte contre les violences sexistes et sexuelles, conduisant à la généralisation de cellules d'accueil et d'écoute dans les 1 Loi n° 2019-828 du 6 août 2019 de transformation de la fonction publique. 2 Sur le signalement et les procédures disciplinaires dans l'enseignement supérieur, voir le kit de prévention élaboré par l'AFMD et le CPED, avec le soutien du Défenseur des droits et du ministère de l'Enseignement supérieur, de la recherche et de l'innovation (AFMD, CPED, 2021).

The aim of the present study is to investigate how age discrimination affects successful aging, but also whether internalizing negative attitudes towards old age explains the relationship between the two variables. Materials and Methods: The study involved 391 people aged between 35 and 90, 315 women and 76 men. The tools used were The Fraboni Scale of Ageism, Attitudes to Aging Questionnaire, and Successful Aging Inventory. Outcomes: According to the results, there was no statistically significant correlation between perceptions of age discrimination and successful aging. Also, there was a statistically significant negative correlation between negative attitudes towards aging and successful aging. Finally, there was a statistically significant positive correlation between the perception of age discrimination and negative attitudes towards aging. Conclusions: The approach in the present study allows for a deeper understanding of subjective perceptions of one's own aging. The study investigated two variables that may have relevance in understanding subjective successful aging-perceived age discrimination and negative attitudes toward aging. The results allow us to better understand the antecedents of successful aging and their importance.

The aim of the present study is to investigate how age discrimination affects successful aging, but also whether internalizing negative attitudes towards old age explains the relationship between the two variables. The study involved 391 people aged between 35 and 90, 315 women and 76 men. The tools used were The Fraboni Scale of Ageism, Attitudes to Aging Questionnaire, and Successful Aging Inventory. Outcomes: According to the results, there was no statistically significant correlation between perceptions of age discrimination and successful aging. Also, there was a statistically significant negative correlation between negative attitudes towards aging and successful aging. Finally, there was a statistically significant positive correlation between the perception of age discrimination and negative attitudes towards aging. The approach in the present study allows for a deeper understanding of subjective perceptions of one's own aging. The study investigated two variables that may have relevance in understanding subjective successful aging -perceived age discrimination and negative attitudes toward aging. The results allow us to better understand the antecedents of successful aging and their importance.

Ageism has been a poorly defined polemical term covering a range of discriminatory attitudes and behaviours directed toward elderly people. Based on data from 195 1st-year psychology students, this study measures four facets of ageismattitudes to the elderly, attitudes to the ageing process, s t e m types of capability and stereotypes of sociabilityand relates scale scores to experimental findings on age discrimination. The study shows interconnectedness among components of ageism, but considerable diversity in how ageist the group was on different dimensions. The major finding was that while both attitudinal and experimental designs were effective in uncovering biases against elderly people, these biases were unrelated to each other. Ageism. defined in terms of verbally expressed prejudice and s t e m types, is to be distinguished from age discrimination, operationalised as a preference for younger over older job applicants. coined the term ageism to describe "the systematic stereotyping and discrimination against people because they are old" (Butler, 1987, p. 22). He has claimed that the phenomenon can be observed at both the institutional and individual level through stereotypes and myths, outright disdain and dislike, avoidance of contact, discriminatory practices in housing, employment, and services, and even humour. Many have endorsed Butler's view and have warned of its consequences . Proponents argue that ageism impacts negatively on elderly people, not merely through inequitable treatment by society, but through self-fulfilling prophecy. Elderly people come to apply the negative definitions of old age and the expected restrictions of old age to themselves. In spite of the popularity of the term and its intuitive appeal, data demonstrating the pervasive nature of ageism have not been forthcoming . Indeed, . Kearl, Moore, and Osberg (1982) and Schonfield (1982) responded to the concept with a degree of disdain, arguing that it has been a vehicle for obtaining political support and resources for aged care programs, rather than a scientifically respectable construct. A review of research findings suggests that Butler's (1987) conception of ageism, at the very least, oversimplifies the ways in which elderly people and the ageing process are regarded in our society. The reviews of and highlight the complexity and divergence in responses to ageing and to elderly people. Positive as well as negative appraisals are evident in the literature (

Views of aging include peoples’ assessment of their own aging process and their subjective age. Positive aging views relate to good psychological well-being which predicts better physical and mental health. While these were substantially studied, the moderating roles of self-aging attitudes and psychological well-being in the subjective age-age discrimination connection have been much less explored. The current study used a convenience sample of 568 participants (mean = 66.21y, SD = 11.95, age range 50-95), 55.8% women, 67.1% employed. In line with the hypotheses, young subjective age and psychological well-being were connected to less age discrimination in the workplace and higher psychological well-being mitigated the subjective age-age discrimination at work connection. When the perception of old age as a period of loss was added to the model, adults who perceived old age as a period of loss and reported lower levels of psychological well-being, demonstrated the strongest relationship between an increase in subjective age and an increase in age-related discrimination at work. The findings emphasize the importance of psy-chological well-being of older employees as a resource for improving their attitudes to their last years at work.

