Advocacy and Lobbying

Negli Stati Uniti c’era una volta l’equilibrio dei poteri, presidio di democrazia anche nei tempi più bui. Con la seconda presidenza di Donald Trump si affaccia un nuovo assetto istituzionale in cui un presidente, sciolto da regole e controlli, può far strame a suo piacimento dei diritti e delle garanzie posti a protezione degli individui. Si apre un nuovo capitolo in cui al governo delle leggi si sostituisce in toto quello degli uomini.

The commentary is partially critical. Mr Konrad Erzberger is a shareholder of the TUI concern, based in Germany, operating worldwide. Half of the TUI supervisory board is made up of shareholder representatives and half of the representatives appointed by the employees. In the judgement, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) answered the question, whether it was compliant with Articles 18 and 45 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) stating that a Member State should grant active and passive voting rights in the elections of employee representatives to the supervisory board of a company to those employees only who are employed at the company’s premises or in the group’s enterprises on the national territory. The analysis of the arguments presented by the CJEU conducted in the commentary, pointing to e.g. the lack of objective and clear criteria for restricting the freedoms of the European market, is partially critical. It has been postulated that e...

Although lobbying is integral to democratic representation, there are concerns regarding the undue influence of professional lobbyists, which may ultimately lead to corrupt conduct by lobbyists and/or officials. In recent times, there has been an increasing emphasis on legal regulation in order to address the democratic risks of lobbying. This article develops a conceptual framework to evaluate lobbying regulation based on the form of regulation, the standards it imposes, and compliance processes. It explores the history and evolution of lobbying regulation in Australian federal and state jurisdictions. The author identifies three distinct phases of lobbying regulation in Australia: the initial phase of minimalist executive regulation; stronger executive regulation of third party lobbyists; and finally, the rise of legislative regulation of third party lobbyists. It is shown that within the Australian federation, there is evidence of policy transfer across jurisdictions, as well as disparate regulatory innovations in the standards of enforcement and compliance processes. However, lobbying regulation remains narrowly focussed due to the effective advocacy of lobbyists.

With the growing importance of agencies in the EU executive space (i.e., agencification), civil society organisations (CSOs) have increasingly direct their advocacy efforts towards EU agencies. Currently, CSOs are represented in several consultative bodies of EU agencies (e.g., FRA, EASO, and Frontex). In general, the role of these bodies and platforms is to “merely” assist EU agencies on fundamental rights matters. However, access to EU agencies gives CSOs a privileged position to push their claims forward. Frontex (or European Coast and Border Guard) is peculiar among EU agencies for its operative competences, and growing resources. Moreover, Frontex has repeatedly raised concerns on its accountability on fundamental rights matters at the EU borders. Therefore, in 2011, Frontex revised Regulation introduced a Fundamental Rights Strategy, and two new bodies: the Fundamental Rights Officer and the Consultative Forum on fundamental rights (CF). Aim of this research is to establish wh...

In the present study, Cu-12.5 wt. %Al-5 wt. %Mn-80.5 wt. % shape memory alloy is chosen as the base alloy and 2 wt. % of quaternary additions of Fe, Ni, and Ti added to the base alloy. The effects of these additions on in terms of feasibility, microstructure, hardness, and transformation temperature were studied. The findings suggest the possibility to improve martensite formation, attain higher transitions temperatures, and longer retention over the base alloy through such additions.

The South East European Cooperation Process (SEECP) is a non-institutionalized forum. His activity began at the initiative of Bulgaria în 1996. Currently, the participants are: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Greece, Republic of North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, Turkey, Croatia, Moldova, Montenegro, Slovenia, Kosovo. The effectiveness of the SEECP can be see in line with European Union and regional/international organizations.

