Abbasid Literature

The mysterious description of the Basran philologist Abū ʿUbayda Maʿmar b. al-Muthannā (ca. 114/732—ca. 210/825) as a secret adherent of Khārijī doctrines has long been accepted as accurate. Although on rare occasion the plausibility of such an association has been questioned, most recent studies have pointed out the apparent reliability of the evidence, particularly a number of reports on the authority of sympathetic contemporaries. Thus far, however, no satisfactory answer has been given as to the nature of Abū ʿUbayda’s putative Khārijism or, if the label is not to be trusted as accurate, as to how the misconception originated. It is the purpose of this essay to adumbrate the process by which the Khārijite label came to be erroneously affixed to the philologist and thereafter preserved in the posthumous tradition.

This article studies the life and works of a hardly known littérateur and anthologist who lived in early Abbasid Baghdad and al-Fustat: Yusuf b. Ibrahim b. al-Daya. The first part of the article gives an attempted biography on the basis of personal information that can be found in anecdotes that are said to be taken from Yusuf ’s works. In the second part, these anecdotes and their relation to Yusuf ’s largely neglected literary output will be studied.

Ce court ouvrage d’adab, écrit par Abū Hilāl al-ʿAskarī (m. vers 400/1010), marque une étape essentielle dans l’histoire des relations entre les pouvoirs politique et judiciaire. À travers une série de récits pseudo-historiques, l’auteur entend démontrer que le souverain, avant même d’agir en justicier, doit accepter de se soumettre au jugement des hommes. Ce bref miroir des princes d’époque būyide vient couronner une longue évolution doctrinale issue des tensions entre le sommet de l’État et la judicature : en plaçant les califes sous l’autorité judiciaire des cadis, Abū Hilāl contribue à la désacralisation de l’institution califale et à la promotion d’une magistrature indépendante.

Mathieu Tillier, chercheur à l’Institut français du Proche-Orient (Ifpo), propose ici l’édition du texte arabe, précédée d’une introduction et accompagnée d’une traduction française.

تلخيص: يمثّل كتاب أبي هلال العسكري (المتوفّى في حوالي عام 400 ه/1010 مـ) الذي بين أيدينا مرحلة هامّة في تاريخ العلاقات بين السلطات السياسية والقضائية. فإنّ المؤلّف يبيّن عبر تسلسل من الأخبار أنّ السلطان العادل لا يمكنه تجسّد السلطة القضائية إلّا بعد أن خضع لأحكام قضاته. فهذا الكتاب، المؤلَّف في العصر البويهي والمنتمي إلى جنس آداب الملوك، يتوّج تطوّراً نظريّاً هامّاً نجم عن توتّر العلاقات بين القضاة والدولة العبّاسية. فمن خلال وصفه للعديد من الخلفاء المستسلمين لأحكام القضاة، يسهم أبو هلال في إزالة هالة القدسيّة عن الخلافة والدفاع عن مؤسّسة قضائيّة مستقلّة.

قام ماتيو تيليه، وهو باحث في المعهد الفرنسي للشرق الأدنى، بتقديم الكتاب وتحقيقه قبل ترجمته إلى الفرنسية.

This short adab treatise by Abū Hilāl al-ʿAskarī (d. c. 400/1010) marks an important turning point in the relationship between political power and the judiciary in Islam. Written in the Būyid period as a concise mirror for princes, the work sanctions a doctrinal evolution that is the outcome of long-standing tension between the judiciary and the highest levels of the state. Using a series of pseudo-historical narratives, Abū Hilāl suggests that rulers should be prepared to submit to the adjudication of ordinary men. By presenting caliphs as being under the judicial authority of qāḍī-s, the author contributes to the de-sacralisation of the caliphate and to the promotion of an independent judiciary.

Mathieu Tillier, researcher at the Institut français du Proche-Orient (Ifpo), presents a critical edition of the text with an introduction and a translation into French.

Traducción al español, con comentario, glosario, índices y notas, de la epístola de al-Ŷāḥiẓ 'Mufājarat al-ŷawārī wa l-gilmān'.

A translation into Spanish of the epistle 'Mufākharat al-jawārī wa l-ghilmān' by al-Jāḥiẓ, with introduction, notes and index.

Abstract: This study analyzes the manuscript Lawāmi' al-anwār al-qulūb fī jawāmi' asrār al-muḥibb wa-l-maḥbūb (The brilliance of the lights of hearts in the series of secrets known by the lover and the beloved), by the jurist shafi'ī Abū l-Ma'ālī 'Azīzī b. 'Abd al-Malik b. Manṣūr al-Jīlī, known as Shaydhala (12th century). The manuscript is of an unpublished work of ten chapters that must be classified alongside the Sufism books of medieval Arabic literature. After studying the work's internal structure, author and context, attention is given to the language, terminology, themes and the elements characteristic of this literary genre, the purpose of which was to describe divine love. Among other questions , the paper reaches the conclusion that this manuscript represents yet another link in the series of books in Sufi literature that point to the refinement, enjoyment, sociability, enlightenment and convergence between man and his creator.