Age discrimination is often cited as a barrier to participation in work by older people, and the workplace provides the most common grounds for complaints of this nature. Age discrimination predominantly affects older rather than younger groups (although the latter are not exempt), and is often based on myths and stereotyped attitudes about older people and older workers which can be easily refuted (Davey, 2007; Alpass and Mortimer, 2007; Gray and McGregor, 2003). Age discrimination as an issue in the workplace is not new. It was well documented in Janice Burns’ literature review on mature workers for the Department of Work and Income in 2001 (Burns, 2001) and by Justina Murray in her review of age discrimination in employment, commissioned by the New Zealand Human Rights Commission in 2002 (Murray, 2002). In 2006 the EEO Trust’s Work and Age Survey Report showed that 31% of respondents had experienced age discrimination at work (EEO Trust, 2006).

Objectives: This study examined the relationship between changes in perceived discrimination and changes in depressive symptoms among older people. The association between perceived age discrimination and depressive symptoms was also analyzed longitudinally along with tests to determine whether self-perception of aging mediates this association. Method: Data from two waves (2008 and 2012) of the Health and Retirement Study were used. Longitudinal models were tested using a nationally representative sample of 3921 participants who responded to psychosocial questionnaires in both waves and answered questions about perceived everyday discrimination and attributions of discrimination in 2008. Results: Changes in perceived discrimination was significantly associated with changes in depressive symptoms over time. Perceived age discrimination was significantly related to a change in depressive symptoms over four years and selfperceptions of aging mediated the relationship between perceived age discrimination and depressive symptoms. Conclusion: Findings demonstrate the importance of recognizing perceived discrimination and negative self-perceptions of aging as well as how the negative effects of age discrimination on self-perceptions of aging can be risk factors for the development of depressive symptoms in late life.

In 1950, the United States could claim racial equity in one important respect – both black and white American men who reached age 65 could expect to live twelve more years to age 77. Unfortunately, by 2010, racial gaps appeared. White men at age 65 were projected to live almost 2 years longer than black men, while white women could expect to live one year longer than black women. In 60 years, racial equity turned into a racial gap in age-65 life expectancy. Th is is signifi cant when considering public policy proposals that seek to cut Social Security benefi ts by raising the retirement age, the age at which workers can collect their full Social Security benefi ts. A racial gap in life expectancy past the age of 65 means this cut in benefi ts will disproportionately impact Blacks.

