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I will then probe into the security cooperation and the institutions that play a role within the security aspect of the Straits. Further to that I will draw upon the Japanese current initiatives in working with Malaysia and the littoral states on a whole. I will then identify the initiatives taken, the role and approaches to piracy and maritime terrorism from the Japanese perspective. …………………………………………………………………..
2019
Southeast Asia lies at the heart of maritime Asia. Its relationship to the sea can be understood through a multitude of issues relating to the securitization of the Straits of Malacca, which is both a bridge and a place of passage between the Indian and the Pacific. Oceans. The rise of ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) and the increasing weight of China in the South China Sea have reinforced its importance. Since the 1990s, the threat posed by maritime piracy has driven Japan to develop new cooperative tools for the region by relying mainly on civil actors such as the Japanese coast guard and the Japanese Foundation. Tokyo has thus become heavily involved in the establishment of the RECAAP (Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery), a regional accord on the fight against piracy, and its eponymous Centre in Singapore in 2006, both constituted innovative steps in the management of maritime security in the Southeast Asian region. Seen from Japan, this securitization, in a multilateral context, contributed to the emergence of a vast maritime community. It notably anchored Southeast Asia to external partners such as the United States, India and Australia, anxious to organize themselves in a sustainable manner to protect the rule of law at sea and the freedom of navigation. This research note returns to the genesis of these processes by questioning the place that can be claimed by the new Japanese maritime “narrative” of a “free and open Indo-Pacific” space.
Due to the Malacca Straits’ strategic centrality in contemporary regional shipping routes, the Japanese have become very concerned about the passage of ships through the area as they have increasingly attracted the attention of maritime criminals such as pirates and smugglers. This study has two objectives, namely to 1) describe the background and the importance of the Malacca Straits to Japan; 2) discuss Japan’s contribution and its cooperation with the littoral states. Significantly, this study has found that, in order for Japan to protect its own national interests, it has had to take the necessary steps to strengthen diplomatic relations with littoral states as well as assisting in improving maritime security in the Malacca Straits. Based on empirical evidence, this study proposes several approaches toward improve current regional cooperation mechanisms by addressing common regional security issues.
Asian Perspective, 2009
Japan has pursued a grand strategy of creating an East Asian maritime order with a special emphasis on situating a U.S.-Japan-China trilateral arrangement, based on cooperative security, at the core of an East Asian maritime regime. The United States and China have slowly adopted some of this Japanese strategy. This article examines the lessons East Asia has learned from several maritime security initiatives-America's Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) and its Regional Maritime Security Initiative (RMSI), Japan's ReCAAP, and Southeast Asia's MALSINDO-that were applied to the anti-piracy operations off the Somali coast and the Gulf of Aden. Despite the influence of Japan's strategy for maritime security, paradoxically it has responded more slowly in its deployment to the Gulf of Aden, contributing to the traditional image of Japan as a reactive state. The institutional design of maritime regimes in the Gulf of Aden and in East Asia is thus incrementally unfolding; maritime cooperation is taking place in an ad hoc, bottom-up manner with very uncertain outcomes.
Overview • Building upon its history of cooperation in navigational safety in the Malacca Strait, Japan leads cooperative efforts in maritime security of the strait. • The anticipated shift of security assistance from bilateral channels to a multilateral channel under the ReCAAP may reduce the quality of Japanese assistance if cumulative knowledge of the Japanese Coast Guard through its history of bilateral cooperation and consultations with non-members of ReCAAP such as the United States and Australia is neglected.
2014
I saiah Berlin's essay The Hedgehog and the Fox-made famous by the adage "The fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing"-explores the pros and cons of a highly focused defense strategy� 1 The hedgehog curls up in a ball and defends itself� Hiroshi Doi, former professor at the National Defense Academy of Japan, advocates a "hedgehog-style defense" for Japan, claiming that the country's postwar security policies can still defeat any "sly fox" confronting the nation� 2 However, given the emergence of an increasingly complex global security environment, it may be argued that Japan's "defense-only defense policy" is no longer valid� Indeed, must Japan remain a hedgehog forever? The security environment surrounding Japan grows ever more complex and diversified, combining traditional and nontraditional security challenges as never before� China's robust and growing antiaccess/area-denial (A2/AD) capabilities and North Korea's burgeoning nuclear weapons arsenal are dire threats to Japan's economic survival and very existence� In addition, a wide array of nontraditional threats, including transnational terrorism, drug trafficking, and persistent attacks in the cyber domain, undermine the peace and stability of the Asia-Pacific region� Recently, natural disasters, including earthquakes, tsunamis, typhoons, and pandemics, have proved much more deadly and almost always require military responses in the
This volume will be a rich resource for anyone interested in the maritime security in the Indo Pacific and the future of the maritime domain. It collects together selected papers from the Conference on Indo Pacific Maritime Security: Challenges and Cooperation, hosted by the National Security College, Australian National University, in March 2016. The conference brought together many eminent experts and policy practitioners from key Indo-Pacific countries to discuss the complex interplay of strategic competition and cooperation across the Indo Pacific. This is reflected in the great diversity of perspectives in included this volume: from Japanese views on naval strategy; to fresh perspectives about the management of security tensions in the East and South China Seas; debates about Japan future security role in the Indian Ocean; the future of new maritime security partnerships including India, and indeed, the future of the maritime domain. Anyone concerned about maritime security in our region will find new and policy-relevant insights.