Rahman ve Rahim olan Allah'ın adıyla GİRİş Endülüs'te tarih ilminin doğuşu, gelişimini kendisine borçlu olduğu Doğu kökeninden kopuk değildir. Bununla beraber bu ilim, İslam'ın do-ğuşu esnasında hadis ilmine bağlı olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. Ancak Arap ya-nmadasında .-özellikle Yemen' de-biraz tarih fıkri ve belirginbir tarih sis-temi içeren yüksek seviyeli medeniyetler ortaya çıkarmış İslam öncesi mirasla olan irtibat noktalan ve sürekliliği gözardı edilmemelidir. Kuzey Araplan arasında, onlann ilahlan, sosyal durumlan, gelenekleri, savaşla-n, gündelik hayatlan ve nesepleri etrafında dolaşan şifahi rivayetler vardı. Bu rivayetler özellikle Arap kabileleri arasındaki savaşlan nakle-den "Eyyamü'l-Arab" rivayetleriyle devam etmiştir. Bu savaşlarda söyle-nen şiir ve nesir, anlatılan kahramanlık hikayeleri ve yeni olaylar, İslam'ın doğuşu esnasında yazılmaya başlanan tarihi bilgilerin bir kısmını oluşturur. Şiirle nesrin birbirine karıştığı dinamik bir tarza sahip bu riva-yetlerin özellikle kabile ortamındaki Araplar arasında tarih ilminin başla-masında rolü olmuştur!. Araplann soylanna ve özel günlerine önem vermeleri, İslam döne-minde daha da arttığı gibi olaylann zorlamasıyla beraber yeni bir çeşit or-taya çıkmıştır ki bu da me gazi veya peygamberimizin yaptığı savaşlardır. Bu savaşlar Müslümanlar nazannda ilgi ve gurur kaynağı olmuştur. Allah Rasulünün hayatı ve hayatının çeşitli dönemleri ile ilgHi araştırmalar tam anlamıyla gelişmiştir. Bu araştırmalan ilk başlatanlar, senetlerin sağlamlı-ğı ya da raviler zincirinin olayı rivayet eden ve gözleriyle görenlere kadar ulaşması konusuna önem veren muhaddislerdir. Ümmetin tarihinde erken ı. Bkz. Abdulaziz ed-Durı, Bahsun n Neşeti İlmi't-Tarih inde'I-Arab, Beyrot 1960 13.17.

∵ Arnim Heinemann, John L. Meloy, Tarif Khalidi and Manfred Kropp (eds.) Al-Jāḥiẓ. A Muslim Humanist for Our Time. Würzburg: Ergon Verlag, 2009. xii + 295 pp., ISBN 978-3-89913-678-4. Die Welt des Islams 55 (2015) 113-116 © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2015 |

This article is a small contribution to the work done at Yale to create wider access to the papyrus collection. It focuses on a single literary papyrus, P. CtYBR inv. 2597(A), which contains parts of an anecdote that involves the poetess ʿInān, as hostess of a literary salon, and several of her guests, including Abū Nuwās. The same anecdote has been preserved in several later anthologies, which are known only from relatively late manuscript copies. The text is traced though the literary corpus, and the variants are analyzed.

يسلّط هذا الكتابُ الضوء على مرحلةٍ في التراث الشعري العربي، تُعتبر ثوريةً في إنجازاتها، ومتميّزةً بوعي شعرائها بأنفسهم وبكونهم أصحاب مشروع إبداعي جديد. وعلى الرغم من الاعتراف بأهمّية التجربة العباسية، إلا أن معظم النقاد الأدبيين لا يُشرِكونها في النقاشات التي تتناول الشعر الحديث في القرن العشرين. وفي المقاربة الزمنية الخطّية، نجدها تتعرض للإبعاد أو الدفع للوراء. ولذا  أجد أن من الأهمية بمكان أن نربط بين المحدثين العباسيين وبين مشروع الحداثة العربيّة وأن نُدخل الشعراء العباسيين -من أمثال أبي تمام وابن الرومي والبحتري، وبالتأكيد المتنبي الذي أتى في وقتٍ لاحق- في المناقشة التي تدور حول الشعر العربي واتجاهاته في عصرنا الحالي. توفّر لنا مقابلة مشروع المُحدثين وحركة الشعر الحر رؤىً مُتبصّرة بالغة الأهمّية حول ما نعنيه تحديدًا بقولنا "التغيير الشعري" و "الثورات الشعرية"، وحتى الصّفات التي نستخدمها لوصف القصائد أو الحركات الشعرية، مثل: "أصيل" أو "جديد".

This article examines the motif of a man being buried alive with his recently deceased spouse found in the Fourth Voyage of Sindbad (El-Shamy S123.2). In 1904, D. S. Margo-
liouth noted that Sindbad’s Fourth Voyage
shared this theme with a story of a Byzantine
patriarch recounted in the tenth-century collection of al-Tanūkhī
Deliverance after Hardship. This article proposes one hitherto unknown textual route through which
this motif traveled from Tanūkhī to Sindbad—the
Maqāma Baṣriyya of al-Sayyid ʿAbd al-Raḥīm al-ʿAbbāsī (d. 1556). ʿAbbāsī’s Maqāma Baṣriyya reflects Ottoman intellectuals’
anxieties over their increasing involvement in the Indian Ocean trade during the 1530s. The final section of the paper discusses the tale of Cogia Muzafffer—which appears  to be a version of the ʿAbbāsī’s maqāma heard by Galland in 1673 while in Istanbul.