Merci d'être présents, et merci aussi aux organisateurs du succès de ce travail que nous allons effectuer, que je sais d'avance productif car il va nous permettre d'avancer concernant les notions et mesures d'accompagnement de la personne en situations de handicap. C'est pour moi une vraie satisfaction d'ouvrir en ce jour très particulier, puisque c'est le jour, le 11 ème anniversaire de la loi du 11 février 2005. Cette journée d'études, vous voyez jusqu'où sont allés les organisateurs au niveau du détail. Cette journée est organisée par l'EHESP, par le FIPHFP, et en partenariat avec la MSSH, l'Institut fédératif de recherches sur le handicap et le Défenseur des droits. Le partenariat vise à développer plusieurs programmes de recherche sur les problématiques du handicap. La notion d'aménagement raisonnable est l'une de ces problématiques. Cette notion qui est directement issue de la loi du 11 février 2005, aujourd'hui est intégrée dans le Code du travail à l'article L 52-13 et constitue désormais une obligation générale pour les employeurs de prendre les dispositions, les mesures appropriées pour permettre aux travailleurs handicapés d'accéder ou de conserver un emploi correspondant à leur qualification, et de l'exercer. Cette notion de « mesures appropriées » signifie que les employeurs sont tenus de procéder à des aménagements dits « raisonnables » des postes de travail. Le caractère raisonnable est notamment apprécié en fonction des aménagements opérés en fonction de moyens répondant aux besoins réels. Ce qui va nous amener à infléchir le terme de « raisonnable ». Il n'en reste pas moins que cette notion est complexe à comprendre. Elle peut être ambiguë, restrictive. Pour preuve, toutes les variations qu'on retrouve sur ce terme « raisonnable ». Les Québécois parlent d' « accommodement raisonnable ». Cette journée nous permettra de mieux appréhender cette notion qui s'appuie sur un lieu commun : la non-discrimination. En ce qui concerne l'aménagement responsable, je vous proposerai la définition de l'ouvrage du Service public de l'emploi, du travail, de concertation sociale de Bruxelles. C'est un point de départ : « les aménagements raisonnables sont des mesures concrètes, prises par un employeur pour permettre à un travailleur en situation de handicap de participer de façon égale à une activité dans la sphère professionnelle ». Mais un aménagement compensatoire à un handicap ne saurait se circonscrire à une adaptation physique et à une accessibilité de bonne conscience. Il doit s'inscrire dans des objectifs visant la démarche inclusive de la personne concernée dans la société commune, en toute citoyenneté, autonomie et responsabilité. Aussi, je souhaite en préambule à cette journée vous livrer quelques réflexions sur la conception qu'a le FIPHFP en s'appuyant sur les travaux de notre conseil scientifique, sur la démarche professionnelle des personnes en situation de handicap dans notre société. Ce qui est essentiel, ce n'est pas seulement l'accès à l'emploi, ou le maintien dans l'emploi, c'est le parcours professionnel, choisi par la personne concernée, qui doit rester maître d'ouvrage de son devenir et de son avenir. Non seulement de sa vie professionnelle mais de toute sa vie, dans toutes les dimensions qui composent un vivre ensemble pour exister dans la société, une société inclusive et incluante. On se plaît à parler de société accueillante et accompagnante. Elle le sera si elle est incluante. C'est dans la loi du 11 février 2005, article 2, qu'est prise en compte la situation de handicap. Permettez-moi de le relire et de le commenter : « Constitue un handicap toute limitation d'activité ou restriction de participation à la vie en société subie dans son environnement par une personne en raison d'une altération substantielle durable d'une ou plusieurs fonctions physiques, sensorielles », et ce qui est nouveau avec la loi, « les déficiences mentales, cognitives, psychiques, etc. ». Subir dans son environnement des contraintes, ce sont des contraintes liées à l'environnement de la personne. Ce sont la non-accessibilité, la non-adaptation de la société qui créent une situation handicapante. Il faut donc agir sur cet environnement. C'est agir sur l'humain en prenant la globalité de la personne dans toute sa vie, qu'elle soit quotidienne ou dans le parcours de sa vie, pour que la personne en situation de handicap puisse vivre pleinement sa citoyenneté, sa participation active à la vie de la société, avec un égal accès aux droits, et en premier au droit commun. C'est un changement de regard, de parole, d'attitude, de posture auquel nous devons oeuvrer, nous devons nous atteler. Et ce n'est pas simple. L'accès à l'emploi et le maintien dans l'emploi sont conditionnés par l'accompagnement de la personne en situation de handicap qui est indispensable. Il faudra peut-être passer un petit moment sur ce que recouvrent les termes de « personnes handicapées », « personnes en situation de handicap »… Moi la situation de handicap, je l'appuie sur l'article 2, qui dit que le handicap, c'est la nonréponse de la société aux conséquences de la déficience. Mais je sais que ça fait débat. Nous avons opté pour « situation de handicap ». Certes, toutes les personnes en situation de handicap, en fonction de la nature de la déficience, n'auront pas besoin d'accompagnement en milieu ordinaire. Mais la grande majorité en aura besoin. Nous avons besoin d'accompagnement. On trouvera bien certaines différences parmi les uns et les autres, et je ne parle pas des déficiences cachées. Mais la grande majorité a besoin d'être accompagnée. Je parle d'accompagnement, pas de prise en charge. On prend en charge un fardeau, pas une personne. Alors, comment concevoir cet accompagnement vers l'emploi et l'autonomie? Il appartient à chacun dans notre société de réunir les conditions de sa citoyenneté, et plus particulièrement à notre société actuelle, de se donner un projet, ce qui attribue à chaque individu un devoir : participer à son propre processus d'intégration. Il doit être acteur de son devenir, ce qui en résulte, c'est que celui qui est accompagné est une personne non plus conçue comme un objet à réparer, ou un problème à résoudre, ou un dossier à traiter, mais comme un sujet actif, autonome et responsable. Il n'est plus l'objet passif d'une prise en charge, un fardeau, mais le sujet actif de son parcours. Il n'est plus défini par ses carences, mais par ses potentialités. Il est considéré dans ses ressources et potentialités qu'il devra lui-même mobiliser pour opérer le changement de sa propre situation. Il n'est plus considéré comme un être isolé, une personne close, refermée sur sa problématique, mais inscrite dans un contexte avec lequel il interagit. Ce n'est pas la même chose d'assister une personne définie par ses manques, ses déficiences, ou d'accompagner une personne considérée comme ayant des ressources. Dans le premier cas, la logique est celle de la réparation, qui consiste à pallier les insuffisances. Dans le second, la logique est collaborative et la personne contribue à ses propres ressources, pour l'amener à se dépasser. Sans quoi, nous avons affaire à une société discriminatoire. C'est là-dessus que nous vous invitons à réfléchir : une société tolérante, respectueuse de tout être humain, égalitaire et compensatrice des différences. C'est la société de la loi du 11 février 2005, celle de l'égalité des chances et des droits, celle de la citoyenneté et de la participation, celle de l'accès de tous à tout, c'est-à-dire de chacun à tout, celle de la compensation et de l'accessibilité universelle. Ce n'est plus aux personnes handicapées de s'adapter à la société, c'est à la société d'être adaptée et accessible aux personnes en situation de handicap. En effet, le handicap n'est pas endogène à la personne, il est exogène : le handicap est endogène à la société. C'est la société qui, par sa discrimination passive, crée la situation de handicap. Et aussi le conditionnement socioculturel de notre société auquel nous devons réfléchir et que nous devons infléchir, car il porte un regard lourd et une parole condescendante. Je vais vous livrer modestement ma définition du handicap. Le handicap, pour moi, c'est quand la compassion se substitue à la compensation, quand l'assistance se substitue à l'accompagnement, quand la dépendance se substitue à l'autonomie, quand la restriction du droit se substitue à la citoyenneté républicaine, quand l'obstacle permanent se substitue à la conception universelle. C'est pourquoi, en contrepoids du thème de cette journée, je souhaite poser la question suivante : est-il raisonnable en 2016 de ne pas aménager l'environnement de travail des personnes en situation de handicap ? Merci aux chercheurs, aux professionnels de nous éclairer sur ce sujet au coeur du pacte républicain. aux aménagements raisonnables dans l'emploi : réflexion sur un concept en droit étranger Marie Mercat-Bruns, Maître de conférences Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers, membre du LISE (UMR 3320 CNRS-CNAM), Professeure affiliée à l'Ecole de droit de Sciences Po

