Academia.edu no longer supports Internet Explorer.
To browse Academia.edu and the wider internet faster and more securely, please take a few seconds to upgrade your browser.
Review of International American Studies
This article explores the ways gender and race influenced the FBI’s surveillance of Black women activists. Previous scholarship has covered the role of surveillance in repressing revolutionary movements and neutralizing radical organizations. Historically, within many social movements, Black women have been marginalized, silenced, or reduced to only their gender because of patriarchal leadership. As a result, the persistence of sexism within these Black movements has affected Black women’s visibility within movement organizations. This piece asks, how does gendered marginalization impact their surveillance by and visibility to the FBI? It seeks to understand the influence of race and gender on the FBI’s surveillance of Louise Thompson Patterson. By examining the language and narrative components of her FBI file, the article provides an analysis across gender and across time to theorize the dynamics of surveillance, race, and gender. Based on a close analysis of Patterson’s FBI file,...
By the 1960s the Civil Rights Movement had evolved towards Black Power and self-defense narratives. This evolution procreated the Black Panther Party, a political organization that sought to establish equality and freedom in impoverished neighborhoods neglected by the government. This program extended beyond the black community and began to form coalitions and to foster a shared narrative between other racial groups in America. Vietnam era communist fear was prevalent as a result of American propaganda. Red smear campaigns later developed to exploit this communist fear for political discrediting of dissenting political opinions that were closely monitored and stifled under the control of the Federal Bureau of Investigations, or the FBI. The FBI is a national security organization with law enforcement and intel responsibilities under the Justice Department. The potential coalition among the lumpenproletariat, society’s lowest caste, under this new social consciousness threatened the de facto American capitalist hierarchies and prompted a refocus of an FBI subsector, Cointelpro, that was specifically designed to, often illegally, interfere and subvert the ideals and goals of the Black Panther Party. This essay examines how the Federal Bureau of Investigations operated in relation to the Panther Party, claim that these operations were directly enforced in an attempt to undermine political free speech and in doing so demonstrate the historical impacts that each group had on the growth and evolution of one another through the late 20th century.
2019
Protests and resistance from those locked away in jails, prisons and detention centres occur but receive limited, if any, mainstream attention. In the United States and Canada, 61 instances of prisoner unrest occurred in 2018 alone. In August of the same year, incarcerated people in the United States planned nineteen days of peaceful protest to improve prison conditions. Complex links of institutionalized power, white supremacy and Black resistance is receiving renewed attention; however, state-condoned violence against women in carceral institutions (e.g., physical, sexual and emotional abuse, and medical neglect) is understudied. This qualitative exploratory case-study examines 10 top-tier Criminology journals from 2008-2018 for the presence of prisoner unrest/protest. Findings reveal a paucity of attention devoted to prisoner unrest or state-sanctioned violence. An argument is made that the invisibility of prisoner unrest conceals the breadth and depth of state-inflicted violence against prisoners, especially marginalized peoples. This paper concludes with a discussion of the historical legacy and contemporary invisibility of Black women's resistance against state-inflicted violence. This paper argues that in order to make sense of and tackle state-condoned violence we must turn to incarcerated people, activists, and Black and Indigenous thinkers and grassroots actors.
We are heading into an era where unbridled greed, racism, sexism, and other forms of hate are, once again, unabashedly proclaimed to the world without remorse. This turn from the once negative association with racism and attempts to avoid being labeled racist has became increasingly evident in the U.S. since 2014, when, astoundingly, a string of White police killings of unarmed Black men went unpunished or unprosecuted . In some of these cases the police officers evidenced a complete lack of compassion for the men in their final seconds of life. National coverage of these events made clear to would be haters and predators that racism was still very prevalent and deep rooted in U.S. society. The White supremacist and misogynist venom that U.S. republican hopeful, Donald Trump, is selling in his 2016 presidential campaign has not been seen since the presidency of Ronald Reagan labeled millions of America's unemployed as potential welfare cheats and created the idea that welfare fraud was a nationwide epidemic. The welfare queen-a lazy Black and Brown female living off honest (White) taxpayers' money-was seeded in the soil of America's structural unconscious (Litchman, 1982).