Saf ve temiz duyguların tahrikiyle, Arabistan’ın çetin çöllerinde filizlenen iffetli aşk şiirleri, İslam öncesinden itibaren klasik Arap edebiyatının dikkat çekici temalarından birisi olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Emevî Dönemiyle birlikte gelişen ve standartlaştırılan bu özgün tema, Abbâsî Döneminde de etkisini devam ettirmeyi başarmış ve asrın önemli şairlerinden olan el-‘Abbâs b. el-Ahnef’in dizelerinde geniş şekilde işlenmiştir. Öte yandan kendine has yönleriyle seleflerinden ayrılan bu şair, ortaya koyduğu özgün ürünleri sayesinde, kendisinden sonraki kuşakların üzerinde de büyük bir etki meydana getirmeyi başarmıştır. Emevî Döneminin afif aşk şiirlerinden aşina olduğumuz gelenekselliğin aksine, onun kasidelerinde birkaç sevgilinin konu edinilebildiği gözlemlenmektedir. Hatta bazen maddî aşka değindiği dahi vakidir. Lakin bu türdeki gazellerinin, o dönemde aşırılaşma eğiliminde olan müstehcen şiirlerden çok daha seviyeli olduğu belirtilmelidir. Arap edebiyatının meşhur halifesi Harun er-Reşîd’in yanında saray şairliği yapması, diğer bir deyişle seleflerinin düştüğü “aşk çılgınlığı” kavramına takılmaksızın işini profesyonelleştirebilmesi, el-‘Abbâs b. el-Ahnef’in gazele bakışıyla eski nazım ustalarının temayülleri arasındaki farklılığın belirginleştiği önemli noktalardandır. Manzumeleri yine de ‘Uzrî gazel geleneğinden belirgin izler taşımakta ve aşkın umutsuzluğuna değinmektedir. Şiirlerinde konu edindiği kadın unsuru, gerçekten de üslup kazanmış bir metotla ele alındığından, bu söylemlerin geçmişin klişelerinin sanatsallaştırılmış bir tekrarı mı yoksa şairin gerçek tecrübesi mi olduğunu öngörmek pek güçtür. Irak’ın Basra kentinden olan ve Bağdat’ta büyüyen bu meşhur aşk şairi, 193/808 senesinde hayatını kaybetmiştir. Fakat Hicazın seçkin şairleri olan Ömer b. Ebî Rebî‘a'dan ve özellikle Cemîl b. Ma‘mer, el-Ahvas ve el-‘Arcî’den aldığı ilhamlarla şekillendirdiği şiiri, literatüre yaptığı katkılar sayesinde, Endülüs gibi uzak diyarlarda dahi uzun yıllar terennüm edilmeye ve yeni şairlere esin kaynağı olmaya devam edecektir. Onun şiirleri için, döneminin tanınmış musikişinaslarının besteler yaptığı bilinmektedir.

Written works created during the third Islamic century provide evidence of wide-ranging literary developments and innovations: a transition from a tradition of compilation and transmission to an era of independent and creative authorship; from an environment of anonymity or dependence on the great names of the past to one in which the current, the named, and the new gained significant value; and from a tradition of largely oral transmission of learning and aural instruction to one in which written transmission became increasingly valued. This transition took centuries to occur, and while it began in the third/ninth century or even slightly earlier, only many years later were the permanent results of the process apparent.
In this article I evaluate the role played by Abū Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh b. Muslim b. Qutayba (213-76/828-89) in this period of transition, on the basis of the analysis of some dozen prefaces with which this scholar-judge-litterateur introduced his works. Numerous characteristics of Ibn Qutayba’s prefaces demonstrate his comparative lack of concern with asserting his own “possession” of his works as their author, as well as that the preface form apparent in them is a developing and somewhat inconsistent one, not yet the form of the classic book preface that would come into being in generations following him. While Ibn Qutayba’s prefaces are innovative examples of composition and of presentation of material in the third/ninth century, examination of their content and form reveals that they represent a transitional stage in the creation of the authored book.

This paper surveys and analyzes the written, oral, and aural sources of two major anthologies, the Yatımat al-dahr fı mahāsin ahl al-ʿasṛ and its sequel the Tatimmat al-Yatıma of Abū Mansur al-Thaʿālibı, which deal exclusively with contemporary literature
based on geographical regions. The paper uncovers a network of littérateurs, active in the second half of the fourth/10th century, who constituted the major authorities for both works. The survey of the sources in the Yatıma and the Tatimma strongly evinces a
return to oral transmission, necessitated by the newness of the information that had yet to be recorded in books. The survey also reveals the use of complementary transmissions through dıwāns, books, and other written materials. This distribution of sources is not uniform throughout the aqsām of the Yatıma and the Tatimma.

This paper aims to review the book titled "Creativity and Power in the Poetry of
the Early Abbasid Era" authored by Issa Al-Masri. This comes in two axes:

First:  offering an overview on the chapters of the book and its contents in order to
identify the reader with it.

Second: providing a critical reading of the book that reveals its distinctive features
as well as its shortcomings.