Os grupos de pressão nascem da necessidade humana de viver coletivamente. Dentro de um regime político (especialmente o democrático), eles exercem o fundamental papel de representar interesses perante as instâncias públicas, especialmente a legislativa e a executiva. Essa ação (ato ou atividade) consiste no lobby, que merece maiores estudos no Brasil sob a perspectiva da Constituição de 1988. E mais: assim como na Itália, o Brasil merece estudos que identifiquem a constitucionalidade dos grupos de pressão, aqui compreendidos como lobby. O que é grupo de pressão, sua diferença para os grupos de interesse, a derivação da pressão para o lobby (num conceito legal-profissional) e os fundamentos constitucionais encontrados na Carta Constitucional Brasileira de 1988 são objetos deste artigo, que tratará do tema dos grupos de pressão mediante análise qualitativa, com referenciais literários e documentais, explorando a situação existente principalmente na doutrina brasileira (comparando-se a outras estrangeiras), mas com intento eminentemente normativo.

En el marco de la primera actualización del Monitor de Indicadores de Desarrollo CADE Mide, se realizó una reunión el 27 de septiembre de 2017 entre especialistas de la sociedad civil, líderes empresariales y representantes del Estado e instituciones vinculadas al funcionamiento del sistema político en el Perú, para conversar sobre los avances de la reforma política y electoral del país, como parte del fortalecimiento democrático que propone el Pilar de Desarrollo Institucional de CADE Mide (IPAE Asociación Empresarial).

El presente documento apunta a sistematizar los aportes y propuestas presentadas, así como también señala los puntos de consenso y aspectos que merecen mayor discusión y debate.

La presente tesis analiza el proceso de cambio organizacional experimentado por la Asociación Civil Transparencia, una organización no gubernamental peruana, entre los años 2012 y 2016, que involucra la adopción de decisiones estratégicas para su supervivencia y mejor posicionamiento para ejercer incidencia en la política nacional, expresado en su tránsito de ser fundamentalmente una entidad independiente de observación electoral a convertirse en una organización de advocacy e incidencia política. La investigación es de tipo cualitativo y utiliza como método el estudio de caso de Transparencia, centrándose en episodios claves del periodo temporal 2012-2016. De este modo, se realizaron entrevistas a profundidad a los distintos elementos que conforman la organización (asociados de la asamblea, personal del área operativa y voluntarios de Transparencia) para obtener una visión más completa acerca del proceso de cambio experimentado en la organización.

Despite the vast research effort conducted on the Brazilian political institutions in recent years, something important seems to have stayed away. Little was developed in order to explain what the real role played by interest groups in decision making. Whereas the system of interest representation in Brazil has suffered, especially in the last 20 years considerable changes, this seems an omission that must be overcome. Among the changes in the Brazilian institutional design that is more related to the transformation of the system of interest representation is the strengthening of the National Congress. When retrieving important constitutional prerogatives, the legislature has become the arena for decision-making relevant and moved there, too, the lobbying. Moreover, a new form of organization of the interests of the productive sector has to respond to this new reality. The hallmark of this new system of representation is the combination of interest, rational, corporatist structures with new archaic plural forms of representation. The system of interest representation in Brazil is therefore an authoritarian corporatism cutting for a hybrid system. This hybrid system combines the maintenance of important aspects of corporatism, with a growing pluralism. In this context, this paper seeks to help overcome this gap in order to meet the weight and the role of lobbying by interest groups in decision-making process (which involves the relationship between executive and legislative) in the Brazilian political system. This is a case study of the industry lobby specifically within the Chamber of Deputies. The central hypothesis is: the higher the intensity of lobbying, greater approval of the legislative agenda of interest to industry. The analysis confirms the strength of the productive sector lobby in Congress and validates the successful strategies for overcoming problems of collective action by entrepreneurs. In this context, we highlight the role of CNI as political entrepreneur. However, the results here advance in the elucidation of the legislative success of the productive sector is high, but occurs only under certain conditions. The lobby works within the committees, but in the plenary, although the lobby to take effect on the behavior of individual legislators, the probability of influencing the decision is less. The plenary meeting of the proposition increases visibility, warning the opposition and enhances the cleavage of pluralistic constituency, among others. On the other hand, when a proposition is going to roll call because he has a high degree of conflict. In this context, the lobby is not very effective, getting credit for the success of the industry's legislative agenda paras propositions that move under the influence of the full capacity of legislative committees (terminating power) or the propositions that go to the House, but were voted by the method symbolic.