Age discrimination is often cited as a barrier to participation in work by older people, and the workplace provides the most common grounds for complaints of this nature. Age discrimination predominantly affects older rather than younger groups (although the latter are not exempt), and is often based on myths and stereotyped attitudes about older people and older workers which can be easily refuted (Davey, 2007; Alpass and Mortimer, 2007; Gray and McGregor, 2003). Age discrimination as an issue in the workplace is not new. It was well documented in Janice Burns’ literature review on mature workers for the Department of Work and Income in 2001 (Burns, 2001) and by Justina Murray in her review of age discrimination in employment, commissioned by the New Zealand Human Rights Commission in 2002 (Murray, 2002). In 2006 the EEO Trust’s Work and Age Survey Report showed that 31% of respondents had experienced age discrimination at work (EEO Trust, 2006).

As a reaction to a deficit-oriented view of aging and the i exclusion of older people i from many realms of society, several conceptions of positive aging have been developed over the last 15 years. The idea was to expand the way both scientists and the public approached the topic of aging so as to encompass the potential of older people. For instance, the concept of productive aging has tried to focus on the fact that old people can and should play an active part in society) ,2 Concentrating on the individual's physiological and psychological capacity, theories of"successful aging" have also emphasized the importance of activity and competence, a Although both perspectives tend to neglect old age as, for example, a time for contemplation-thus rejecting the old paradigm of"disengagement in old age"~theories of successful aging do incorporate the idea that the older a person becomes, the more she or he has to cope with losses.

This article documents the employment discrimination experienced by Americans with a record of disability but no current disability, utilizing the Integrated Mission System of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC). Decisions by the EEOC in favor of charging parties with historical disabilities disproportionately exceeded those in favor of charging parties with current disabilities. This finding suggests that discrimination against persons who have only a record of disability persists in the workplace, and that this additional aspect of the definition of the term "disability" is viable.

As a result of the economic crisis in the European Union, many companies have been forced to reorganize their activities in an attempt to cope with the substantial difficulties they face. Collective dismissals may be the ultimum remedium for the company to survive. This article considers whether an employer can dismiss an employee, merely based on age and, more specifically, pursuant to national legislation containing an age-pyramid principle ( Belgium) or mirror-principle (the Netherlands). EU legislation and case law on discrimination on the basis of age are analysed to establish whether age can be used as a criterion to distinguish among employees within the framework of collective dismissals. Since the Court of Justice of the EU (CJEU) judgment in Odar, age-based measures taken by the social partners to ensure the survival of the undertaking would appear to be acceptable, in line with a more substantive approach to equality. However, a number of critical points need to be examin...

Βγήκε η προκήρυξη για την ΕΣΔΙ Γ Σειρά (ΑΣΕΠ 17/2024) και σας επικαιροποίησα τον πολυκώδικα της β σειράς μέχρι να βγει η ύλη της γ σειράς την άλλη εβδομάδα. Δεν έχω συμπεριλάβει τον οργανικό νόμο του Ελεγκτικού Συνεδρίου για τον οποίο περιμένουμε τις διατάξεις της ύλης σας.

Los medios de comunicación, al ser un factor significativo que influye en la audiencia, forman estereotipos de vejez en la conciencia de las masas y determinan patrones de comportamiento en relación con los ancianos. El propósito de esta investigación es identificar tendencias significativas en el contenido de noticias en Ucrania, incluida la identificación de características específicas de la discriminación por envejecimiento gerontológico, identificar prácticas discriminatorias e identificar componentes gerontofóbicos de la imagen mediática del jubilado. El estudio ha identificado las especificidades de la discriminación por edad en los medios ucranianos, en particular su naturaleza institucional, la presencia de formas abiertas y latentes. Se ha comprobado que los medios de comunicación promueven exclusiones por edad – proceso de alienación de la vida social y económica, reducción de roles sociales mediante prácticas discriminatorias de biomedicalización, marginación, invisibilización, infantilización, deshumanización, banalización y clientelismo. El análisis de contenido de las noticias ha permitido construir una imagen mediática gerontofóbica de las personas mayores de 60 años, cuyo núcleo es el signo de la víctima, el centro – el delincuente, la agresión, la periferia cercana – la pobreza, la falta de atractivo, la insuficiencia, la desorientación en el espacio, descuido, corrupción; periferia lejana – egoísmo, debilidad, soledad, frugalidad hipertrofiada. La investigación ha constatado que no se trata solo de un problema de gerontofobia, sino del país en su conjunto, pues los medios de comunicación, por un lado, difunden lo que ocurre en la sociedad, y por otro, determinan qué estereotipo de vejez es cultivado en la conciencia de las masas por los medios ucranianos.

