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The paper examines the misconceptions surrounding the Chinese writing system, highlighting the erroneous belief that it is solely ideographic. It argues that while early forms of writing originated from pictographs, the ideographic model is untenable due to the impracticality of mastering a vast number of unique symbols. The discussion further critiques the ideological premise of writing systems that attempt to convey meaning independent of spoken language and concludes that the concept of pure ideographic writing remains a myth.
It is our assumption that the goal of primitive written symbols was to create suprasubjective representations. And we feel that it has continued to be the case all over the course of History. In an increasingly globalised world, this goal seems even more evident, and we could highlight that symbolic representations tend to be supraregional, supranational, supracultural and supraideological. The Arabic, the Chinese or the Suzhou numerals are nowadays restricted to specific uses and regions. Instead the Hindu-Arabic numerals, widespread by modern computers, are commonly used everywhere. Millions of people know the meaning of symbols such as 2, 3, 4, 5, =, ≠ , ≥ ,√, ∞. Almost everybody is able to recognize the usual iconic signs that mean ‗disabled person' or ‗smoking is forbidden'. And in spite of their importance in nowadays society a project devoted to the study of the origins, the spread and the evolution of those symbols is still lacking. The aim of our paper is to point out the theoretical and methodological assumptions upon which a history of cross-cultural written symbols should be undertaken.
Meluhha, mleccha language was recorded on seals, sculptural reliefs by artisans, artists of ancient India, rebus of Bronze Age metalwork life-activities. This monograph demonstrates that an abiding symbol of the Bronze Age on the Tin Road from Hanoi to Haifa was the oxhide shaped ingot. This was the signature tune of the metalworkers of that Age. See the symbol inscribed as a hieroglyph read rebus in Meluhha, mleccha language of ancient metalworkers. A hieroglyph (Greek for "sacred writing") is a character or symbol of not only Egyptian writing but also Indus writing. τὰ ἱερογλυφικά [γράμματα] hieroglyphics constitute over 100 pictorial motifs and 500 'signs' of the writing system on seals, tablets, sculptural reliefs and also metalwork objects themselves. Who else could have had the competence to write on metal excepting an early metalworker, a metalcaster? The Itihasa of Bharatam janam, 'metalcaster people' is the history of a pictorial, sacred writing system. The mother goose, anser indicus, is a unique aquatic bird with extraordinary power and flight paths across towering mountains of the himalayan ranges. This goose was called hamsa and also karaṇḍa -- ʻ duck ʼ. One signified the aatman of a parivrajaka, paramahamsa, a siddha, an enlightened aatman like the Buddha and another the hard alloy of gold, silver and other mineral metals. One was hamsa, another was करडा [ karaḍā ] (Molesworth, Marathi lexicon, p. 137) [ karaḍā Hard from alloy--iron, silver &c. There are many allographs which could represent this 'signified' gloss as a hieroglyph. All such allographs detailed in select Meluhha glosses (Annex E) are also represented consistent with the critiqued General Theory of Images, rendered as writing systems by artisans and artists of the Bronze Age. The critiqued General Theory of Images thus stands exposed gaining a voice from the voices of our ancestors, from the languages spoken by our ancestors, as they evolved as the lingua franca of Bronze Age civilization exemplified by two stunning inventions which stand out: creation of hard alloys of metals and creation of cire perdue metal castings using such alloys of metals, starting from the days of exquisite metal artifacts of Nahal Mishmar (Haifa), ca. 5th millennium BCE and Siva linga of Vietnam (Hanoi) symbolised by the makers of Dong Son bronze drums. "The bar-headed goose (Anser indicus) is a goose that breeds in Central Asia in colonies of thousands near mountain lakes and winters in South Asia, as far south as peninsular India. It lays three to eight eggs at a time in a ground nest... In flight, its call is a typical goose honking. A mid-sized goose, it measures 71–76 cm (28–30 in) in total length and weighs 1.87–3.2 kg (4.1–7.1 lb)...The species has been reported as migrating south from Tibet, Kazakhstan, Mongolia and Russia before crossing the Himalaya...The bar-headed goose is one of the world's highest-flying birds, having been heard flying across Mount Makalu – the fifth highest mountain on earth at 8,481 m (27,825 ft) – and apparently seen over Mount Everest – 8,848 m (29,029 ft) "there must be a good explanation for why the birds fly to the extreme altitudes... particularly since there are passes through the Himalaya at lower altitudes, and which are used by other migrating bird species."The challenging northward migration from lowland