Intelligence and national security, 2020
Activists Under Surveillance presents readers with declassified documents which formed part of the FBI's investigations into persons and groups deemed to pose a threat to America's security. Most of the targeted were activists who had morally and intellectually defensible reasons to oppose some of the U.S. government's policies, such as the mistreatment of minorities or the war against North Vietnam, and yet they were perceived by the FBI as subversive threats potentially being directed by Moscow. Activists Under Surveillance shows how this politicization empowered unelected and unaccountable bureaucrats to pursue suspects and, in so doing, criminalize legitimate opposition and seriously compromise civil liberties, particularly during the Cold War. Additionally, the text under review contributes to our understanding of the Intelligence Community's (IC) politicization from the middle of the 20 th century to the present; accordingly, it will be of keen interest to scholars and general readers concerned with this tendency and the dangers it poses to democracy. The documents displayed in Activists Under Surveillance are mostly from the period when the FBI was led by J. Edgar Hoover, and hence in many ways they reflect his worldview, which was, among other things, intensely anti-communist. A diverse array of activists was targeted, in part because they were suspected of having communist sympathies. Libertarians, feminists, anti-racists, activists fighting for native rights and the Palestinian cause, and particularly those opposed to U.S. foreign policy were all suspected by the FBI. Each individual suspect has their own chapter, 1 which begins with the editors' preamble on the investigation, providing helpful background information and context of the person under examination. Most of the documents are written in sterile bureaucratese, and some are heavily redacted despite being declassified. This makes reading some of them a slog, but the effort is worth it since they provide a window into this agencies' activities during much of the Cold War. One position which in particular drew Hoover's ire, and triggered many FBI investigations, was opposition to the war in Vietnam. Notable examples included in Activists Under Surveillance are the investigations of legendary labour leader Cesar Chavez, writer and psychologist Abbie Hoffman, and historian Howard Zinn. In the case of Hoffman (and others discussed below), documents reveal that he was categorized by the FBI as 'potentially dangerous because of background, emotional instability [emphasis added], or activities in groups inimical to the U.S.' (p. 190). Here we have an example of how the FBI at times conflated political opposition with a psychological deficiency, and many readers might be reminded of how political dissent in the Soviet Union was also sometimes treated as a mental illness, although with much graver consequences. One of the ways that the FBI carried out investigations of activists was to attend their rallies, often on college campuses, and take detailed notes of their speeches. Activists Under Surveillance allows readers to see some of the results of these investigations, mainly the summaries of the agents' observations, allowing one to imagine with some amusement an undercover FBI agent present among a group of hippies, listening intensely for comments he considers to violate federal laws, or a threat to the U.S.'s security. One in particular stands out: Abbie Hoffman, who, during a speech at Marshall University on April 21 st , 1972, in front of 400 students, criticized 'the [Nixon] administration in Washington D.C. regarding the continuation of the war in Vietnam, and the renewed bombing of North Vietnam' (p. 202). Hoffman's case is also fascinating because he knew the FBI was watching him, and he reacted, in contemporary terms, by 'trolling' it. For example, he organized a séance to end the Vietnam war by levitating the Pentagon via, among other things, Tibetan chanting. He also
As the conversation on the state of modern Black America deepens in the wake of the Trayvon Martin tragedy and increased violence affecting young Black males, acknowledging historical and present structures that serve to disenfranchise the Black community remain largely focused on boys and men. Yet, to fully examine the impact of White supremacy, patriarchy, and violence on Black lives, it is necessary to remove the culture of silence that permeates the discussion of how oppression is experienced by Black females. In this article, I explore the ways in which society encourages misogynoir (anti-Black misogyny) by reinforcing the marginalization of Black females and their status as the keepers of Black life. A dialogue about Black life, which does not speak to the troubles of Black women, is incomplete. Giving voice to their struggles, in the context of discussing the collective Black experience, is a part of the larger fight for peace, justice, and equality.