O lobbying, isto é, a defesa ou a intermediação de interesses junto a decisores públicos, é um fenômeno importante e onipresente nas democracias. No Brasil, a despeito de aparentes crescimento e profissionalização das entidades que se dedicam à atividade (Soares, 2014), ele não tem sido suficientemente estudado, em contraste com o que ocorre nos Estados Unidos e, em décadas mais recentes, na Europa. Estudar a ação política dos grupos de interesse é imprescindível para avaliar com mais precisão sua influência e para entender seus mecanismos. Esse conhecimento, por sua vez, é necessário para a boa regulamentação da atividade. Com o objetivo de contribuir para o preenchimento dessa lacuna, neste estudo apresentamos resumidamente os resultados de uma pesquisa do tipo survey com lobistas que atuam na Câmara dos Deputados, sobre suas estratégias e influência. 5 Os dados sugerem uma imagem mais positiva do lobbying, de que ele não consiste em relação de troca, mas, sim, na assistência ou na mobilização de parlamentares, para as quais o compartilhamento de informações técnicas parece ser central.

As iniciativas de regulamentacao do lobby se desenvolveram, em particular nas democracias liberais, em torno de duas grandes questoes. A primeira diz respeito as vantagens que os grupos de interesse mais poderosos levam no processo politico em relacao aqueles que nao tem recursos para profissionalizar suas atividades. A segunda refere-se a percepcao, amplamente compartilhada, sobre as condutas antieticas e a influencia desproporcional de representantes de interesses privados sobre os agentes publicos quando em interacao. Para enfrentar o problema, muitos paises que regulamentaram o lobby basearam suas legislacoes no sentido de apostar na exposicao publica (transparencia) e no monitoramento (accountability) da atividade de lobby como forma de minimizar esses problemas (Thomas, 2004). Este trabalho verifica em que medida os legisladores brasileiros incorporaram estas questoes nas inumeras tentativas de regulamentacao do lobby no pais desde 1984. Da analise comparativa entre doze propo...

Este trabalho procura verificar empiricamente em que medida as controversias sobre a regulamentacao do lobby se manifestam nas opinioes dos atores politicos diretamente envolvidos na atividade no Congresso Nacional, quais sejam, representantes de grupos de interesse e assessores parlamentares de orgaos publicos. Para tanto, apresentam-se resultados de entrevistas originais, do tipo survey e em profundidade. Os resultados apontam para convergencias sobre a necessidade de regulamentar a atividade e sobre as consequencias positivas esperadas com a regulamentacao. Convergencias tambem podem ser verificadas quando se submete ao crivo dos respondentes boa parte das proposicoes legislativas apresentadas no Congresso. Contudo, divergencias aparecem quando os temas mais polemicos sao abordados, especialmente aquelas propostas relativas a prestacao de contas e a declaracao de interesses por parte dos grupos de pressao. Conclui-se que a opiniao politica entre os atores que exercem a representa...

Este estudo investiga a relação entre doações eleitorais feitas pelo empresariado industrial e o comportamento dos deputados federais eleitos para a 54a legislatura (2011-2015), no que se refere à apresentação de proposições legislativas favoráveis ou contrárias aos interesses daquele setor empresarial. O efeito do financiamento de campanha é controlado pelo efeito de uma série de outras variáveis potencialmente relevantes para o fenômeno de interesse. Os resultados indicam que as contribuições eleitorais industriais favorecem a submissão de projetos convergentes com os interesses do setor, mas não evitam a apresentação de projetos rejeitados pela indústria.