India to breed in the summer on the Tibetan Plateau is undertaken in stages, with the flight across the Himalaya (from sea-level) being undertaken non-stop in as little as seven hours. Surprisingly, despite predictable tail winds that blow up the Himalayas (in the same direction of travel as the geese), bar-headed geese spurn these winds, waiting for them to die down overnight, when they then undertake the greatest rates of climbing flight ever recorded for a bird, and sustain these climbs rates for hours on end, according to research published in 2011...The bar-headed goose migrates over the Himalayas to spend the winter in parts of South Asia (from Assam to as far south as Tamil Nadu.The modern winter habitat of the species is cultivated fields, where it feeds on barley, rice and wheat, and may damage crops. Birds from Kyrgyzstan have been noted to stopover in western Tibet and southern Tajikistan for 20 to 30 days before migrating further south. Some birds may show high wintering site fidelity...Bar-headed geese have a slightly larger wing area for their weight than other geese, which is believed to help them fly at high altitudes While this decreases the power output required for flight in thin air, birds at high-altitude still need to flap harder than lowland birds " (Black, C. P.; Tenney, S. M. (1980). "Oxygen Transport During Progressive Hypoxia in High-altitude and Sea-level Waterfowl". Respiration Physiology 39 (2): 217–239; Hawkes, L. A.; Balachandran, S.; Batbayar, N.; Butler, P. J.; Frappell, P. B.; Milsom, W. K.; Tseveenmyadag, N.; Newman, S. H.; Scott, G. R. (2011). "The Trans-Himalayan Flights of Bar-headed Geese (Anser indicus)". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 108 (23): 9516; Koppen, U; Yakovlev, A. P.; Barth, R.; Kaatz, M.; Berthold, P. (2010). "Seasonal Migrations of Four Individual Bar-headed Geese Anser indicusfrom Kyrgyzstan Followed by Satellite Telemetry". Journal of Ornithology 151 (3): 703–712. loc.cit.) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bar-headed_goose The hieroglyphic story of the bar-headed geese, anser indicus, hamsa, is the rebus of Itihasa of Bharatam Janam as they traversed in an extraordinary maritime trade journey from Hanoi (the largest tin belt zone of the world) to Haifa (a maritime port with a shipwreck which yielded two pure tin ingots with a hieroglyphic writing system called Indus writings by the Meluhha speakers, who were and who continue to be Bharatam Janam, 'metalcastr folk'. These are extraordinary metalcasters. Form them, the Meluhha speakers, the smithy was kole.l. The smithy also constituted the temple, kole.l, attested by a Kota language gloss. Thus the symbols of life-activities reconstructed from parole (speech) when reduced to writing by engraving became hieroglyphs of spiritual, sacred space. This monograph provides an alternative to the General Theory of Images posited by Art historians and in historical studies related to 'iconography'. In the context of metalwork of Bharatam Janam, 'metalcaster community', it is posited that images created by artists were remembered, replicated sequences of life-activities of the community of artisan guilds. Artists in these guilds constituted the writers' guilds, engravers, sculptors to communicate the messages. The communication -- as media campaigns in the mists of ancient history of maritime trade -- was to an extended interaction area for trade and cultural exchanges, particularly along the Tin Road from Haifa to Hanoi. Thus many images were rebus representations of artisan work in lapidary-smithy. Such representations -- rebus or mirror images or replicas -- became in historical times, ut-sava + bēra 'idols taken out in processions' (on festive days) to the community at large. This is Hindu tradition par excellence, a celebration of ancestors' penchant for protection of dharma-dhamma, enshrining an inexorable consciousness-cosmic order, a celebration which continues even today in thousands of temples across the globe in many panthas and traditions.
2010
Iconography has played a central role in the development of writing systems. That all independently derived ancient scripts began as arrangements of pictograms before evolving into their elaborated forms evinces the fundamental importance of iconography in the evolution of writing. Symbols of the earliest logographic writing systems are characterized by a number of iconographic principles. Elucidation of these iconographic principles provides a theoretical framework for the analysis of structural similarities in unrelated, independently evolved writing systems. Two such writing systems are the ancient Indus Valley and Easter Island scripts. Although separated by vast tracts of time and space, the two writing systems share between forty and fifty complex characters, a problem first identified by Hevesy in 1932. Previous attempts to explain the similarities between the Indus Valley script and the rongorongo of Easter Island, which have relied on notions of cultural contact or historic...