Population aging is a worldwide phenomenon, which is expressed in the labor market by the aging of workers. This new scenario can bring opportunities, but also challenges, especially due to the culture of ageism that is present. Objective: In this context, the present study investigated how the aging experience in the contemporary work environment is constituted. Method: The case study method was used, with a qualitative approach, and six workers over 50 years of age from a company in southern Brazil were interviewed. Results: The subjects' voices revealed that aging at work includes the challenges of managing the transformations of the human aging process, as well as to work daily in an insecure and ageist work environment. Contributions: The article shows the importance that work can have for the lives of older workers, being a source of existential meaning and purpose.

The increase in ageing populations has spurred predictions on the growth of a politically powerful old-age bloc. While their protest mobilizations have risen to reach youth standards, there is scarce scholarly evidence of the role of multiple identities in older activists’ involvement. We address
this gap by interviewing activists in Iaioflautas, an older adults’ social movement emerging from the heat of the protest cycles in Spain in 2011. In-depth interviews with 15 members of varying levels of involvement revealed the paramount role of the movement in the identity construction of its participants. Iaioflautas endows a strong sense of collective identity based on intergenerational solidarity and enables to counter the culturally devalued identity of older adults and retirees. Whereas perceptions of widespread ageist stereotypes against older adults abound in this group, they omit to view the movement through an old-age identity politics lens. Furthermore, they reproduce ageist attitudes against age peers refraining from active involvement. This paradox suggests that the non-politicization of ageism restrains the development of a collective identity based on old age. We highlight how an increase in ageing populations might advance this issue in future research.

To educate generalists for work with older adults, geriatric specialists will increasingly be used as educators and consultants. Recent work found many Geropsychologists felt well trained as clinicians and researchers, but they did not feel as prepared to educate; further few choose primarily educational careers. To address these issues, Geropsychologists from the VA and University partnered to develop a national webinar entitled "Advancing your Confidence as an Educator in geriatrics and gerontology" 9/2017 to 5/2018. Monthly session attendance ranged between 40-70 individuals. On average, 69% of attendees were psychologists, 13% were nurses, and 13% were social workers; 74% of attendees reported specialty training in aging, 14% reported some training in aging, and 12% reported no training in aging. 45% were faculty/staff in hospital settings, 28% were faculty/staff in academic settings, and 23% were students/trainees. In our presentation we will describe the development and implementation of the webinar in further detail.

Policy Impact Statement: Age discrimination remains evident across all age groups, and stereotypical images of older workers are subscribed to and experienced in workplaces. This is occurring despite there being age discrimination legislation in place in Australia. Further policy action is required to address persistent and systemic ageist attitudes and discriminatory behaviours generally, and specifically in the workplace.

Guided by Andersen's help-seeking behavior model, this study identified factors that contributed to older adults' participation in low-income financial assistance programs in mainland China. Methods: The data used were extracted from the 2008 Chinese Longitudinal Healthy Longevity Survey (CLHLS). This study included 11,720 community dwelling older adults who were of 80 years or older. A logistic regression analysis was used to identify factors contributing to older adults' participation in low-income financial assistance programs. Results: The study results showed that 32.1% of older adults participated in low-income financial assistance programs. With respect to predisposing factors, older adults' age (OR=1.09, p<0.0001), co-residence status (OR=0.78, p=.0003), and marital status (OR=1.56, p<0.0001) were significantly related to their participation in the programs. With respect to enabling factors, older adults' residential locations (OR=1.31, p=0.0001), financial strain OR=1.09, p=0.01), pension status (OR=.26, p<0.0001), perceived instrumental support (OR=.64, p<0.0001), and perceived emotional support (OR=1.41, p=0.002) were significantly related to their participation in the programs. In addition, older adults' selfreported health status (OR=.89, p<0.0001), felt loneliness (OR=1.11, p<0.0001), and functional limitations in instrumental activities of daily living (OR=1.02, p=0.01) were significant need factors to their participation in the programs. The study findings suggest that low-income financial assistance programs seem to reach the vulnerable older adults. However, the study findings also reveal potential urban biases of the programs. Research and policy implications of these findings will be discussed.