Syfte : beskriva upplevelser hos personer som for forsta gangen soker information om hjalpmedel och forskrivning via en kommuns hemsida. Metod : Trettiosex studenter besokte, var och en, tva av de 33 skanska kommunernas hemsidor och rapporterade sina upplevelser. Dessa bearbetades och analyserades genom en tematisk innehallsanalys. Resultat : Hemsidor upplevdes vara strukturellt svarnavigerade. Spraklig tillganglighet varierade: terminologi och gratisverktyg for oversattning skapade missforstand. Hjalpmedelsfragor kunde presenteras som halso- och sjukvardsfragor, aldrefragor, eller bostadsanpassningsfragor, dock sallan som funktionshinderfragor. Existerande information upplevdes fyllig angaende forskrivningsprocessen, men bristande avseende specifika hjalpmedel och kontaktmojligheter. Slutsatser : Kommuner skulle med sma medel kunna forbattra hjalpmedelsinformation pa sina hemsidor, och i forlangningen darav kunna oka individens mojligheter till ett aktivt och sjalvstandigt liv.

Lesotho has the informal and ad-hoc sittings of Children's parliaments. This is the local level advocacy tool that enhances child participation in issues that concern them. According to Children's Protection and Welfare Act 2011 and Section 20 of the Constitution, children have the right to participate in issues of development that concern them. This research is an advocacy paper which seeks to interrogate the existing legal framework for Lesotho and argue that the country is not doing enough to ensure that children take part in issues of development. The crux of the paper is to advocate for the institutionalisation of the children's parliament through an Act of parliament. The best practises are noted from the jurisdiction of Zimbabwe and then necessary recommendations are made.

Лобіювання як процес впливу на прийняття державних рішень з боку зацікавлених сторін є важливою складовою демократичного процесу. У Балтійських державах це порівняно нове явище, яке лише недавно почало набувати стійких форм. Це у свою чергу зумовило подальше інституціональне оформлення лобізму як чинника реалізації публічної політики держав Балтії.
Дослідження має на меті виявити кроки, які вживаються в Латвії, Литві та Естонії для інституціоналізації лобізму, зокрема правові рамки регулювання, рівень прозорості й звітності та деякі етичні, а також соціокультурні аспекти.

The title of this book, Weaponising Evidence, weaves together the two 'investigative lenses' 1 through which Margherita Melillo has chosen to approach the international law of tobacco control: lawfare and evidence. Lawfare is a portmanteau that 'capture[s] the idea of using law "as part of a hostile campaign against a country or group"', though the author uses the term in a neutral way to describe 'a battle between two factions (the tobacco control network and the tobacco industry)' in the field of international tobacco control. 2 Similarly, she uses evidence as 'a neutral term to refer to a broad array of different types of specialised knowledge on tobacco control, irrespective of whether they constitute science or not'. 3 Melillo explains that lawfare and evidence are entangled, the latter being 'a central strategy' 4 of the former. The strategic use of evidence seems particularly apposite in the context of the World Health Organization (WHO), on which this book focuses, considering the organization's 'medical-scientific institutional culture'. 5 In her study, Melillo examines 'the transformation of the domestic tobacco wars into an international warlike effort' and argues that 'since the 1990s, international law has been used as a double edged tool: to spur action at the domestic level and at the same time to deter domestic regulation'. 6 This tool has been used in the context of the negotiation of the Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC), which was adopted in 2003 under the auspices of the WHO, but also in the context of the FCTC's implementation (after 2003), as well as via international litigation. The book has five chapters (including the introduction and the conclusion). The introductory chapter sets the scene for the rest of the study. The second chapter, which is the longest of the book, pertains to the negotiation of the FCTC, while the third chapter deals with the FCTC's 'postconclusion phase', after 2003. 7 These two chapters shed light on 'the first two battles of the *I would like to thank the two anonymous peer reviewers for their constructive feedback and helpful suggestions. I have no conflict of interest to disclose.