In The Revolution Has Come Robyn C. Spencer traces the Black Panther Party's organizational evolution in Oakland, California, where hundreds of young people came to political awareness and journeyed to adulthood as members. Challenging the belief that the Panthers were a projection of the leadership, Spencer draws on interviews with rank-and-file members, FBI files, and archival materials to examine the impact the organization's internal politics and COINTELPRO's political repression had on its evolution and dissolution. She shows how the Panthers' members interpreted, implemented, and influenced party ideology and programs; initiated dialogues about gender politics; highlighted ambiguities in the Panthers' armed stance; and criticized organizational priorities. Spencer also centers gender politics and the experiences of women and their contributions to the Panthers and the Black Power movement as a whole. Providing a panoramic view of the Party's organization over its sixteen-year history, The Revolution Has Come shows how the Black Panthers embodied Black Power through the party's international activism, interracial alliances, commitment to address state violence, and desire to foster self-determination in Oakland's black communities. Duke University Press, November 2016.
Journal of Women's History, 2008
This article explores how black women who joined the Black Panther Party, one of the leading Black Power organizations in the 1960s and 70s, were empowered to challenge racism and sexism in society, in the Panthers, and in themselves. Using oral history and archival sources, it examines such issues as formal and informal leadership, state political repression, gendered guerilla imagery, and debates around child rearing and birth control to reveal how these women were able to shape the Panthers' organizational evolution, even as they struggled against misogyny. This article contributes to historical understanding of the Black Power movement from the bottom up.
2019
This article investigates the critical affinities between contemporary sociological theory and Black feminist thought. It specifically aims to assert the significance of Kimberlé Crenshaw’s “Say Her Name” report through the lens of C. Wright Mills, who uses the concept of the power elite to describe political, economic, and militaristic affairs. By providing a comparative analysis of this theoretical framework, I intend to convey how misogynoir and other oppressive ideologies have informed the dissemination of social justice work and knowledge production. Throughout this article, I reference several Black feminist scholars’ works in conversation with Crenshaw’s report. Additionally, I offer comparisons to other contemporary sociologists to exemplify how Mills’ work is equipped to explain these themes. The Significance of Crenshaw’s Report Violence from police forces is not a new phenomenon in the United States. It has been historically pervasive in communities of color and has had f...
This article explains how secrecy influenced the communication and decision-making processes of the FBI's covert and illegal program to disrupt left-leaning Black political organizations between 1967-1971. Memos exchanged between the FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and field offices reveal the explicit techniques for concealing their identities as the source of their anonymous communication. The Bureau's techniques point to the high degree of coordination among organization members required to maintain organizational secrecy; they also point to the ways in which secrecy enabled the organization to engage in reprehensible behavior.
Feminist Criminology, 2010
This article explores how the Internet is a tool for Black women to challenge violence against women of color. It highlights online protest in response to the actions of civil rights organizations’ narrow focus on the treatment of Black male offenders while overlooking the civil rights of Black female victims. Specifically, the article examines a protest focusing on the reactions
Journal of Black Studies, 2023
This paper examines the exclusion of Vanessa Nakate, a Ugandan climate activist, from a group photo published by the Associated Press (AP) during the 2020 World Economic Forum. Using the muted group theory, it explores the implications of Nakate's omission as the sole black individual in the image, shedding light on the broader issue of symbolic annihilation faced by black women activists in Western media. Through visual and textual analysis, the study reveals the power dynamics and biases behind AP's decision to crop Nakate, fueling subsequent controversy. Furthermore, the paper examines AP's response to the backlash, analyzing their strategies to rebuild their reputation, including issuing an apology and releasing the original photograph.