Before 2012, there was no law on sexual harassment in Malaysia. However, when the Employment Act 1955 was amended in 2012, employers must inquire into sexual harassment complaints, failing which a criminal penalty will be imposed. Unfortunately, the new law did not allow a complainant to claim damages from the harasser or the employer. After more than two decades of campaigns by women's rights groups and NGOs, the Anti-Sexual Harassment Bill 2021 (hereinafter 'the ASHB 2021') was finally enacted and passed in July this year. Given the novelty and absence of any academic research, this paper seeks to examine the provisions of the Bill critically to understand its scope, coverage and broader implications for sexual harassment victims. The paper employs a qualitative research methodology, adopting a doctrinal approach and content analysis of the primary source, the ASHB 2021, that would provide a deeper understanding of the legislation. The authors contend that despite being regarded as a victim-centric law, the Bill is half-baked and inadequate to protect sexual harassment victims due to its failure to include significant provisions on the sexual harassment definition, the protection against victimisation and employers' obligations to prevent and address such conduct.

This study investigated the nature of age discrimination against older job applicants. One hundred fifty-six participants (102 students; 54 organization based) evaluated a hypothetical job applicant's (aged 33-66 years) work-related competences and likelihood of being hired. Applicant age affected hiring decisions for both samples where there was a preference for hiring applicants aged 42-48 years. Applicants at both the older and younger ends of the continuum were less likely to be hired, with the oldest applicants (over 54 years) being the least likely to be hired. Although the applicants' age negatively affected evaluations of their trainability and sociability, the effect of applicant age on hiring evaluations was not mediated by these work-related competencies, suggesting that age discrimination occurs via direct bias against older workers.

Although 15 years have passed since the employment provisions of the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA) became effective, significant employment disparities for persons with disabilities persist. It is important to assess how employer policies and practices may contribute to this disparity. Analyses of employment-related discrimination claims and subsequent legal outcomes are an important source of information about where

Although workplace age discrimination research has been recognized as increasingly important, much less agreement has been reached regarding the operationalization and measurement of age discrimination. There are multiple age discrimination scales, yet no systematic investigation of potential convergence across those scales exists. We conducted two investigations of age discrimination scales that differ in multiple measurement characteristics (e.g., content domain). Findings of confirmatory factor analyses from Study 1 (N = 248) indicated that although different age discrimination scales were related to the same higher-order construct, they were not interchangeable as they each accounted for idiosyncratic measurement variance. The usage of different scales resulted in different magnitudes of the relationships between age discrimination and its correlates. In addition to the replication of these results in Study 2 (N = 939), an item response theory approach was applied to demonstrate that different age discrimination scales possess different levels of test information at different places of the latent trait continuum. Taken together, our findings provide implications for researchers to thoughtfully choose their operationalization of age discrimination.