One of Within and Without the State's partner organizations: a women's cooperative group from Rumbek, who grow vegetables and meet to discuss community issues. Photot: Richard Chilvers/Oxfam INCLUSIVE PARTNER SELECTION The process of selecting partners in a participatory way in South Sudan Within and Without the State in South Sudan chose deliberately to include a wide range of people and groups in the process of selecting its partners, so that civil society groups would remain engaged with the programme even if they were not selected as implementing partners. Within and Without the State is a five-year global initiative (2011-2016) funded by DFIDs Conflict, Humanitarian and Security programme. This has enabled Oxfam to pilot a variety of approaches to working with civil society to promote more accountable governance in conflict-affected and fragile contexts. Oxfam is committed to go beyond humanitarian service delivery to work on strengthening governance in order to tackle the underlying causes of fragility. Outside agencies may have technical quick fixes, but active and organized citizens are the ones who must oversee the long-term changes which will transform society. Gathering evidence of how to make this transformation happen so lessons are captured and learned is a key aspect of WWS.

Within and Without the State in South Sudan chose deliberately to include a wide range of people and groups in the process of selecting its partners, so that civil society groups would remain engaged with the programme even if they were not selected as implementing partners.

Prawo właściwe a nieuczciwa konkurencja w internecie dr maRek ŚwieRczyński 1 pRawo właŚciwe a nieUczciwa konkURencja w inteRnecie N owa regulacja ułatwiająca ustalenie prawa właściwego dla zobowiązań z czynów nieuczciwej konkurencji-również internetowych, które popełniono po 11 stycznia 2009 r. wynika z rozporządzenia WE nr 864/2007 1 Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady z dnia 11 lipca 2007 r. dotyczącego prawa właściwego dla zobowiązań pozaumownych ("Rzym II") 2. Rozporządzenie to określa prawo właściwe dla zobowiązań pozaumownych (tj. z czynów niedozwolonych, bezpodstawnego wzbogacenia, prowadzenia cudzych spraw bez zlecenia oraz z tytułu culpa in contrahendo) i wyłączyło, poza nielicznymi przypadkami (na przykład w zakresie zniesławień i naruszenia prywatności), zastosowanie art. 31 ustawy z dnia 12 listopada 1965 r.-Prawo prywatne międzynarodowe 3. Zmiany wprowadzone rozporządzeniem są istotne. Warto w szczególności wskazać, że rozporządzenie przewidziało odrębne regulacje kolizyjne dla zobowiązań ze "szczególnych" rodzajów deliktów, w tym także z czynów nieuczciwej konkurencji. Regulacja w tym ostatnim zakresie jest zawarta w art. 6 (wraz z regulacją dotyczącą zobowiązań z ograniczeń konkurencji, tj. odnoszącą się do tzw. prawa antymonopolowego). Przepisy kolizyjne zawarte w art. 6 przewidują, że dla zobowiązań z czynu nieuczciwej konkurencji właściwe jest prawo państwa, w którym występuje lub jest prawdopodobne wystąpienie naruszenia stosunków konkurencyjnych, lub zbiorowych interesów konsumentów (ust. 1). Jednakże gdy czyn nieuczciwej konkurencji narusza wyłącznie interesy oznaczonego konkurenta, stosuje się zasady ogólne określone w art. 4, włączając w to wybór prawa (ust. 2). Regulacja ta wyłącza zastosowanie reguł ogólnych rozporządzenia, w tym możliwości zastosowania wspólnego prawa personalnego stron przewidzianego w art. 4 ust. 2. Nie jest również dopuszczalne przez sąd uelastycznienie procesu wskazania prawa właściwego na podstawie klauzuli korekcyjnej (wymijającej) z art. 4 ust. 3 4 ani wybór prawa właściwego przez strony na podstawie art. 14 rozporządzenia. Wyjątkiem 1 dr Marek Świerczyński-autor oraz współautor kilkudziesięciu publikacji o tematyce prawa nowych technologii i prawa farmaceutycznego, w tym komentarza. adiunkt w Katedrze Prawa Cywilnego i Prawa Prywatnego Międzynarodowego WPiA UKSW, arbiter Sądu Polubownego ds.

