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Among the most urgent normative questions facing the intellectual leader in the present age is the question of how she should relate herself to the division of labor economy. Should she participate? If such participation is inevitable, is there some way she can participate without making herself into a merely partial human being? Because of the way today’s university is organized, the answer to such questions is already conceded before the study of normative questions has even begun. Philosophical inquiry itself is assumed to amenable to division of labor. Division of labor becomes part of the cognitive apparatus—an inescapable a priori judgment whose reality can no more be doubted than the reality of space and time. Or, as Marcuse puts it, “The societal division of labor obtains the dignity of an ontological condition.”
Recent challenges to foundationalism do more than repeat 19th century rejections of epistemological absolutism in particular and the fantasy of autonomous philosophical reason in general. In the hands of thinkers like Rorty and Lyotard, the attempt once again to come to terms with the tradition is also a debate over the political role of intellectuals. To be sure, a conservative linkage between the rejection of philosophical reflection on rationality and the use in politics of abstract theory is not itself something new, but a theme well worked-over at least since Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France. i But Rorty and Lyotard suggest that their challenges come from the left, not the right. ii Now suspicion about reason draws from criticisms of knowledge-power as well as a significant recent literature on intellectuals and the ambitions of the New Class. iii The rejection of systematic reflection is now associated with greater freedom and democracy which require a break with the Enlightenment tradition and with a Marxian thinking fatally compromised by its association with authoritarian communism.
Workplace: A Journal for Academic Labor, 2003
Theory and Society, 1981
2011
Crises are chances for change. The recent economic crisis makes no exception. Followed by a host of immediate practical changes in the regulatory framework of the global economy, especially within the financial sector, its lasting influence may, however, rather lie elsewhere: in triggering theoretical reflections on how we do business and why we work. The long prevalent paradigm of neoclassical economics, often conjoined in unholy matrimony with neoliberal concepts of politics, is currently being questioned from a myriad of critical voices, inside and outside of academic departments. Notwithstanding their diverse tonalities and intonations, all these voices come together in one powerful accord, i.e. that the malfunctioning of our economic system is endemic, to wit, a practical consequence of a theoretical misconception of what economics is, or ought to be. The strikingly consonant criticisms demand nothing short of a paradigm change in economics, away from a materialistic and towards a humanistic conception of human labor. While the still prevalent neoclassical account of human work is physicalistic and describes economic activity through metaphors of mechanic work, what we need, instead, is a humanistic account of the purposes and forms of human labor. In what follows, I will establish this thesis by 1) a deconstruction of the mechanistic paradigm of economics, and 2) by sketching the advantages of a humanistic approach to economic activity.
Mass Intellectuality and Democratic Leadership in Higher Education , 2017
This chapter explores the connections between shifts in labor, pedagogy and the dynamics of network culture. It suggests that the previous role of education as an avenue of class advancement has been undermined by the current transformations of neoliberal capitalism, thus leaving education in precarious position needing to justify what it produces. From that an argument is made that a critique starts from a reflexive understanding of its position within broader processes of social production, and thus the necessity for rethinking what kinds of learning are already occurring within existing flows of immaterial and free labor. Acknowledging and working from shared conditions of precarity creates the possibility of rebuilding a new form of labor-pedagogical politics. Paul Willis in his classic book Learning to Labor (1982) describes the way that it is precisely the rejection of education by working class British lads that slots them into their continued role as future factory workers. By refusing knowledges and skills within education, and the opportunity for advancement offered through such, the lads refusal means that they have little other choice than taking the low-skilled, low paying factory jobs. What we see here is a kind of refusal of pedagogical labor, of academic achievement, which ends up forming the lads for their place in the working of the economy: the reproduction of the class relationship. In considering the relation between labor and pedagogy it is key to that while the institutional space in which formalized teaching occurs is indeed a prime space for how that relation is formed, it is far from the only site this occurs. This is what someone like Tiziana Terranova points toward in her exploration of labor involved in the functioning of what she describes at “network culture” (2004). For Terranova this means that various information technologies, from mass media to the Internet, interactive and participatory media, have congealed together into one integrated media system. Terranova argues that such an integrated network culture can only function through an immense supply of the “free labor” of participation, which can range anywhere from the building of websites and running of listservs, to generating content through social networking sites, to writing open source code. This essay will explore the pedagogical function of these dispersed forms of free labor, which occur throughout the social field, and that are very much part of structuring the habitus of today’s student-workers. From compulsory engagement in social media to the expectations of taking on unpaid internships, today’s proletarian learns that they will only advance if they are willing to take part in an arrangement that demands the de-valuing of their labor as a necessary entrance cost of trying to claim any future value over its worth. The question of mass intellectuality thus attempts to reorient this conjunction of labor and pedagogy, to find ways to turn this dynamic of engagement with these very conditions as a step towards organizing to change them.
