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The paper investigates the evolving security dynamics in Afghanistan and its implications for Russia and Central Asia following the withdrawal of U.S. and NATO forces in 2014. It discusses the potential for military and socio-economic cooperation between CSTO and NATO, the challenges posed by drug trafficking, and the overall risks of terrorism and instability in the region. The study underscores the necessity for collaborative efforts to enhance border security and manage threats emanating from Afghanistan, highlighting the strategic importance of a unified approach among regional powers.
ISAF's Withdrawal from Afghanistan - Central Asian Perspectives on Regional Security. Stockholm: Swedish Defence Research Agency, 2014
For landlocked Uzbekistan trade with and through a peaceful Afghanistan is an important opportunity. A deteriorating situation in Afghanistan is therefore a key concern for Uzbekistan and it would affect the other Central Asian states. Regional cooperation to handle such challenges is hampered by the Central Asian states preferring bilateral relations with their neighbours. Their individual and collective capabilities to cope with major instabilities emanating from Afghanistan, such as challenges from religious extremists or the drugs trade, are insufficient. Without common threat perceptions and experience of collective effort towards Afghanistan, the region is unlikely to be able to overcome its security challenges without external support.
2016
Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Rytövuori-Apunen, Helena ; Usmonov, Furugzod: Tajikistan's unsettled security: borderland dynamics of the outpost on Russia's Afghan frontier. In: Rytövuori-Apunen, Helena(Ed.): The regional security puzzle around Afghanistan : bordering practices in Central Asia and beyond. Opladen : B. Budrich, 2016. ISBN 978-3-8474-0912-0, 131-159.. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-47104-4
With the approaching drawdown of U.S. forces from Af-ghanistan by 2014, Central Asian countries seem worried that Taliban will use this as momentum to launch a new offensive, threatening to re-destabilize the country and make it a safe haven for terrorism and extremism. It has repeatedly been stated by Central Asian leaders that re-destabilization of Afghanistan could bring about serious security implications for the region including spillover of violence, spread of extremism and increases in drug trafficking. The mobilization of extremist groups with links to Afghanistan and increase in trafficking is already being observed in Central Asia, and the situation will likely be exacerbated if Afghanistan collapses into anarchy and violence. The internal weaknesses of Central Asian countries make them increasingly vulnerable to the negative impacts of the situation in Afghanistan. The combined effects of the rise of violence in Afghanistan and internal weaknesses of Central Asian countries has the potential to leave the whole region extremely insecure vis-à-vis the possible deterioration of stability in Afghani-stan after 2014.
Afghanistan’s Security: Political Process, State-Building and Narcotics,” Middle East Policy, Vol. 15, No. 2, pp: 39-52, 2008, 2008
The interest in the security of Afghanistan is largely dominated by the fear that the instability of the country will cause shock waves and trigger conflicts in neighboring regions from Kashmir to Chechnya. It is often argued that the key to providing security is to fortify the US led international troop positions located in Afghanistan and to increase the number of Afghan security personnel. In a similar vein, it is estimated that the national and international security personnel needed would be around 200,000-250,000. Considering the US military involvement in Iraqi quagmire, the deployment of such a great number of troops is neither realistic nor possible. Even in a scenario that assumes the previously mentioned troops are deployed in Afghanistan, it is highly questionable that the security problem would be resolved. This point brings to the surface the fact that a change in the security paradigm is needed.
Kardan Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (KJSSH, 2022
The history of the Sino-Afghan relationship can be traced back to the 7th Century when Chinese monks traveled to Afghanistan through the Silk Road, to visit the Buddha statues in Bamyian, a province in Afghanistan. The continued China-Afghanistan relationship was disrupted following 9/11 and the subsequent US-NATO military presence in Afghanistan. The former played a leading role in the reconstruction of a new Afghan government and training of the Afghan forces. There was no Chinese involvement in Afghanistan during the US-NATO years. Instead, a mutual relationship was formed after the US-NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan. In a post-2014 combat forces withdrawal of the US-NATO forces, China started playing an active role in resolving the Afghan conflict. China has security interests in Afghanistan, and as long as the security threats in Afghanistan remain unsolved, China may hesitate to strengthen its economic and investment relationship with Afghanistan. When talking about the Chinese security interests in Afghanistan, East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) is one of the grave concerns for China. In order to secure the China-Afghan relationship, the Chinese would require that the Afghan government contain ETIM and prevent their operation from Afghanistan. This is necessary so that ETIM is unable to function from Afghanistan and use the country as a safe haven for cross-bordered operations. Further, any subsequent strengthening of Afghan-China relations would require mutual interlards investment, and the success of investments is pegged on eliminating security threats. This paper discusses the Afghan-China mutual security interests and how an insecure Afghanistan is not only a threat to Chinese national security, but it will also have a grave impact on Chinese investment and the connectivity program of the region.
2013
Afghanistan is a state that completely landlocked, consists of very rough terrain that is comprised of mountains and cliffs. Security problems resulting from the increasing flow of narcotics illegally smuggled across border of Afghanistan have become critical in understanding the nature of political instability within region. Annually more people die from Afghan opium and its derivatives than from any other drug. Afghanistan produces most of the world’s heroin supply. It is severely dysfunctional and beset by problems relating to weaknesses in both Central and Provincial Government, which are compounded by systemic corruption at all levels and in almost all aspects of society. All the main opium and heroin trafficking routes lead out from Afghanistan across the world via neighboring states, such as Iran, Pakistan, China, Central Asia and other neighboring states. Developing a comprehensive and effective multilateral response to the drug challenge should be priority task for Central ...
The United States invaded Afghanistan under United Nation’s mandate. At the time of invasion it seemed that the US would accomplish its mission by rooting out the Taliban and then establishing a fully functional democracy in Afghanistan (Wazir, 2012). The three main goals that the US, ISAF and NATO set itself for these operations in 2001: to eliminate Bin Laden and the Al-Qaida terrorist network; to remove the Taliban from power and to prevent Afghanistan from continuing to serve as a safe-haven for terrorists; and finally, to bring stability to Afghanistan and its people through the creation of a functioning stable and democratic state (CSS, 2012). In terms of security, Afghanistan is becoming more, rather than less, unstable, experiencing daily terrorist attacks, road side bombs and political assassinations.
The Diplomat, 2016
Compared to the Cold War and immediate post-Cold War eras, China’s engagement in Afghan security issues during Afghan National Unity Government is unprecedented.
2011
This paper focuses on the following questions regarding the security environment in the Central Asian republic of Tajikistan and U.S. foreign policy goals in that region.
My paper examines a brief overview on the effects of drug abuse within the Russian Federation since 1991 until this present day. It assesses Russia’s positions vis-à-vis Afghanistan, where the root of the drug trafficking takes place, and then assess Russia’s roles vis-à-vis Central Asia. This will be followed by Russia’s key strategies, policies and results towards the eradication of narcotrafficking from Afghanistan via Central Asia.
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