Wagadu, 2015
Angela Yvonne Davis and Assata Olugbala Shakur share histories of struggle and outlaw status in the face of intense state repression. Both revolutionary freedom fighters were captured after spending time underground as a result of intense surveillance and being marked for outlaw status, in part for their participation in solidarity work for imprisoned Black Panther members. In sexist language, they were typecast as “mother hens” of their respective organizations and thus singled out for the FBI’s Most Wanted “criminals” or “terrorists” list. Despite their experiences with state violence, Angela Davis, now a distinguished professor with international stature, and marooned activist Assata Shakur continue to speak out against racist and sexist injustices as well as against global capitalism and inspire a new generation of activists.
The Algerian Historical Journal, 2023
In this article we sought to examine the interference of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in African Americans' activism for justice, equality and a racism-free society in the USA. We found out that the FBI interfered in this activism since the early 20 th century by surveilling their political activities, infiltrating agents to spy on their leaders, creating tension among them, using the mass media to distort their image, using justice to imprison them by finding excuses to imprison leaders and followers. The research is important for researchers interested in the subject of the NOI mainly and African American activism in general. Our choice of this topic to research was dictated by our observing that federal intelligence agencies were interfering massively and repeatedly in diverting black activism and this might have obstructed their efforts to attain their constitutional rights and live like their white fellow citizens.
Social Justice, 2003
THE PUBLICATION OF THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY EDITION OF THIS BRIDGE CALLED MY Back was a cause for celebration and reflection among women of color in the U.S. (Moraga and Anzaldua, 2002). First printed in 1982, the bridge metaphor captured the challenges facing women of color as they negotiated the radical social movements of the 1970s and 1980s in the United States. Expected to act in feminist spaces (as if gender were the primary oppression structuring their lives) in radical movements of color (as if the struggle against white supremacy were the only meaningful engagement) and in leftist organizations (as if gender and race were distractions to the fight against capital), women of color struggled to generate a politics that could honor the complex intersections of race, class, and gender in their lives. Working with white women to challenge violence against women, and with men of color to defend their communities against police brutality and institutional racism, women of color frequently found themselves acting as the bridge between a multiplicity of social movements. Yet this role, while critically important as a basis for coalition-building, was also draining--as Kate Rushin (2002) succinctly communicated in "The Bridge Poem": "I'm sick of seeing and touching/Both sides of things/Sick of being the damn bridge for everybody.... I explain ... the white feminists to the Black church folks the Black church folks/To the ex-hippies the ex-hippies to the Black separatists the/Black separatists to the artists the artists to my friends' parents/I do more translating/Than the Gawdamn U.N." Women of color who identified as feminists or addressed gender issues in communities of color risked being labeled "traitors," "lesbians," or "white-identified." If they challenged racism or admitted working alongside men of color in feminist spaces, they risked being labeled "male-identified" or "divisive." Twenty years later, much has changed. The intersectional politics elaborated by women in This Bridge, once a marginal and controversial perspective, have been mainstreamed and there are even textbooks to explain them to the beginner (Anderson and Collins, 2001). Women writers of color, who once were limited to small radical publishers like Kitchen Table Press, are now published by mainstream imprints that expect to sell significant quantities to women's studies programs across the country. Anti-racist white feminists and pro-feminist men of color have joined women of color in critiquing racism in the women's movement and sexism in the anti-racist movement. Yet, the Critical Resistance-Incite! Statement (see below) is testimony to the living legacy of women of color as bridge builders. In the post-September 11 era, many women of color have tired of seeking to transform liberal identity-based movements that claim to represent all "women" or "African Americans," for example, but remain entrenched in the politics of imperial feminism or patriarchal and heterosexist rights for black men. Instead, many of us have focused our attention in two complementary directions: building our own organizations based on an intersectional analysis of violence, and participating in and building coalitions within issue-based movements, such as the antiwar, prison abolitionist, political prisoner, police brutality, racial profiling, and domestic violence and sexual assault (DVSA) movements. Walking in the footsteps of the contributors to This Bridge, activists from the prison abolitionist and DVSA movements have come together to write the Critical Resistance-Incite! statement below. The seeds of the statement were sown at the first Critical Resistance conference, which took place in Berkeley, California, in fall 1998. Among the organizers of that conference were women of color who had been active in both the prison abolitionist and DVSA movements. The conference brought together 3,500 activists, students, academics, former prisoners and their families, former political prisoners, and cultural workers to launch a new broad-based abolitionist movement based on a critique of the prison-industrial complex. …
The Black Scholar, 1999
The essay is an examination of the gender dynamics in the Illinois Black Panther Party. Scholarship on the Black Panther Party has identified sexism, misogyny, and gender discrimination as critical issues within the organization. This article argues that, although those problems existed, gender dynamics were not uniform across chapters. Rather, each chapter was distinct with regard to region and concerns immediate to distinct localities. For this reason, I assert, it is critical that researchers examine each chapter on its own to determine its respective gender policy and practice. This paper focuses on the Illinois chapter of the Black Panther Party and finds that it was more progressive and consistent in its gender dynamics than most other Panther affiliates and Civil Rights/black power organizations.