Τα κείµενα που ακολουθούν πρωτοδιαβάστηκαν κατά τη διάρκεια της παρουσίασης του βιβλίου Ίντερσεξ. Η κατασκευή και το καθεστώς αλήθειας του Φύλου στη Δύση, στις 26 Φεβρουαρίου 2024 στο Ροµάντσο και παρατίθενται µε τη σειρά που ακούστηκαν και στην εκδήλωση. Ο σκοπός αυτού του αφιερώµατος είναι να προσφέρουµε στο αναγνωστικό κοινό µια συλλογή κειµένων που διασταυρώθηκαν και συνοµίλησαν σε µια εποχή που οι ζωές έχουν καταντήσει «ζωές λίγων γραµµών ή λίγων σελίδων, ατυχίες και περιπέτειες αναρίθµητες, συµπυκνωµένες σε µια χούφτα λέξεις. Σύντοµες ζωές, που συναντώνται τυχαία σε βιβλία και έγγραφα». [1] Σε αυτή τη λογική, αυτό το αφιέρωµα δεν πρόκειται για µια ωδή προς ένα βιβλίο, ούτε για ένα δίδαγµα που θα αναγνωριστεί και θα καθιερωθεί αφήνοντας ίχνη από βιβλία και έγγραφα, αλλά για µια κραυγή προκειµένου να µη σβήσει τούτη τη φορά αυτή η δύναµη που προέρχεται από «ένα ανορθολογικό αλλού», όπως θα όριζε µε περηφάνια η λευκή-δυτική-προτεσταντική Δύση, ανοίγοντας νέες πόρτες αποαποικιοποίησης της επιστήµης και της φαντασίας µας, στο σηµείο της στιγµιαίας επαφής µας µε την αδυσώπητη αλήθεια του ίντερσεξ πάνω στις ίδιες µας τις ζωές. Για πόσο αόρατα ακόµη… (Βάσω Βουβάκη, Πρόεδρος Intersex Greece) Καλησπέρα σε όλ@, ευχαριστούµε πολύ για την παρουσία σας απόψε εδώ. Είµαστε εδώ, ανάµεσά σας, ακούγοντας σας να υπερασπίζεστε τα σώµατα µας και τις ζωές µας. Αόρατα ακόµη, φέροντας ντροπή και φόβο έκθεσης. Έχοντας επιβιώσει µιας λογικής ευγονικής (όσα από εµάς έχουµε καταφέρει να έρθουµε στη ζωή, εφόσον η ιατρική κοινότητα το αποτρέπει συχνά αυτό) και έχοντας εξοριστεί ως υπάρξεις λόγω της διαφορετικότητάς µας από κάθε έκφραση της εξουσίας, πολιτική, επιστηµονική, θρησκευτική, επιστρέφουµε σήµερα µε ότι µας έχουν αφήσει οι κακοποιήσεις µας από τη λαχτάρα µας για ζωή, να διεκδικήσουµε τα βασικά µας ανθρώπινα δικαιώµατα. Να υπάρχουµε ανάµεσά σας δηλαδή, ισότιµα και χωρίς ντροπή πια. Έχουµε συµφωνήσει ότι ήρθε πια η ώρα. Σε αυτήν τη διαδροµή, σας χρειαζόµαστε όλα, µε όλη σας την ανθρωπιά, γνώση και αντίληψη. Η Δήµητρα είναι ένα από τα µεγάλα σύµµαχα µας. Η διεξοδική της έρευνα, επιβεβαιώνει την αποτρόπαιη ιστορία µας, αυτή την επιλεκτική ευγονική την οποία υφιστάµεθα ακόµη και σήµερα, προκειµένου η εξουσία να συνεχίσει να απολαµβάνει τον εαυτό της. Εµείς, ως Ίντερσεξ άτοµα, επιβεβαιώνουµε µε το βίωµα µας, την αλήθεια στην οποία ρίχνει φως µέσα από αυτό το βιβλίο η Δήµητρα. Διαβάζοντας το βιβλίο, η επαναστατική διάθεση απέναντι σε κάθε µορφή εξουσίας που εν τέλει καταλύει την ανθρωπιά, ενθαρρύνεται. Σε γραπτές µας επικοινωνίες η Δήµητρα κλείνει λέγοντας «ΑΣ ΜΕΊΝΟΥΜΕ ΆΝΘΡΩΠΟΙ» και αυτή είναι η πρώτη και βασική επανάσταση που οφείλουµε όλ@! Το βιβλίο της Δήµητρας µας ενθαρρύνει να σας συναντήσουµε σε αυτήν τη βάση της ανθρωπιάς και της ισοτιµίας. Καταθέτουµε µαζί µε τις ευχαριστίες µας και την ευγνωµοσύνη µας, τις ευχές µας να είναι καλοτάξιδο το βιβλίο κι εσείς κοντά µας, να ανταλλάσουµε ανθρωπιά. Μια κριτική queer ανάλυση του βιβλίου της Δήµητρας Τζανάκη, Ίντερσεξ. Η κατασκευή και το καθεστώς αλήθειας του Φύλου στη Δύση (Oυρανία Γεωργοπούλου, Διευθύντρια Ερευνών, Ελλ. Ινστ. Παστέρ) Στις 24 Ιανουαρίου 2018, µια νοτιοαφρικανική εφηµερίδα, η "Mail and Guardian", δηµοσίευσε ένα άρθρο στο διαδίκτυο για το θέµα που απασχολεί το βιβλίο που παρουσιάζουµε. [2] Είχε τίτλο: «Τα intersex µωρά σκοτώνονται κατά τη γέννησή τους επειδή είναι κακοί οιωνοί». Το περιστατικό συµβαίνει σε µια αγροτική περιοχή της Νότιας Αφρικής. Ένας παραδοσιακός θεραπευτής, που βοηθάει στον τοκετό, γίνεται µάρτυρας της θανάτωσης του βρέφους από µέλη της οικογένειας όταν αποκαλύπτεται ότι γεννήθηκε µε «ασαφή» γεννητικά όργανα. Στη µητέρα λένε ψέµατα ότι το παιδί ήταν θνησιγενές. Ο δηµοσιογράφος επισηµαίνει ότι αυτό είναι ένα από τα πολλά παραδείγµατα περιπτώσεων παιδοκτονίας που συµβαίνουν εξαιτίας της πεποίθησης ότι «τα ίντερσεξ παιδιά θεωρούνται ως σηµάδι κακοτυχίας και κατάρας για την οικογένεια και την κοινωνία». Σε µια µελέτη που ξεκίνησε το 2015 από τον Tunchi Theriso στη Νότια Αφρική αναφέρεται ότι 80 από τις/τους 90 παραδοσιακές µαίες και τοπικούς γιατρούς όταν ρωτήθηκαν παραδέχτηκαν ότι είχαν συµµετάσχει σε αντίστοιχο γεγονός θανάτωσης νεογέννητου. [3] Το βιβλίο της Δήµητρας Τζανάκη αναδεικνύει µε εξαιρετικό τρόπο ότι «η αντιµετώπιση της ίντερσεξ ζωής από την επιστήµη µε µεθόδους ακόµη και επέµβασης µε στόχο τη «θεραπεία» όχι µόνο δεν αποτελεί µια επιστηµονική ερµηνεία, αλλά αντιθέτως, αναπαράγει ένα καθεστώς αλήθειας αποικιοκρατικό, πατριαρχικό, ταξικό, που θέτει ξανά την έννοια της ευγονικής ως καθεστώς αλήθειας της επιστήµης. Η «διάκριση φυσικό και µη-φυσικό φύλο, γίνεται πάνω στη βάση, ανάµεσα στα άλλα, στο ποιο φύλο µπορεί να παρέχει την αναπαραγωγή "υγιών" αρρενωπών απογόνων» εξασφαλίζοντας µια « "Άξια" ζωή», όπως θα έλεγε µε άλλα λόγια ο Γιώργος Κόκκινος. Στον τοµέα της βιολογίας ο όρος «ενδιάµεσο φύλο» (intersex) χρησιµοποιήθηκε για πρώτη φορά από τον γενετιστή Richard Goldschmidt [4] στο άρθρο του «Intersexuality and the Endocrine Aspect of Sex», που δηµοσιεύθηκε το 1917 στο περιοδικό Endocrinology [5] και το οποίο αναφέρεται σε µια σειρά σεξουαλικών αµφισηµιών, όπως η έννοια του ερµαφροδιτισµού. Σύµφωνα µε µελέτη των Ηνωµένων Εθνών, εκτιµάται ότι ένα ποσοστό περίπου 1,7% όλων των παιδιών γεννιούνται ως intersex µε αναπαραγωγικά-γεννητικά όργανα, ορµόνες ή χρωµοσώµατα που δεν ανταποκρίνονται στη συνήθη κατηγοριοποίηση του δίπολου «άνδρας / γυναίκα». Ωστόσο, υπάρχουν παραδείγµατα άλλων πολιτισµών οι οποίοι αναγνωρίζουν τη διαφορετική έκφραση του