Key Words: Creativity, Power, Poetry, and Abbasid Era

Özet :
Abbasî halifesi Harun Reşid, kendine halef olarak önce Muhammed’i, sonrasında Abdullah ve Kasım’ı veliaht tayin etti. Abbasî hanedanından Zübeyde’nin oğlu Muhammed Emin’in liyakatine inanmadığı halde, hanedanın baskısından çekinerek onu birinci veliaht tayin etmiş olmasına rağmen, Horasanlı bir cariyeden doğma Abdullah Memun’a daha çok güvenmekteydi. Bu nedenle ona Horasan’da özerk bir statü bahşetti. Böylece Harun Reşid, bu şekilde -bilerek veya bilmeyerek- Abdullah Memun’a zafere giden yolu açmış oldu. Ölmeden önce bu kararını hac için gittiği Mekke şehrinde bir protokolle resmileştirdi. Ulema ve halka açık gerçekleştirilen Mekke protokolünün geçerliliği, Harun Reşid öldükten sonra Muhammed Emin tarafından tedricen ihlal edilmeye başlandı. Akabinde, kardeşler arasında -Kasım’ın müdahil olmadığı- bir mücadele başladı. Bu rekabette Abdullah Memun, kardeşi Muhammed Emin’e zamanla üstünlük kurdu ve nihayetinde Muhammed Emin’in ölümüyle neticelenen mücadeleyi kazandı. Zaferinde İranlı unsurun, Muhammed Emin’i destekleyen Arap unsura üstünlüğünün yanı sıra, Fazl bin Sehl, Tahir bin Hüseyin gibi İranlı şahsiyetlerin başarıları rol oynamıştır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Muhammed Emin, Abdullah Me’mun, Abbasîler.





Abstract:
The Abbasid caliphate Haroon Rashid assigned firstly Mohammad and than Abdollah and Kasim as his heir apparents. Mohammad Amin was the son of Zubeyde who was from Abbasid Dynasty so Haroon Rashid had to declare Mohammed’s heir apparency. But infact he was believeing his incompetence but also hesitating the pressure of dynasty. For Haroon Rashid, Abdollah Mamoon was more suitable for throne so he gifted autonomous status. In this manner he –consciously or unconsciously- paved the way for Mamoon’s victory. Before his death Haroon Rashid officialized his decision by a prothocol in Mecca on the way to pilgrimage. After Haroon Rashid’s death, the Mecca Prothocol which had been open to ulama (muslim scholars) and public, was gradually infringed by Mohammad Amin. Then, bothers -out of Kasim- started a strugle. In this rivalry Abdollah Mamoon gradually preponderated and at the end Amin had died and Mamoon won the compatititon. In his victory, beside Mamoon’s Farsi predomination to Amin’s Arabs, the Farsi advocates of Mamoon as Fazl bin Sahl and Tahir bin Husayin were also effective.

Keywords: Mohammad al-Amin, Abdullah al-Ma’mun, Abbasid.

This paper explores how the ninth-century Muslim Egyptian scholar Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam presents traditions about the origins of the 'Copts' and their historical actions in his 'Conquest of Egypt'. I argue that he exerts authorial agency in his collation in order to construct them as an inherently subservient community within Egypt, yet a community with particular divinely-ordained rights, and suggest reasons why this construction held significance for him within the context of political and social changes within ihs lifetime.

There is a frame of mind without which any discussion of individual points of Islamic doctrine or law risks running aground just as it sets sail: it is the conviction that the task for today's Muslims is not only to apply the right answers but also, and above all, to find those very answers. This spirit of inquiry was indeed a major feature of the first Abbasid era and is lively expressed in some famous pages by al-Ǧāḥiẓ and al-Ġazālī.

Note: the translation of al-Ǧāḥiẓ is my own, for al-Ġazālī I have followed Farid Jabre.

The socio-political rise or fall of a culture necessarily goes with its moral rise or fall. But, the case seems to be different with intellectual development. A nation may decline in the socio-political sphere and yet its decline may under suitable circumstances itself become a stimulus for its intellectual advance. The political and moral decline of the Abbasid Caliphate of Baghdad began in about the middle of the ninth century but the deep rooted tradition of the patronage of learning in the Muslim world kept its intellectual achievements rising from peak to peak right up to the time of Mongol Devastation. During the period of Abbasid's, the Persian, Indian, Greek and Arab civilizations had chance to make representation in one or other way in the Islamic world. There is no doubt that the Arabs were acquainted with the Greek thought before translation work started, but that was by way of interaction with the foreigners, this acquaintance was deepened with coming of the period of translation. This paper will seek to find out how the Muslims get interacted with the Greek Philosophy.

Orjinal  olarak yazılan bu eserin ve üzerinde dönemin haritası mevcuttur

The Dīwān Lughāt al-Turk (Arabic: ديوان لغات الترك , i.e., "Compendium of the languages of the Turks") is the first comprehensive dictionary of Turkic languages, compiled in 1072–74 by the Turkic scholar Mahmud Kashgari who extensively studied the Turkic languages of his time

ترجمة إبراهيم عامر ل
Suzanne Pinckney Stetkevych, "Performative Poetics in ʿAbbāsid Poetry: A Re-Reading of Abū Firās al-Ḥamdānī’s Rāʾiyyah: Arāka ʿaṣiyya al-damʿi.” Annals of the Japan Association of Middle Eastern Studies 29-2 (2013): 107-44.