The British Journal of Sociology, 1968
A public lecture given at the conference "Simondon, French Theory and the Political" at Simon Fraser University, 5-6 February 2018.
The convergence between Marx and Simondon on the subsumption of the worker under a technical logic of production can be contrasted with Simondon’s logic of invention. Simondon’s exploration of invention gives more content to a democratic workplace than either Marx or Marcuse—whose works are confined to a negative, critical intention. Simondon’s possibility of transindividual technical activity and knowledge can be seen as, in socio-political terms, aiming at workplace democracy. In philosophical terms, it aims to displace the priority of thought and imagination over activity and to locate both within an ongoing impersonal task which contains the possibility of individual and social self-realization.
Philosophy Today, 2020
In volume three of Capital, in a striking but somewhat uncharacteristic formula, Marx argues that the labor relation is the "hidden basis" of the entire social edifice including the state and politics. As an attempt to clarify and develop this insight I examine the dual nature of labor as abstract and concrete labor, arguing that the two sides of labor correspond not just to two sides of the commodity, but to different ethics and alienations of labor, and ultimately to different philosophical anthropologies.
Feminist Philosophy Quarterly, 2020
Empirical data show that members of underrepresented and historically marginalized groups in academia undertake many forms of undervalued or unnoticed labor. While the data help to identify that this labor exists, they do not provide a thick description of what the experience is like, nor do they offer a framework for understanding the different kinds of invisible labor that are being undertaken. We identify and analyze a distinct, undervalued, and invisible labor that the data have left unnamed and unmeasured: ontological labor, the work required to manage one's identity and body if either or both do not fit into academic structures, norms, and demands. We argue that ontological labor efforts should be understood as a form of labor. We then provide a characterization of ontological labor, detailing the labor as navigating one's obligations to give and managing entitlements to take. We also highlight the ontological labor that takes place through instances of resistance, such as through complaint or refusals.
The provocation and point of this paper is that universities of the North during the era of neoliberalism of have been sucked of their human life-giving capacities. What remains are closed doors and bare walls. Lest we give the impression of a hopelessly romantic view of the university (and embark upon a lament for some paradise lost), let us be clear from the outset: there is no such place – and there never has been. As will be outlined below, a consideration of the history of the university reveals it was born and has persistently drawn its life breath from oxygen formed in the tension ridden mix of an impulse to human freedom and accommodation to powers of church, state and capital. But, we contend, history is now the witness to the almost complete dissolution of that tension: to the exhaustion of emancipatory impulses in the service of indoctrination, regulation and accumulation. In the church-state-capital triad, it is the latter that has emerged hegemonic. Importantly, we argue, its dominance has emerged with the rise of what Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy describe as monopoly capital: the move from competitive (small entrepreneurial business) forms to monopolistic (large corporate business) regimes of accumulation (Baran & Sweezy 1966). A central feature of monopoly capitalism is its need for significant financial support of national states and the harnessing of public resources such as universities to feed accumulation. It is no surprise that neoliberalism, despite its neoclassical economic pronouncements, is a ‘big state’ advocate (Harvey 2005). Our argument is that neoliberalism, as the political workhorse of monopoly capitalism, has overseen a makeover of universities so they might behave like a monopoly capitalist corporation. Our time is the time of the near global domination of capital. The university has succumbed. In its colonisation – its capitalisation – the university has not only reinvented itself as a willing ally of capital but has also set about remaking itself in its image.
Every time that we have to determine an object, we are obliged to use terms (such as nouns or adjectives) able to indicate its main characteristics. One of the most representative examples of definition is that offered by Aristotle: “Man is a rational animal”. ‘Animal’ and ‘rational’ are the two properties that allow us to collocate “man” into a precise category, containing all the other beings definite by the same essential properties. The primary goal of philosophy is consisted in individuating these determinations, but also in reconsidering their status: do the categories have an ontological value, or are they mere determinations thank to which our mind can build, classify and especially control the reality? The contemporary debate on gender is undeniably connected with the process of categorization. My prospective moves towards a specific evidence: the academic approach, that puts its stress on the necessity to complete a categories list able to include all the aspects of the reality, seems to privilege only the general and superficial features; consequently it disregards the peculiar connotations which define an individual in his/her irreducibility to roles and stereotypes. Whether the goal of the linguistic categorization is to built general classes, the humanities and, in particular, the psychoanalysis, have claimed the right of the single individual. From the above, this paper aims to discuss the traditional process of categorization, trying to put in evidence the limits involved in the classical definition of category, in order to move toward a new prospective that will be the basis for a richer theory of singularity. After discussing the principal approaches to sexuality and their limits (from Essentialism to Constructivism and Queer movements), the essay will conclude with the most prolific psychoanalytic thought (in particular the Lacanian concept of sessuation) in order to demonstrate that, far from being only a gene or a social construction, the sexual identity always includes the subject’s mediation.