The need to ensure the economic wellbeing and quality of life of those who reach the official retirement age is a matter of concern in the world of social services and in social policy making. Since some working older adults may be forced to retire when they reach the official retirement age while others retire voluntarily, the study is based on a dedicated survey among 508 persons who retired both willingly and unwillingly for good after reaching the official retirement age and 437 persons who continued working uninterruptedly. The findings show that the odds of staying on the job after retirement age are contingent on the socio-demographic and health-related characteristics of the older adult. Furthermore, the economic predictors of remaining in the labour force after retirement age depend on how strongly the older adult wishes to retire. Those who continue working after retirement age and those who retire willingly are undifferentiated in the level of financial support that they ...

This perspective is an ethical brief overview and examination of "wellness" policies in the modern workplace using practical examples and a general application of utilitarianism. Many employers are implementing policies that provide incentives to employees who lead a "healthy" lifestyle. The authors address how these policies could adversely affect "non-healthy" employees. There are a wide variety of ethical issues that impact wellness policies and practices in the workplace. The authors conclude that wellness programs can be ethical, while also providing a general reflective analysis of healthcare challenges in order to reflect on the externalities associated with such policies in the workplace.

In 1950, the United States could claim racial equity in one important respect – both black and white American men who reached age 65 could expect to live twelve more years to age 77. Unfortunately, by 2010, racial gaps appeared. White men at age 65 were projected to live almost 2 years longer than black men, while white women could expect to live one year longer than black women. In 60 years, racial equity turned into a racial gap in age-65 life expectancy. Th is is signifi cant when considering public policy proposals that seek to cut Social Security benefi ts by raising the retirement age, the age at which workers can collect their full Social Security benefi ts. A racial gap in life expectancy past the age of 65 means this cut in benefi ts will disproportionately impact Blacks.

Purpose:Today, the rapid increase in the population of Golden Agers has rapidly increased the concept of "gray-pride". According to World Age Structure (2018),the population aged 55-64 was estimated at 8.84%,  while  the  population  aged  65  years  and  above  was  estimated  at  9.06%.  With  their  growing interest in adventurous activities, the tourism industry has begun to understand the importance of this 'forgotten'  niche.  The  unique  wants  and  needs  of  this  group  have  necessitated  understanding  the different factors that influence travellers among Golden Agers to select a particular destination. Thus, this paper studies the impact of such different factors on aging travellers.  Design/methodology/approach:Since the paper is qualitative in nature, different studies conducted between  the  time  period  2016  and  2020  were  reviewed  and  classified  according  to  the  factors considered for the study.Findings:The factors such as age, demographics and geography of the location, and activities likely to be undertaken strongly influence tourists, while factors such as facilities provided by internet and "Homestay" also had an influence.Originality/Value:Today's  Golden  Age  is  active,  energetic,  and  has  unique  needs  and  desires, specifically when it comes to travel. Marketers and academics alike have considered this group as a "minor niche". While, given their growing population and inclination to travel, few studies have been conducted to  understand different  factors  and their  impact on  the  Golden  Age,  a combined  study  of such factors has hardly been addressed.