تستعرض هذه الورقة المصادر الشفاهيّة والمسموعة والمكتوبة لكتابَين في الاختيار الأدبيّ بارزَين هما يتيمة الدهر في محاسن أهل العصر وذيله تتمّة اليتيمة لأبي منصور الثعالبي. والكتابان يعنيان حصرًا بالنتاج الأدبيّ المعاصر للمؤلّف مرتّبًا حسب الأقاليم الجغرافيّة. تكشف هذه الورقة شبكةً من الأدباء الناشطين في النصف الثاني من القرن الرابع/العاشر، الذين يشكّلون المصادر الرئيسة في الكتابَين. يثبت استعراض هذه المصادر عودةً للرواية الشفاهيّة، وهو ما فرضته جِدّة المواد التي لمّا تكن قد دُوّنت في الكتب. علاوة على ذلك، يكشف هذا الاستعراض اعتماد الثعالبي على وسائل مساعدة في نقل الأخبار عبر استعانته بالدواوين والكتب وموادّ مكتوبة أخرى. وليست درجة هذا التنويع في المصادر هي نفسها في أقسام اليتيمة والتتمّة.

This thesis is a study of the pre-Islamic passages of Abū Ḥanīfa Aḥmad ibn Dāwūd ibn Wanand Dīnawarī’s Kitāb al-Aḫbār al-Ṭiwāl. This is to say that it stops at the beginning of the Arab con- quest of Iran. It is intended for scholars of Late Antiquity. Special emphasis is placed on Dī- nawarī’s exposition of the rule of the Sasanian dynasty and questions relating to the mysterious Ḫudāynāma tradition which are intimately connected with it. Beginning with a discussion of Dī- nawarī and his work, the thesis moves into a discussion of indigenous Iranian historiography. Speculation on the sources of Kitāb al-Aḫbār al-Ṭiwāl follows, and the historiographical investiga- tion of the most substantial portion of Kitāb al-Aḫbār al-Ṭiwāl’s notices on the Sasanian dynasty comes next. The conclusion summarises the findings of the thesis. The final section (an appendix) is a translation of the relevant part of Kitāb al-Aḫbār al-Ṭiwāl running from the beginning of that text to the reign of Šīrūya.
This thesis was written with one main question in mind: what does Dīnawarī’s Kitāb al- Aḫbār al-Ṭiwāl have to say about pre-Islamic Iranian history? A host of other questions arose im- mediately: who was Dīnawarī; when did he live; what did he do; how was his work perceived by others; where did Dīnawarī get his information and how did he present it; is Dīnawarī’s informa- tion reliable? These questions are addressed one by one in my thesis.

I explore the presence of zahir and batin as guiding design principles of the Aljaferia-- an eleventh-century fortified palace of the Taifa Kings of Saragossa. By way of introduction, the paper also examines Taifa architecture in the historical lineage of Andalusian Umayyad architecture. It explores the presence of early speculative thought and philosophy in al-Andalus and examines the Treatise on Contemplation by Ibn Masarra alongside the visual details of the Aljaferia.

Sebagai sebuah dinasti, kekhalifahan Bani Abbasiyah yang berkuasa lebih dari lima abad, telah banyak memberikan sumbangan positif bagi pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan dan peradaban Islam. Dari sekitar 37 orang khalifah yang pernah berkuasa, terdapat beberapa orang khalifah yang benar-benar memiliki kepedulian untuk mengembangkan ilmu pengetahuan dan peradaban Islam, serta berbagai bidang lainnya, seperti bidangbidang sosial dan budaya.

Magic and the Marvelous The popular Persian television serial Imām ʻAlī, a production of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting Channel, directed by Dāvūd Mīrbāqirī, premiered in 1997 with the story of the Companion Jundab b. Kaʻb al-Azdī confronting the drunkard al-Walīd b. ʻUqba, governor of Kūfa under the caliph ʻUthmān b. ʻAffān (r. 23-35/644-56). The first episode of the series opens with the trickery of a Jewish magician (sāḥir), known in the early Arabic historiographical sources as Buṭrūnī or Bustānī. The ghoulish buffoon entertains al-Walīd in the congregational mosque of Kūfa, by transforming his pliant and addled slave into a dog and back again, all with the toothy grin of a hennaed madman. This witchcraft is captured through the magic of trick cinematography. The sorcerer is poised to decapitate his captive and magically bring him back to life, when Jundab, played by ʻInāyat Allāh Shafīʻī, rushes forward and puts an end to the grisly scene. The righteous Jundab scolds al-Walīd and the audience gathered around for promoting magic, claiming that sorcery is an illicit activity forbidden by Islamic religious law. Jundab then turns his fury to the crazed magician, rebuking him as an infidel. A lively debate ensues as the magician contends that the marvels of the prophets Moses and Jesus were themselves magic. Fervently rejecting this, Jundab argues that the prophets produced divine miracles from God. The ghastly sorcerer, played by Murtaḍā Ḍarrābī, retorts that knowledge of magic is knowledge of the unseen (ghayb); whoever possesses this knowledge commands the secrets of creation (asrār-i khilqat) and can in turn perform miracles (muʻjiza). Furthermore, the magician contends that the possession of such power serves as a basis for denying the existence of God. Infuriated, Jundab demands to know whether it is the magician or God who truly has the power to kill a man and bring him back to life. When the sorcerer cackles that he indeed wields such power, Jundab unsheathes his sword and swiftly decapitates his adversary. Standing over the severed head, Jundab taunts the dead magician to bring himself back to life. This graphic opening scene, which ultimately leads the pious Jundab to seek protection from Imām ʻAlī as he is pursued by the debauched governor, follows the general outline of the original Arabic source material on the anecdote. 1 To be sure, much of the dialogue represents a significant expansion of the early account, specifically the debate between Jundab and the magician. In this vein, the theological tension concerning the secrets of creation and the category of the muʻjiza as an evidentiary basis for prophethood are rather