Arts: Special Edition on World Rock Art, 2023
The term “Western Message Petroglyphs” (WMPs) refers to a number of petroglyph sites found scattered among eight western states that are recognized by their shared image content and layout. The imagery is drawn largely from a mash-up of late historic Native American sign-gesture language and picture-writing traditions inter-mixed with pan-cultural imagery from around the world. An increasing number of sites that fit this mold have been reported over the past 85 years or so, currently numbering 39 in all. There is no question that these sites date to post-European contact based on images in some panels that depict Euro-American cultural content (e.g., western-style house, rifle, whiskey keg, horse, etc.). The post-contact era is also apparent in the method used in rendering the engraved images evidenced by the smooth angular lines and chisel strikes produced by metal tools. This paper focuses on narrowing the time frame for these sites based on two additional streams of evidence. First, patterned associations with historic landscape settings tied to the era of western expansion bind the sites together into a coherent whole and set a floor for their oldest probable dates. An example of four sites located in Utah and Arizona illustrates their connection to the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the opening years of the twentieth. Secondly, a study of their imagery supports the proposed dates by revealing a “smoking gun” for the source of many of the individual icons. An example of the methodology used to translate a Western Message Petroglyph panel is described, and a profile of the central author who appears to have acted with a small group of others is suggested in order to aid in the search for this person(s) in the historic record of the American West.
Word & Image, 2021
This article presents a cross-cultural, diachronic, and comparative analysis of the representational aspects of picturewriting through the use of hieroglyphs in ancient Egypt and their revival in early Renaissance Europe. The two phenomena will be discussed with a focus on the functionality of the sign within the non-textual sphere, highlighting such similarities as the glottographic nature of the word-signs and the subsequent unified visuality of text and image. It is suggested that the similarities are the by-product of picture-writing: when words are expressed with pictograms rather than with letters, the following step is to benefit from their dual function, as both text and image. The current use of pictograms in digital media-namely the emoji-is a process that already exhibits similar traits.
Asiatic Echoes, 2016
This text introduces previously overlooked and unrecognized ancient Chinese written evidence that in pre-Columbian times multiple intellectual exchanges took place between Asiatic and North American populations. Here is the long sought sinographic proof that Asiatic explorers not only reached the Americas long before the first European voyagers, but that they interacted positively with Native North American people on multiple occasions over an extended period of time.
kheik det, a set of symbols engraved on a stick by the Hmong singers in Shibing and Huangping County in the Hmu communities in southeast Guizhou China, conveys the core of the ancient Hmong marriage song, namely, the types and the specific items of dowry. In March 2016 the author conducted a fieldwork in southeast Guizhou, where he collected different versions of Kheik det in local Hmu villages and Kheik Det Museum. Besides, he interviewed Mr. Pan Jiaxiang, Pan Xingde, and Wu Zhenghai, the inheritors of Kheik det, who narrated the origin and the development of Kheik det and sang Hmu marriage songs with the help of the symbols. Based on the author's visit in southeast Guizhou, this paper briefly introduces the historical development of Keik det before presenting a detailed analysis of the meaning denoted by the symbols on the stick. It is discovered in the study that the 27 symbols of Kheit det can fully narrate the ancient Hmong marriage custom with semantographs, pictographs and syssemantographs, bearing astonishing similarity with words and characters in keeping account. The study suggests that although the limited number of the symbols without phonetic value cannot be compared to the full-fledged writing system, they are significantly different from the early mnemotechnic signs such as knots and corn pieces, for they have possessed the feature of the primitive semasiography. Preface Whether Hmong had writing systems in the ancient time has always been very controversial. Some scholars hold that Hmong had only language but no writing systems. However, epics and legends in various Hmong communities indicate that the Hmong did possess writings in the past but lost it due to many reasons. Substantial materials are still required to support any claim of the possession of Hmong writing systems in the ancient time. Anyway, based on the literature, we can see the Hmong in different regions have somewhat invented many sets of " sign language " for the exchange of ideas and for record keeping in order to satisfy the needs of production and of life. If one, for example, inserts a grass mark in front of the door, this notifies strangers that they are not
Considering Dongba manuscript pictographic tradition as one of the historical stage of pictography in Lijiang region, thus manuscript production should be related just to Dongba priest hand for writing and eyes for reading, as a sectorial handmade tool destined to be used ad comprehended at all only by Dongbas.
Journal of Chinese Linguistics 34.1, p. 25-43, 2006., 2006
This paper studies a particular formational process in the ancient Chinese writing system known as bianti 變體 ‘graphic modulation’, by means of which cognate characters (not cognate words) are created. Graphic pairs such as zuo 左 ‘left’ – you 右 ‘right’, and shang 上 ‘above’ – xia 下 ‘below’ in their ancient forms are classical examples of this kind of graphical branching (through a reversing process). In the case of ji 即 ‘immediate’ (tone 2) and ji 既 ‘already’ (tone 4), a similar mechanism is found in their graphic formation. However, in most cases, these graphic pairs are not phonologically cognate terms. The approach in this paper is mainly inspired by Klima – Bellugi (l979) and Yau (1987, 1990), who have both observed modulation processes in the lexical branching of deaf people’s sign languages which have essential features in common with Chinese characters in their ancient forms. The two media are visual, gestural and often iconic. By drawing a parallel between this graphic phenomenon in Chinese and observations made by specialists in other linguistic areas, a case has been made for the modulation mechanism as a universal device for lexical creation on the representation level. https://www.jclhk.com.hk/jcl-2001-2010/jcl2006/
The Ersu are a Qiangic people living in southern SìchuanProvince. A diminishing number of Ersu religious practitioners known as shaba employ a pictographic writing system described in Sun Hongkai's 1982 article that is the subject of this translation. An introduction provides background on Sun Hongkai and the theoretical framework he employs to describe the Ersu shaba pictographic writing system; additional footnotes and a map provide further context.
