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2005
AI
This work addresses the intricate relationship between neurodevelopment and the cycle of violence, emphasizing how exposure to violence in childhood alters brain development and emotional, behavioral, cognitive, and social functioning. It argues that experiences of trauma and neglect, rather than genetic predispositions, significantly influence violent behavior, with various stages of brain development being differentially impacted by these adverse experiences.
1997
Children are not resilient, children are malleable." RESILIENT 1. Marked by the ability to recover readily, as from misfortune.
Flourish Project - Understanding Human Violence, 2021
Human beings are social animals. We are shaped by our relationships to others and to our environments and we are biologically wired to reach out and learn from these interactions. The debate around whether we have a built-in predilection for violence, however, has raged among scholars for centuries, and the answer is far from a foregone conclusion. It seems that we all carry forward the evolutionary possibility for violence, but that whether or not this is fulfilled, or evolves instead into contribution and cooperation, depends upon our unique genetic dispositions and environmental experiences. Fundamentally, it is about the quality of our relationships – to our Selves, Others and the Natural World.
Violence: South African Perspectives, 2021
Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences, 1998
Developmental stability (the precision with which genotypes are translated into phenotypes under physically stressful developmental conditions), is a major source of phenotypic and behavioural variation, yet researchers have largely ignored its potential role in the ontogeny of individual propensities toward human aggression and violence. In this study, we measured £uctuating asymmetry of the body and administered aggression and ¢ghting history questionnaires to 229 college students (139 female and 90 male undergraduates). Among males, but not females, £uctuating asymmetry correlated negatively and signi¢cantly with the participants' number of ¢ghts and propensity to escalate agonistic encounters to physical violence. Principal components analyses and scree tests suggested that two psychometric factors underlie observed correlations between self-report measures of aggressive tendencies. The ¢rst factor,`aggressive negative a¡ect', re£ected verbal aggression and hostility toward others, while the second factor,`selfassessed ¢ghting ability', re£ected physical violence and a tendency to win ¢ghts. The two factors correlated minimally. For both males and females, the second factor correlated with number of ¢ghts while the ¢rst factor did not. Fluctuating asymmetry did not signi¢cantly correlate with either factor for either sex, but for both sexes, psychometric intelligence (IQ) correlated positively with the ¢rst factor.
Common Knowledge 22 (1): 81-104, 2016
To understand in any depth contemporary instances of human brutality, it is necessary to explore the long-term historical dynamics of the human relationship with violence. Given the paucity of evidence, much of the scholarship remains sharply divided over the question, How old is human violence? Despite disagreements, where some scholars regard humans as intrinsically violent and others emphasize their nonviolent characteristics, there is a pronounced tendency to rely, from both of these perspectives, on a simple naturalist epistemology. What is needed, at this stage of the controversy, is an alternative interpretation focusing on the structural foundations of violent action. If, instead of tracing violent (or nonviolent) behavior to "human nature," we assume that the origins of violence are linked to the rise and proliferation of complex social organizations, we may come to more far-reaching and significant conclusions.
Violence has significant impact on human health: it engenders suffering and harm, through death, disability, deprivation and through precarious livelihoods and compromised usage of health and social resources. It has significant impact on human society, bringing chaos, marginalization, and disorder in its wake but also resistance, resilience, and domination. Without doubt, violence poses a threat to human rights and to physical, emotional, and social wellbeing. There are, however, many different layers of violence that engender harm. Anthropologists raise important questions regarding which dimensions of violence are most salient in people's lives and which are structurally condoned and reproduced, as well as questions regarding how people articulate their suffering, negotiate conflict, manifest resilience, and strive for peace.
In a society where violence is quickly becoming a growing problem, many psychologists, criminologists and even sociologists have long debated the issue of genetics and violence. They have scrambled to provide a thorough yet simple answer to the question “Is the tendency for violence genetic?” Scientifically, we do have the capacity to scan the brain and examine genetic material so it’s no wonder that there are indeed several ways by which science, by way of research, can determine if an individual is genetically pre-disposed to violence, thus increasing the likelihood that s/he will become more violent in comparison to those who are not. Over the decades, researchers have conducted several landmark studies that helped to reveal the role of certain genes that could result in genetic disposition towards extreme violence. One in particular, Monoamine Oxidase-A, has been identified as a precursor to violent behavior and antisocial behavior among humans (Moosajee, 2003). Likewise, head scans of individuals with violent histories reveal a stark difference in brain activity between these individuals’ prefrontal cortex as compared to the brain scans of the rest of the population (Raine, 2002). This points to strong evidence of genetic predisposition to crime among some individuals.
The End of War is a compact, yet compelling, read by John Horgan that provides the reasons behind conflict amongst human beings. His main arguments can be divided into three over-arching categories. First, Horgan points out that human genes overlap more with bonobos than chimpanzees. (pg. 39) This fact debunks the myth that humans are innately violent and establishes that it is the circumstances that lead to wars and conflicts. (pg. 95) Second, he asserts that war will end for scientific reasons but it ought to be ended for moral reasons. (pg. 19) Lastly, he points out that war is a choice humans make; therefore they are as likely to be peaceful as violent. This can be backed up by the finding that the origins of warfare only date back by 13000 years. (pg. 186) This illustrates that war has not been present since the origin of human existence. As such, "war is not something that happens to us.