Mjölk är en vätska som produceras av däggdjurhonans mjölkkörtlar. För att man ska producera mjölk måste honan föda minst en kalv varje år, eftersom han enbart ger mjölk efter kalven blivit 10 månader. Svenska bönder får just nu rekord betalt för mjölk. Miljöprodukten Piroger: har många positiva effekter också, dessutom är mjölk klimatsmart och det innehåller mycket näring.

Irak Türkmenleri denildiği zaman hafızamızda ilk olarak Kerkük ve Musul canlanır. Fakat Osmanlı İmparatorluğunun dağılmasından sonra maalesef Türkler için hüznün ve acının adeta merkezi haline gelmiştir. Bu acılar dokunaklı bir şekilde halk edebiyatına ve o bölgenin türkülerine de yansımıştır;

“Yıktılar kal’amızı
Sürdüler balamızı
Daha can boğazdayken
Çektiler sâlamızı
Ah Kerkük yüz ah Kerkük
Her zaman yüz ak Kerkük
Ölseydim düşmeseydim
Men senden uzak Kerkük...”
 
Türkünün dizelerinden de anlaşılacağı gibi Türkmenler maalesef kaderine terkedilmiş ve geçen yıllar boyunca adeta bir mum gibi yavaş yavaş bölgede asimile politikaları ile erimektedirler. Bu konuya değinmeden önce bölgedeki Türk varlığını incelemekte fayda vardır. Türklerin Irak’a ilk girişleri H. 54 / M. 674 tarihlerine kadar uzanmaktadır. Emevi Halifesi Muaviye tarafından Horasan’a gönderilen Ubeydullah bin Ziyad ile Buhara prensesi Hatun emrindeki Türk kuvvetleri arasında yapılan çarpışmadan sonra bir barış yapılmıştır. Bu barıştan sonra Ubeydullah yanına aldığı Türk askerlerini Irak’a götürüp, Basra’ya yerleştirmiştir. Türklerin Irak’a gelişleri Abbasi döneminde, Halife Memun ve Halife Mutasım’ın iktidarı sırasında meydana gelen siyasi gelişmelerden dolayı daha da sıklaşmıştır. Emevi ordularında olduğu gibi Abbasi ordularında da yer alan Türkler, üstün savaşçı yetenekleri ile maharetlerinden dolayı üst mevkilere getirilmişlerdir. Ayrıca H. 211 / M. 836 ’da Halife Mutasım’ın emriyle Türk kumandanı Türk hassa askeri için Somerna şehri kurulmuştu. 25 Aralık 1055’te Bağdat’a giren Selçuklu hükümdarı Tuğrul Bey Büveyhoğulları’nın Irak’taki hakimiyetine son verilmiştir. Tuğrul Bey Bağdat ve Oğuzların yayıldığı Irak’ı Selçuklu Ülkesine katmıştır. Bu tarihten sonra Oğuz boylarına mensup birçok Türk, bu bölgeye yerleştirilmiştir. Böylece bölgede Büyük Selçuklular ile Türk hakimiyeti başlamıştır. Türklere daha önce yalnızca Etrak (Türkler) diyen Araplar, “Etrak-u Bağdat” (Bağdat Türkleri) demeye başlamışlardır.  1258 Moğol istilası ile Abbasi hilafeti son bulmuş, bölge Moğolların eline geçmiştir. Ayrıca bu bölgede Moğollarla birlikte çok sayıda Türk askeri gelmiştir. 1258 – 1336 İlhanlılar, 1338 – 1360 Celayirliler, 1360 – 1469 Karakoyunlular ve 1470 tarihinden itibaren de Akkoyunlular hakimiyetinde kalan bölge 1508 yılında Safevilerin eline geçmiştir. Safeviler’in Çaldıran’da (1515) Yavuz Sultan Selim Han’a yenilmesi ve Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Han’ın da 1534’te Bağdat’ı almasıyla bugün Irak olarak anılan bölge Osmanlı hakimiyetine geçmiştir. Osmanlılar Irak’ı, Bağdat, Basra, Musul, Şehrizor ve el-Ahsa olmak üzere beş bölgeye ayırarak idare ettirmişlerdir. 1623’te bölge tekrar Safeviler’in eline geçmiş ve Safeviler binlerce kişiyi katletmişlerdir. Sultan IV. Murad Han’ın 1638’de Bağdat’ı tekrar geri almasıyla Kasr-ı Şirin Antlaşması yapılmış ve kesin sınır çizilmişti. Böylece Musul-Kerkük bölgesi de dahil olarak I. Dünya Savaşı sonuna kadar bölge Osmanlı hakimiyetinde kalmıştır. Sonuç olarak Kanuni Sultan Süleyman Han ve Sultan IV. Murad Han zamanında Anadolu’dan getirilen çok sayıda Türk de bölgeye yerleştirilmiştir. I. Dünya Savaşından itibaren Irak’ın işgal edilmesi ve 1926 Musul Meselesi görüşmeleri sonucu Musul ve Kerkük’ün Irak’a bırakılmasıyla Musul ve Kerkük Irak’la birlikte İngiliz sömürgesi haline gelmiştir. 1920 – 1932 yılları arasında Irak’ın İngiliz Mandası altında bulunduğu dönemde Türkler baskı ve zulüm dolu bir devre yaşamışlardır. Irak’ın 1932 ’de Milletler Cemiyeti’ne kabul edilip bağımsızlığına kavuşmasından sonra da Irak Türkleri rahat yüzü görmemiş, baskı ve şiddet daha da artmıştır. Bütün bu baskı ve sindirme politikalarının Irak’ta bulunan Türk varlığını yok edemediği 1937 Sadâbâd Paktı’yla ortaya çıkmıştır. 27 Haziran 1937’de imzalanan Sadâbâd Paktı için bölgedeki Türkler büyük bir sevinç yaşasalar da pakttan sonra polis tarafından yapılan işkence ve zulme maruz kalmışlardır. II. Dünya Savaşı’nın sıkıntıları sebebiyle savaşı sakin geçiren Türkler savaştan sonra yeni bir katliamla karşılaştılar. 1946 yılında Gavurbağı’nda Kerküklü işçiler polis kuvvetleri tarafından yaylım ateşine tutulmuşlardır. Yine Bağdat Paktı’nın imzalanacağını duyan Türkler, bölgelerinde büyük bir sevinç yaşamışlardır. Fakat yine paktın imzalanmasından sonra Türklere yapılan baskılar artmıştır. Irak’ta 14 Temmuz 1959 Cumhuriyet’in birinci yılı kutlamalarında sokağa dökülen Kerkük Türkleri komünistler tarafından katliama uğramışlardır. 3 gün süren bu katliamda soydaşlarımız inanılmaz derecede zulüm ve işkenceye maruz kalmışlardır. Yaklaşık 1500 yıl kadar bu topraklarda varlığını gösteren Türkler I. Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonra batılı devletlerin bölgedeki çıkarlarından dolayı sistematik olarak çeşitli haksızlık, baskı ve katliama uğramışlardır. Emperyalist güçlerin özellikle yer altı bakımından zengin olan kuzey Irak’taki emellerinden dolayı bölgede yaşayan Türkler birçok zorlukla karşılaştıysa da bunlar karşısında Türk hükümeti ise maalesef hiç bir etkinlik göstermemiştir.