Rediscovering Spiti, 2017
Procedia Social and Behavioral Sciences
In the context of culture and knowledge development in XXI century philosophical issue is the language par excellence, linguistic analysis were associated with those made in light of new directions and established disciplines: mathematical, logical, psychological, and information, cybernetic, semiotic, the study conducted from the perspective of structuralism analysis of communication. We say that the sign is a complex reality as defined from the perspective of a triple reporting: the reporting system which includes (grammar), by reference to the referent (object of view gnosiological - semantics), in relation to the user (pragmatic). Currently, semiotics demonstrates that we are in a position to know and be able to explain the genesis and meaning of signs and symbols, of semiotics. Attempts topology signs are related either to the nature of entities expressing (graphics, reports, images, or their functionality and purpose). Culture generally includes semiotic triangle (archaic → modern →tradition) as an expression of one and multiple stored value and resized, preserving creative vein even multiplied by re (potential) value. These points in time are compressed symbolic triggers symbolic codes that existed outside of history and the history that re irrevocable offer (reading) them. This process involves scenarios from our intuitive semiotic-hermeneutical, logical mind that we can find versions of relational and interpretative signs and symbols as a formula for coherence resonance and cultures.
The cultures mentioned in this paper were separated by vast distances in time and space. It is unlikely that they had any, sustained, direct contact with each other. But people do see some commonalities in structures, imagery, and geometric design etc. This leads to conjecture as to how such commonalities could occur in such separated cultures. The simplest solution to this problem is that they did have a system of communication but the system is nearly subliminal to present day researchers. The system had pictorial aspects and its imagery is what attracts the modern eye and thereby distracts attention away from the system itself. The system goes, pretty much, unnoticed.
This paper looks at the objects depicted below many of the Indus “unicorn” heads. These objects presently considered either SOMA filters or incense burners. In order to explain these images, we have applied ancient depicted sign language to them. To provide the ancient cosmological context for the objects, comparisons are made between the Indus compositions and those of other cultures. The resulting findings demonstrate that neither the SOMA filters nor incense burners were depicted, but rather a metaphor was made between a great Vessel and the great Female-earth. However, the Vessel message was a prelude or phase leading up to ascension of elite leaders. Incense burners were used to explain the unseen arising of the spirit of the deceased to the sky and stars. In the water based cosmology, the smoke would have been equated to the barely visible mist arising from spring sites and other areas of subterranean water seepage stemming from the under-world. Other goblet like vessels or bowls were used to explain the ascension.
Their Way of Writing: Scripts, Signs and Pictographies in Pre-Columbian America, edited by Elizabeth Boone and Gary Urton, 2011
2011
This is the third chapter from this book posted on this website. It concerns the possibility that numbers, writing, and pictures are related to one another in the Western tradition. Writing and picturing are often associated, but counting is rarely spoken about in the same context, so this is an intriguing possibility. The argument turns on an analysis of Denise Schmandt-Besserat's theories of the origins of counting in the Ancient Middle East. The details of her theories, and their reception, are not of as much interest here as the philosophic possibility that an account like hers lets us posit a common origin for pictures (or images), numbers (or mathematics), and writing. The idea of the book as a whole is to try to rethink some of the received ideas about pictures and their relation to language. There are a couple of chapters in the book that try to do that by considering prehistoric, or protohistoric, practices. So it's more about contemporary understanding than about what might have happened in the cultures Schmandt-Besserat studied.
Studies in Iconography, 2018
Ethnohistory
Since about 2000, several converging debates have put Native Ameri-can ways of writing (in the broadest sense: communicating by inscribed marks) onto the scholarly front burner. A sensible ethnohistorian might ask, whatever took so long? Isn’t it evident that systems like pictography, petroglyphs, genealogical drawings, models of terrain, emblematic insignia, tribute tallies, colonial syllabograms, and the like form a very large part of humanity’s graphic practice? Shouldn’t anthropological common sense tell us that all kinds of inscription, not just “true writing,” make parts of a culture visible to its agents? Doesn’t historical common sense decree that any account of a people’s past is incomplete if it fails to consider their way of organizing action through signs? Yet somehow, for a very long time, Amer-indian graphic inventions, with the important exception of Maya writing,were hardly ever addressed in discussions about literacy.
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