The concentration of European Commission powers calls for unfailing rigour. - The evaluation of public policies: so necessary, so imperfect... - What works and what doesn't work for evaluations. - Re-thinking evaluations in order to guarantee more rigour and quality.

Compared to global lobbying hubs like the USA and the European Union and to its neighboring countries, Switzerland hardly regulates legislative lobbying, i.e., lobbying that targets the legislative branch. Only three types of legal provisions apply to lobbying in the Swiss legislature: First, legislators must disclose their ties to interest groups. Second, access to the parliamentary building is limited and granted at the discretion of each legislator, who may give an entry pass to two individuals of his or her choice. Third, legislative lobbying is illegal if it violates the criminal law provisions on bribery. Proposals to enact more comprehensive regulation have failed, often after several years of legislative debate. Pursuant to the classification proposed by Chari et al. (Regulating Lobbying: A Global Comparison, 2nd ed., Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2019), the Swiss legal framework governing legislative lobbying qualifies as a 'low-robustness' regime at best. Yet, Switzerland ranks high in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (6/180 in 2023). Is more extensive regulation superfluous or overdue in Switzerland? While the Swiss legal and political order is exceptional in some respects, these characteristics do not justify 'Swiss exceptionalism' with regard to the regulation of legislative lobbying, as some of these specificities pose distinctive threats that the law needs to tackle.

Наталія Гапак, кандидат економічних наук, доцент, доцент кафедри економіки і підприємництва ДВНЗ «УжНУ», с.н.с. Закарпатського регіонального центру соціально-економічних і регіональних досліджень НАН України Оксана Іжик, студентка 4 курсу (спеціальність 051 «Економіка») ДВНЗ «Ужгородський національний університет»

Pieniądz i kredyty walutowe w prawie polskim Wybrane zagadnienia prawnohistoryczne Przemysław Sobolewski Konstrukcja prawna umowy kredytu walutowego oraz skutki jej wadliwości Marcin Spyra Kwalifikacja kredytów walutowych jako instrumentów finansowych w rozumieniu MiFID Ewa Skibińska Wymóg przejrzystości w umowie kredytu zawieranej z konsumentem Paulina Tronowska Obowiązki informacyjne w związku z zawarciem umowy o kredyt hipoteczny Daniela Wybrańczyk Małżonkowie i osoby rozwiedzione jako "kredytobiorcy frankowi" Daniela Wybrańczyk Małoletni jako "kredytobiorca frankowy"zagadnienia wybrane Paweł Sosnowski Kredyty frankowe-wybrane zagadnienia na tle orzecznictwa sądów powszechnych w Polsce 281 Piotr Okruciński Ewolucja orzecznictwa TSUE dotyczącego kredytów walutowych 333 Rafał Dubowski Przesłanki uznania klauzuli umownej za niedozwoloną (art 3851 § 1 KC) 363 Bogusław Lackoroński Alternatywne względem sankcji wadliwości czynności prawnych podstawy przywracania równowagi świadczeń określonych w umowach kredytu w CHF 401 Emilia Michałuszko Dopuszczalność waloryzacji roszczeń banku i kredytobiorcy z bezpodstawnego wzbogacenia po stwierdzeniu nieważności kredytu frankowego 427 Agnieszka Warsewicz Możliwość uzupełnienia umowy kredytowej 461 Autorzy 497