This chapter describes and contextualizes the Islamic religiosity of al-Ḥasan b. Hāniʾ al-Ḥakamī, better known as Abū Nuwās (d. AH 198/813 CE or 200/815), popularizer of the Arabic wine song (khamriyya). Previous studies of Abū Nuwās's religiosity have described it as esoteric based on close readings his wine songs (khamriyyāt), to the exclusion of the data found in his ascetic poetry (zuhdiyyāt). Instead, I suggest that the evidence of Abū Nuwās's religiosity found in both these genres is indicative of a type previously termed "transgressive sacrality" (Visuvalingam 1988; Crone 2015). This reading situates the religiosity of Abū Nuwās according to categories proposed in the field of evolutionary anthropology (Whitehouse 2001 etc.), offers new insights into the poet's view of ritual, moral community, and eschatological anticipation, and shows that these views largely comport with those of his Muslim contemporaries.

You can view the other insightful and entertaining contributions to this wonderful volume—generously made available through an Open Access agreement—by selecting the last link that appears under the 'Files' icon, above.

I regret that I could not refer to the following works, which also treat the different varieties of "transgressive sacrality" or early Islamic asceticism, or early Islamic ritualbecause of the timeline of publication:

Claus Peter Zoller, "Traditions of transgressive sacrality (against blasphemy) in Hinduism," Acta Orientalia 78 (2017): 1–162. Available at: https://journals.uio.no/actaorientalia/article/view/7265
Nora K. Schmdt, "Trajekte spätantiker Askese: Übungswissen in der frühislamischen Mahnpredigt am Beispiel von al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī (21–110 AH/ 642–728)," in Übungswissen in Religion und Philosophie: Produktion, Weitergabe, Wandel, Almut, eds. Barbara Renger and Alexandra Stellmacher (Berlin: Lit, 2018), 183–204. Available at: https://www.academia.edu/37382243/Trajekte_sp%C3%A4tantiker_Askese_%C3%9Cbungswissen_in_der_fr%C3%BChislamischen_Mahnpredigt_am_Beispiel_von_al_%E1%B8%A4asan_al_Ba%E1%B9%A3r%C4%AB_21_110_AH_642_728_In_%C3%9Cbungswissen_in_Religion_und_Philosophie_Produktion_Weitergabe_Wandel_Almut_Barbara_Renger_and_Alexandra_Stellmacher_eds_Berlin_Lit_2018_pp_183_204
Christopher Melchert, Before Sufism: Early Islamic Renunciant Piety, Islam – Thought, Culture, and Society 4 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2020). Available at: https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110617962/html?lang=en
Andrew Marsham, Rituals of Islamic Monarchy: Accession and Succession in the First Muslim Empire (Edinburgh: EUP, 2009). Available at: https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/rituals-of-islamic-monarchy/9EDA2D7B569DC5DF552B5A1974E90B2C