Hypatia, 2016
To gather is a political act. Whether a gathering is capable of eliciting the participation of those present is a sign of the underlying vision organizing a collectivity. The marginalization of persons and modes of thought within gatherings that stand in for the field of philosophy in the United States speaks to the politics of these acts. Their underlying vision delimits the fate of alterity in our discipline: the silencing of persons whose lives may necessitate or invite thinking ignored realities, inhabiting unrecognized traditions, and/or working with alternative methodologies, conceptual tools, and symbolic forms. The Roundtable on Latina Feminism, however, presents us with the potential for a robust vision. It critically fosters affective relations capable of withstanding the challenges of alterity and oriented toward building a collective vision for philosophical thinking.
Workplace: A Journal for Academic Labor, 2009
To gather is a political act. Whether a gathering is capable of eliciting the participation of those present is a sign of the underlying vision organizing a collectivity. The marginalization of persons and modes of thought within gatherings that stand in for the field of philosophy in the United States speaks to the politics of these acts. Their underlying vision delimits the fate of alterity in our discipline: the silencing of persons whose lives may necessitate or invite thinking ignored realities, inhabiting unrecognized traditions, and/or working with alternative methodologies, conceptual tools, and symbolic forms. The Roundtable on Latina Feminism, however, presents us with the potential for a robust vision. It critically fosters affective relations capable of withstanding the challenges of alterity and oriented toward building a collective vision for philosophical thinking. In philosophy (φιkοrοφίa), an essentially collective form of labor, the political is immanent to its unique critical and creative power. Western academic philosophy, however, confronts a particularly insidious obstacle to the collectivity it presumes: its practitioners' difficulty in grasping the fact that there is no shared vision making sense of its disciplinary unity. Despite the growing literature and clarity of voices helping us comprehend the historical and material conditions that contribute to the cognitive-epistemological difficulties in noticing the lack of a philosophical vision, there is little political and ethical force to these epistemic resources. Instead, we gather within the same university and classroom walls; under the same descriptive institutional categories and units; bounded by selective journals and presses; and together in national and regional conference centers and Internet sites. In other words, we habitually codify our functions and partake in normalized practices that serve to perpetuate the idea of a project that succeeds at accomplishing its epistemic goals. As practitioners in the field of philosophy we imagine ourselves " philosophers. " The reproduction of failed rituals in endeavors that sustain a mythical identity and cultural ties highlights the degree of social alienation within the discipline.
Counterfutures: Left Thought and Practice Aotearoa, 2017
2011
it is possible to figure out how the phenomenological tradition, from its early stages, has originally approached the mind-body problem underlying the opportunity to develop an interactive conception based on the assumption of a radical interweaving between the experiential and the bodily domains. According to this view, perceptive experience can be conceived as a method through which the subject travels in the environment following his motor intentions and exploiting his skillful knowledge of the sensorimotor constraints that link the execution of a goal oriented action to the variation of the phenomenal features. Working on the clarification of the notion of embodiment we have the opportunity to cease to unreflectively privilege only one possible explanation of our experience. The human mind, observed through the lenses of embodiment, emerges at the interface of the brain, the body, the material and social environment. This is an inextricable mash influencing all aspects of our life. We are agents whose nature is fixed by a complex interaction involving our personal experience, a particular kind of physical embodiment and a certain embedding in the environment. This very combination of experience, flesh and environment is the main character of our being in the world. The assumption of agency as a critical aspect of our experience motivates the introduction of another classical philosophical problem such as that concerning the notion of free will. We usually consider human beings natural organisms that are morally responsible for their own actions. Yet this assumption represents one of the most intriguing puzzles that, from ancient Greece to the contemporary era, has absorbed philosophers and scientists of every kind. Are we really free agents? What does our subjective experience of agency reveal to us? And how do these questions relate to the fact that we are natural embodied beings? Except in cases where we are physically constrained, we consider ourselves free beings that think, believe and act autonomously, that is, according to the states of consciousness that characterize our own mental life. We consider ourselves responsible for our own acts because we perceive ourselves as being able to freely project the actions that our body can perform. Accordingly, the possibility of a free choice appears