The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of teacher motivation strategies on teacher retention in British curriculum secondary schools in Lang'ata Division, Nairobi, Kenya. The study was guided by the following research questions: What are the teacher training needs that affect their retention in the British Curriculum secondary schools in Lang'ata division? How does the provision of incentives strategy affect teacher retention in the British Curriculum Secondary Schools in Lang'ata division? How does teacher performance appraisal strategy affect their retention in the British Curriculum Secondary Schools in the Division? What are the measures that can be put in place to facilitate teacher motivation and retention in British Curriculum secondary schools in Lang'ata division? The study employed a mixed methods research design. The sample included one hundred and twenty teachers (n=120) and eight (n=8) principals selected from eight (8) British Curriculum Secondary Schools in Lang'ata Division. Questionnaires were used to collect data from teachers whereas interview guide were used to collect data from the principals. The collected data were analyzed with the help of Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). Both descriptive and inferential analyses were used in data analysis. Data from questionnaires was analyzed quantitatively and presented in frequencies and percentages while data from interview guide was analyzed qualitatively and its findings integrated within the quantitative data. From the analysis the study came up with the following findings: The study found that training had serious effect on the career progress of the teachers. The key training needs towards enhancing teacher motivation and retention include adequate training on the subject matter and pedagogical preparation. The study found that not all of the schools provided incentives to their teachers. It was also found that there were certain schools which applied performance appraisal practices to check whether the teachers are able to handle various issues such as stress and conflict reduction, emotion and conscientiousness handling and improved accurate self-awareness. This was found to have a significant relationship on teacher retention and motivation in British Curriculum Schools. v TABLE OF CONTENTS

The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of teacher motivation strategies on teacher retention in British curriculum secondary schools in Lang’ata Division, Nairobi, Kenya. The study was guided by the following research questions: What are the teacher training needs that affect their retention in the British Curriculum secondary schools in Lang’ata division? How does the provision of incentives strategy affect teacher retention in the British Curriculum Secondary Schools in Lang’ata division? How does teacher performance appraisal strategy affect their retention in the British Curriculum Secondary Schools in the Division? What are the measures that can be put in place to facilitate teacher motivation and retention in British Curriculum secondary schools in Lang’ata division? The study employed a mixed methods research design. The sample included one hundred and twenty teachers (n=120) and eight (n=8) principals selected from eight (8) British Curriculum Secondary Schools...

A translation of a paper I originally wrote in German, focusing on the Citizens' Assembly lobby. It analyzes the funding of such organizations (stretching across the US, Germany, France and Ireland), their 'expertise', and misinformation surrounding both Citizens' Assemblies in Ireland and ancient forms of democracy. It also makes recommendations aimed at preventing the hollowing out of democracy through such 'new' mechanisms of political 'participation'.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo apresentar os modelos de análise Múltiplos Fluxos ou Multiple Streams Framework (MS) e Coalizão de Defesa ou Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), a fim de mostrar suas aproximações, limitações e aplicações. Como método de análise, utiliza-se os seis critérios formulados por Schlager, E. e Blomquist, W. (1996) a fim de apontar as semelhanças e diferenças entre os modelos. Os critérios são: 1) os limites da investigação; 2) o modelo do indivíduo; 3) os papéis da informação e das crenças na tomada de decisão e estratégia; 4) a natureza e o papel dos grupos; 5) o conceito de níveis de ação; e 6) a capacidade de explicar a ação em vários estágios do processo de política pública.

It has been more than 30 years since the first sexual assault in the US military scandal; thousands of sexual assault survivors as well as numerous legislative regulations have not been able to address effectively the situation. In 2022, the Military Justice Improvement and Increasing Prevention Act (MJIIPA) finally passed. The article addresses what changed to allow the passage of this legislation and if it will be enough to fix the problem. The research questions are: What changed during Congressional Oversight to achieve the passage of MJIIPA? Media, Public Opinion and Interest Groups (IG) have played what role to achieve the changes in Congress? By making the changes to the COC what is to be expected? Will it be enough to address the issue? This article uses the case study method. The results of this examination demonstrate that neither media, public opinion nor interest groups provided the influence expected. It was elite cues and those committed to reforming the system as a continuous process, not an ad hoc procedure that pushed forward the reforms.