Critical Sociology, 2006
In March 2003, the US government launched a military invasion and occupation of Iraq. This was one more phase of the US National Security Strategy doctrine that promises militarism, war, and disruption in various sovereign states. These wars abroad and the unprecedented powers of government and police agencies in the USA represent powerful intersections of patriarchal authority, racism, militarism, and elitism. Africana communities have a long history of resisting repression both directly and indirectly related to US foreign policy. Social scientists writing from a black feminist perspective have described how such mutually constructing forces of race, class, gender, and nation have influenced the lives of people of color, women, and the poor in American society and have highlighted the historical and sociological importance of resistance by these oppressed groups. Specifically, this paper addresses ways in
Berkeley Journal of African American Law Policy, 2013
A Black Women's History of the United States, written by Daina Ramey Berry and Kali Nicole Gross, conveys Black women's countless testimonials within the United States dating back to pre-slavery. Although the various roles and experiences of Black women are known and have been recorded in particular parts of U.S. history, many historians and educators neglect to provide a holistic recollection of Black women's stories. Thus, Berry and Gross take readers on an exploratory journey of numerous unknown Black women throughout history, successfully readdressing and reapproaching the false narrative too often circulated about Black women within the United States. Moreover, they capture the emotional and mental turmoil Black women in the United States have experienced and continue to encounter, while also retelling moments in American history through each author's perspective. The authors tell this story skillfully, with vignettes of Black women trailblazers and lengthy footnotes documenting extensive historical research that reveals stories of self-reliance, agency, fortitude, bravery, and beauty. Berry and Gross uncover hidden and otherwise unacknowledged aspects of U.S. history from the voices and lives of Black women who marched forward, against all odds, to lead sustained change in their communities, the nation, and across the globe. A Black Women's History of the United States showcases the many themes in Black women's history that emerge across time and space. These thematic experiences entail stories of Black women's mobility, violence, activism and resistance, labor and entrepreneurship, criminalization and incarceration, cultural production, and sexuality and reproduction. These stories underscore Black women's own desires to seek out new opportunities and new worlds, domestically, nationally, and internationally. As Black women traversed new spaces, their travails profoundly influenced social, cultural, political, and legal practices. A distinguishing feature of Berry and Gross's writing is the inclusive narrative of the lived experiences of Black women from many walks of life (travelers, politicians, activists, enslaved, suffragettes, domestic workers, civil rights organizers, mothers, and sports champions), including transgender, bisexual, and cisgender voices. The stories are viscerally painful, psychologically difficult, heart wrenching, selfless, heroic, and triumphant. As Berry and Gross conclude, "We owe a debt to the Black women who came before us, those who persevered and those who did not, because the totality of their history is what informs our present and readies us to continue to demand justice, for ourselves and, by extension, for all" (p. 217). For Berry and Gross, the overall purpose of their ten-chapter book, including the introduction and conclusion, is to ". .. paint a richly textured portrait of Black womanhood in a manner that celebrates Black women's diversity and inspires readers to seek out more" (p. xi). To accomplish that task, every chapter within the book is named after a historically known or
Loading Preview
Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.