to be strictly related to the possibility of assigning independence to a particular domain such as our subjective consciousness. The subjective sense of agency, that is, the feeling that we control our own movements and actions, is certainly an essential, constant element of our XII Humana.Mente-Issue 15-January 2011 a radical indeterminacy characterizes a decision-making process cannot secure a condition for rational, responsible free actions. After having introduced and replied to some major objections to libertarianism, Zhu provides an interesting account of how indeterminism can be considered a freedom-enhancing condition, arguing for what he calls a deliberative libertarianism. According to Zhu, indeterminacy, instead of being an obstacle to the libertarian's purposes, can be considered a crucial element of creativity that plays a critical role in practical deliberations and problem solving. Three contributions from our call for papers conclude the Papers Section of the volume. They have been selected through a blind review process from among many other contributions we received. The first of them, by Liz Disley, emphasizes the role of social interactions in self-perception. The author focuses on the phenomenological experience of collective work as a paradigmatic example of intersubjectivity and human interaction. Following suggestions from Hegel, Husserl and Merleau-Ponty, Disley argues that the experience of physical work can improve one's own capacity for intersubjectivity, thus enhancing the role of the agent's embodied nature. The second paper, by Susi Ferrarello, focuses on the notion of practical intentionality and investigates how it affects a decision-making process. Relying on a phenomenological approach, combining Husserl's theory of knowledge with Husserl's conception of will, the author defines a balance between logical and practical acts, showing how logical reason is necessary to give voice to our knowledge of reality, while practical reason is the starting point for every logical act. Finally, David Vender's paper focuses on the role of acquired skills as emblematic aspects of action. According to the author, we do not have to be fully aware of our contribution to an action for it to count as a genuine act, nor do we necessitate a rational justification of it, but we must be able to adapt ourselves to the perceived situation. In view of that, Vender points out the critical role of balancing underlying perceptual and bodily orientation in executing complex actions. As usual, we are also publishing a series of commentaries that provide new takes on well-established texts. They offer new, challenging arguments on the timeless questions concerning theory of agency and free will. Commentaries in this issue include the
2019
For the last years Humanism has been called upon by political and religious leaders. Intellectu-als and academics of varied stock and diverse sensibilities mourn the loss of humanist values and call in earnest for their hasty reinstitution. When asked how to restore meaning to the term "humanism", Heidegger answered: "by providing man with a measure other than himself". Accordingly, if anything akin to humanism should still be justified, this can only be with the question of the human measure not only as a historical legacy, but also a task and future per-spective. This paper aims at imagining a post-humanism that -having worked through the grief for lost anthropocentrism: being "post" with regard to traditionally anthropocentric humanism -has discovered that boundaries certainly constitute an obstacle for humans, but they also con-stitute the symbolic space that allows for the manifestation of a surplus necessary to human life. That would be a new and promising understanding of the human measure. KEYWORDS Humanism, human measure, post humanism, transhumanism, civilisation According to Eugenio Garin, one of the 20 th Century's foremost scholars of Italian humanism and -alongside Ernesto Grassi 1 -one of the most committed advocates of its philosophical nature, the underlying philosophy of Italian humanism may be seen as a continuous enquiry into the measure of the human -its limitations and its prospects; a lesson on this measure for the artist, the scientist, the priest, the politician (i.e. what we today term civil society), rather than the professional philosopher; an admonishment to meet the task that the measure itself im-1 See E. Grassi, La filosofia dell'umanesimo. Un problema epocale, Tempi moderni edizioni, Napoli 1986.
2009
In the corporate university, a capitalist enterprise, the fact of contingent academic labor should not be seen as an aberration, a scandalous (but perhaps temporary) anomaly that could be solved within and by the very system that produces it. Rather, the ever-increasing number of contingent academic workers, and the consequent reduction in the number and power of full-timers, is the norm. Not only is it the norm, but it is the coherent, logical consequence of the corporatization process. That is, there could be no corporatization without the logic of sovereignty and domination whereby contingent labor in the first place, and all other labor in the second, must be, as is, superexploited. The originary idea of the university as a place for learning (perhaps even disinterested learning) is gone. 1 To have faith in that idea at this point in time would be having faith in a romantic past, it would be a useless, if not politically dangerous, nostalgia. Yet, if the past is barred, the futu...
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