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Casa, lavoro e famiglia: spunti per nuove prospettive sulle significazioni spaziali e le performance di genere Parole chiave: Covid-19, lockdown, geografia di genere, geografia della famiglia, spazio pubblico/privato, lavoro domestico. Questo contributo teorico, inserendosi nel panorama della geografia di genere e della famiglia, si propone di aprire il dibattito sul cambiamento di uso e significato dello spazio pubblico e privato durante il primo lockdown (marzo-aprile 2020) e su come tali cambiamenti abbiano modificato le pratiche di genere. Tali risemantizzazioni hanno visto la casa diventare luogo di condensazione di diverse attività, mentre lo spazio pubblico veniva dipinto e percepito come infetto e pericoloso. L'intento di questo contributo è quello di ripercorrere la letteratura che ha analizzato tali risignificazioni proponendo per gli studi futuri un focus su come sia cambiato il lavoro domestico adottando uno sguardo di genere, e indagando come nuove significazioni spaziali possano aprire la strada a nuove tipologie di performance di genere.

Partecipazione dei cittadini europei alla formazione delle politiche europee.-3. Partecipazione degli stakeholder alla formazione delle politiche europee.-4. La partecipazione dei cittadini, delle organizzazioni della società civile e degli stakeholder in Italia: un lungo percorso ancora da fare.-5. La partecipazione dei cittadini e delle organizzazioni della società civile nella prospettiva futura dell'IA.-6. Conclusioni.
The term co-regulation has a plurality of implications in our legal system and that of the EU.
The objective of this contribution is to identify how the participation of citizens, civil society organizations, and stakeholders can contribute to shaping European policies and internal regulatory activities. Such participation can be facilitated by the presence of new technologies, which
must, however, be accessible and understood in their opportunities by all citizens.

En el presente trabajo nos proponemos polemizar con aquella bibliografía que asocia la gestión de Cristina Fernández a la tradición populista, distanciándola del republicanismo. En efecto, creemos que en los discursos de Fernández es posible encontrar distintas interpretaciones sobre el concepto de libertad y, por tanto, a conceptos republicanos. De este modo, y a la luz de la historia conceptual propuesta por Reinhart Koselleck, analizaremos las alocuciones de Cristina Fernández con el objetivo de indagar sobre la interpretación y las significaciones que se le otorgaron al concepto de libertad durante ambos periodos de gobierno.

This working paper considers the current regime of regulating political lobbyists in NSW. In considering the NSW statutory regulatory regime this paper addresses the specific background to that regime; the role and content of the Register of Third-Party Lobbyists; and the compliance responsibilities and powers of sanction of the NSW Electoral Commission, which is the statutory regulator. It outlines some of the tools the NSWEC has at its disposal and shows that NSW is making positive steps toward fulfilling ICAC's aims of a regulatory regime that improves transparency and addresses risks of corruption in a practical way.

Narrazioni e concezioni della partecipazione e delle sue pratiche ne presuppongono, tendenzialmente, un assoluto valore intrinseco. Tuttavia, nonostante gli indubbi benefici per individui, società e sistemi sanitari della partecipazione come principio democratico alcune sue forme pratiche inevitabilmente comprendono rischi, criticità e contraddizioni, spesso misconosciuti. Questo contributo ha due obiettivi: da una parte, evidenziare l’associazione tra affermazione del paradigma neoliberista e partecipazione, iscrivendo contingenti forme partecipative nel contesto storico-culturale in cui si sono sviluppate e che hanno contribuito a determinare, e, dall’altra, descrivere lo stato dell’arte della patient advocacy in Italia.