2011
S (in order of presentation) 33 LIST OF PARTICIPANTS (in alphabetical order) 51 PARTICIPANTS’ INDEX (in alphabetical order) 71
In this compelling and timely book, Larry Ray offers a wide-ranging and integrated account of the many manifestations of violence in society. He examines violent behaviour and its meanings in contemporary culture and throughout history. Introducing the major theoretical debates, the book examines different levels of violence - interpersonal, institutional and collective - and different forms of violence - such as racist crime, homophobic crime and genocide. It provides readers with a succinct and comprehensive overview of its nature and effects, and the solutions and conflict resolutions involved in responses to violence. Interdisciplinary in its approach, the text draws on evidence from sociology, criminology, primate studies and archaeology to shed light on arguments about the social construction and innate nature of violence. Engaging, wide-reaching and authorative, this is essential reading for students, academics and researchers in sociology, criminology, social pyschology and cultural studies.
Social Science Information, 2003
The “mainstream” evolutionary psychology model is currently under criticism from scientists of other persuasions wanting to expand the model or to make it more realistic in various ways. We argue that focusing on the environment as if it consisted only of social (or sociocultural) factors gives too limited a perspective if evolutionary approaches are to understand the behavior of modern humans. Taking the case of violence, we argue that numerous novel environmental factors of nutritional and physical-chemical origin should be considered as relevant proximate factors. The common thesis presented here is that several aspects of the biotic or abiotic environment are able to change brain chemistry, thus predisposing individuals to violence and aggression in given contexts. In the past, aggressive behavior has had a number of useful functions that were of particular importance to our ancestors' survival and reproduction. However, some of the conditions in our novel environment, which...
Politics without Violence?, 2019
In the last chapter it became clear that violence is so difficult to talk about because we don’t want to talk about something we can’t, or don’t want to, make sense of. We have failed even to build a language for the pain it generates. Pain speaks as sounds from our bodies. There are long-lasting somatic effects of multiple kinds from the way our bodies experience and respond to violence, as perpetrators, victims, witnesses and audiences. Violence is too close to fear of death and nothingness. It has been argued by Rene Girard, that from our earliest human settlements, we have been so afraid of the destructive cycles of violence we are capable of unleashing, that myth, religion and ritual stepped in with the ‘surrogate victim’. This was a means to ‘trick’ violence through a collective act of sacrifice aimed at preventing further reciprocal violence. From sport, entertainment and the judiciary, humans over the centuries have sought varied ways to contain and convert unbearable violen...
This paper reviews theory and research on the evolutionary psychology of violence. First, I examine evidence suggesting that humans have experienced an evolutionary history of violence. Next, I discuss violence as a context-sensitive strategy that might have provided benefits to our ancestors under certain circumstances. I then focus on the two most common forms of violence that plague humans —violence over status contests and intimate partner violence— outlining psychological mechanisms involved in each. Finally, I suggest that greater progress will be made by shifting the study from contexts to mechanisms.
2016
The intergenerational transmission of violence theory has until recently mostly considered the male child’s witnessing of violence between their parents and the learning of violence as the main cau ...
British Journal of Criminology (2011) 51 (3): 479-498., 2011
Despite lively debates in many related fields about whether biological and evolutionary approaches can contribute to social and cultural investigations of human behaviour, historians have rarely confronted this issue directly. The historiography of violence is a partial exception, but there has been relatively little interdisciplinary exchange on topics central to both historical and natural-science analyses. Nevertheless, historians of violence have relied upon two concepts—‘social roles’ and ‘social construction’—that have been subject to constructive critique and revision from Darwinian perspectives. This article concludes by arguing that greater incorporation of evolutionary psychological perspectives and approaches into social and cultural analyses of violence (whether historical or contemporary) has much to contribute to a better understanding of the phenomenon of physical aggression.
Review of General Psychology, 2012
We review and discuss the evolutionary psychological literature on violence, homicide, and war in humans and nonhumans, and in doing so argue that an evolutionary perspective can substantially enhance our understanding of these behaviors. We provide a brief primer on evolutionary psychology, describing the basic tenets of the field. The theories of sexual selection and parental investment are explained and subsequently used to highlight the evolutionary logic underlying the use of violence by humans and other animals. Our examination of violent behavior begins with a focus on nonhuman animals, reviewing the different contexts in which violence occurs and discussing how an evolutionary perspective can explain why it occurs in these contexts. We then examine violence in humans and illustrate the similarities and differences between human and nonhuman violence. Finally, we summarize what an evolutionary perspective can offer in terms of understanding violence, homicide, and war, and di...
2012
We review and discuss the evolutionary psychological literature on violence, homicide, and war in humans and non-humans, and in doing so argue that an evolutionary perspective can substantially enhance our understanding of these behaviors. We provide a brief primer on evolutionary psychology, describing the basic tenets of the field. The theories of sexual selection and parental investment are explained and subsequently used to highlight the evolutionary logic underlying the use of violence by humans and other animals. Our examination of violent behavior begins with a focus on non-human animals, reviewing the different contexts in which violence occurs and discussing how an evolutionary perspective can explain why it occurs in these contexts. We then examine violence in humans and illustrate the similarities and differences between human and non-human violence. Finally, we summarize what an evolutionary perspective can offer in terms of understanding violence, homicide, and war, and...
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