This article is a case study in how to fruitfully read Muslim heresiology. I take as a case the classification of Muslim sects in the heresiology of Ismaili author Abū Ḥātim al-Rāzī (d. 322/933). Through a close reading of the text, and by situating it within the religious and intellectual milieu of the time, I explore how he classified the existing Muslim groups in such a way as to give preference to the Ismailis – without appearing to do so. A representative of a minority group writing for an unsympathetic majority, al-Razi deploys ambiguity, inverts received categories (such as “Sunni”), and “writes between the lines” in order to critique established orthodoxy while maintaining plausible deniability. Through study of this work I propose a novel way of reading Muslim heresiolgies in general. I contend that to fully understand such texts we must go beyond the sifting of fact from fiction, and to explore the social location of their authors, as well as the position of the groups to which they belonged. For depending on the power dynamics in which authors operated and on their intended audiences, they either chose to write openly, to camouflage their thoughts, or to write between the lines.

Abbasid society in ninth-century Iraq faced the challenge of reconciling the role of its many non-Muslim citizens with Islamic norms and governance, as seen in “The Refutation of Christians” by al-Jāḥiẓ (d. 868/869 [255 A.H.]). Al-Jāḥiẓ moved in circles only one step removed from those of the Christian and Jewish intellectuals he came to criticize in the work, and he likely composed it just prior to Caliph al-Mutawakkil’s watershed reforms in non-Muslim policy. Thus, the “Refutation” is a primary source for understanding shifting Muslim sensibilities toward Christians’ societal role in a religiously diverse realm, but its polemic approach makes it problematic to analyze historically. This dissertation seeks to make “The Refutation of Christians” more accessible as a historical source by performing a contextual analysis of its argumentation.

Al-Jāḥiẓ’ rhetorical strategy is to explain away factors behind popular Muslim preferences for Christians over Jews, and then to advance positive reasons for considering Christians more harmful than Jews. Argumentation analysis using the pragma-dialectical approach highlights salient social points at issue between Christians and Muslims of the time. First, al-Jāḥiẓ’ dispute is not directly with Christians, but with Muslims who show them too much respect and liberality. Second, he must reframe certain facts about Christians that are too generally accepted to contradict, including memories of Arabs’ pre-Islamic and early Islamic contacts with Christians, and Christian intellectuals’ crucial role in perpetuating Greek scientific works. He turns these favorable perceptions into liabilities, arguing that Christians’ intellectualism diverts weak Muslims from the faith and their social position violates Christian-Muslim agreements. Finally, in contrast to the jurists’ approach, he argues for enforcing the original intention of these agreements rather than trying to demonstrate specific historical stipulations.

Al-Jāḥiẓ’ ideology aligns with al-Mutawakkil’s Qurʾanically charged edicts, in that Christians, far from being “closest in friendship” (5:82), are those with whom believers must not make any alliance (5:51). As such, the “Refutation” reveals the battle lines between more lenient, popular Muslim attitudes and a stricter position promoted by al-Jāḥiẓ and enforced by al-Mutawakkil.

[Ахмад ибн Фадлан]. Книга Ахмада ибн Фадлана / Перевод с арабского и примечания Вяч. С. Кулешова // Путешествие Ибн Фадлана: Волжский путь от Багдада до Булгара : Каталог выставки / Государственный Эрмитаж. Государственный историко-архитектурный и художественный музей-заповедник «Казанский Кремль». Научный редакторы А. И. Торгоев, И. Р. Ахмедов. М.: Издательский дом Марджани, 2016. — С. 18–47.

One of the earliest Muslim authors to make use of biblical material in Arabic translation was ʿAmr b. Baḥr al-Jāḥiẓ (d. 868/9). In his " Refutation of Christians " (Al-Radd ʿalā al-Naṣārā), he attempts to discredit Jewish translations of the Old Testament as a source for Christian arguments that Jesus was the Son of God. His position assumes two distinctive points regarding scriptural texts: (1) that the text of the extant Hebrew Bible was trustworthy but that the Christian Gospels were not, and (2) that the anthropomorphizing content of existing Jewish versions resulted from poor translation. Research into al-Jāḥiẓ's text so far has explored its discussion of anthropomorphism and its potential impact on Saʿadya Gaon's Bible translation, but has left open the translation source of the longest passage al-Jāḥiẓ quotes, Isaiah 42:10–16. Although it has earlier been suggested that the translation of this passage ultimately stems from the Peshitta Syriac version, this study compares al-Jāḥiẓ's text to the Hebrew, Syriac, and other versions, and demonstrates that the cited translation must have been made from the Hebrew. It also examines the translation techniques observable in the passage, showing a more Arabo-centric approach than typically attested in early non-Saʿadyanic versions. The study concludes (1) that as a Muslim polemicist, al-Jāḥiẓ had real contact with the Jewish community and its texts, and (2) that his quotation evidences a pre-Saʿadyanic attempt to translate the Bible from Hebrew into Arabic using a less literal approach than is previously attested.