Asian Perspective, 2008
The Six Party Talks can be the crucible for forging a regional security mechanism in Northeast Asia. This mechanism should originally focus on maritime security. The rationale includes the region's geography, competing maritime and island claims, the resultant maritime military buildup and changing priorities, increasing frequency of dangerous incidents, and the existence of a foundation for conflict avoidance and resource sharing. The Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea could serve as a model for a similar Declaration for Northeast Asian Seas that may ultimately include guidelines for activities in others' Exclusive Economic Zones.
piracy have completed more than five successful years. The regional states have jointly developed a unique mechanism for ensuring safety and security in the Straits. The littorals, mindful of their sovereign sensitivities, have consistently declined offers of assistance from India and other user states in the security patrols. Meanwhile, the security situation in the Indian Ocean region is evolving fast, throwing up fresh challenges. The number of piracy attacks doubled in 2009 from a year ago, with the largest number of attacks taking place in the Indian Ocean. Not surprisingly, a majority of the G20 navies are currently deployed in the Gulf of Aden on anti-piracy patrols. In the prevailing scenario, is the Malacca Strait Security Initiative (MSSI) geared to address future security challenges, when the maritime resources of the littorals have been stretched too far? Is the issue of sovereign rights of the littorals being taken too far at the cost of jeopardising the security of world shipping? This article provides an overall assessment of the current safety and security initiatives in the Straits and examines the MARITIME AFFAIRS
TransNav, the International Journal on Marine Navigation and Safety of Sea Transportation
Straits of Malacca waterways is an important sea-lanes to Japan, not only for economy purpose but also in strategic aspect. But that area is not a Japan's territories. So it is impossible to Japan to endure this waterways safe from maritime threats. Using data and research findings from 2001-2016, this article will debate about Japan's role to enhance the maritim security in straits of Malacca.This study has three objectives, namely 1) Explains the importance of the straits of Malacca against Japanese maritime strategic from the year 2001-2015; 2) Analyse strategic challenges in the maritime navigation and maritime safety aspects in straits of Malacca to Japan and 3) analyze the relevance of Japan's contribution and cooperation with the littoral states in maritime safety and security aspects in the Straits of Malacca. The findings reveal that Straits of Malacca is an important waterways to Japan from strategic aspect (including safety of navigation and maritime security). Japanese government and NGOs have shown their concern and commitment to cooperate in several aspects like exercises and technical to Littoral States. The financial aids has given to Littoral States through Straits of Malacca Council so that it will reduce the high expenses of management.
Journal of Governance
The primary goal is to evaluate the regional maritime security problems that Indonesia is now confronting. As is well known, with the beginning of the twenty-first century came the introduction of a new word in regional maritime architecture. The significance of the sea in the current era of globalization has prompted all countries to manage their maritime interests and share concerns in a collaborative, cooperative, and inclusive manner, according to the United Nations. Throughout the period, Indonesia grew more connected than it had been previously. Indonesia, located in Southeast Asia, rose to prominence as a worldwide power in this century. Of course, as a result of its actions, new issues in maritime security have arisen. International relations, maritime cooperation, port and shipping sectors, as well as comparative politics and international relations, as well as Southeast Asian politics and society, will find this article of interest on the topic of maritime security.
Malacca Strait, a waterway located in South East Asia between the Malay Peninsula and the island of Sumatra, is undoubtedly one of the most important strait in the world with more than one third of world’s goods transported through it. The traffic of international vessels in the strait is also larger compared to the well known Panama Canal in Central America and Suez Canal in Egypt. The security of Malacca Strait, therefore, is of a great importance for the world economy and for almost all the countries in the world. Nevertheless, various types of threats exist in the Malacca Strait. With huge traffic of vessels, the strait is an interesting field for pirates. The number of piracy in the strait reached a level that was so high compared to other waterways in the world that the strait was once categorized as an area with the risk of a war zone. The lack of capacity of the littoral states to secure the strait coupled with their unwillingness to share the burden of patrolling the straits with other countries due to the issue of sovereignty are frequently mentioned as the main cause of the problem. Indonesia and Malaysia are very firm in their position to reject foreign military’s presence in the strait, while Singapore advocates it due to its lack of trust in the two countries’ capacity. Instead of a direct involvement, Indonesia and Malaysia urge more contribution in the form of aids and capacity building from the user states. The two countries think that the user states frequently hide behind the status of the Strait as the strait used for international navigation under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the SEA (UNCLOS), which implicates that the littoral states could not oblige the vessels that pass through the strait to pay some fees to maintain the security in the strait since they have the right of transit passage in such strait. The geographical topology of the strait poses a different kind of challenge. The climate and water current in the strait is unpredicted, strong wind and rain that could come up anytime frequently endanger the safety of navigation in the strait. Some parts of the strait are very narrow and shallow, causing some accidents such as collision, grounding, and foundering to happen. These accidents have ecological consequences, mainly related to oil spills, and endanger the ecosystem and economic resources of the coastal communities. Although different countries have different perspectives on the approach that should be taken, all shares the similarity of perspective that the Strait of Malacca is of a great importance and the question of security management in the strait should be solved. In line with this, various approaches in various levels were taken by the littoral and user states. This writing will explain the geographical topology of the strait, its status under international law, and its strategic importance to gain a deeper understanding about the strait as the object of the discourse. After that, it will discuss more about the security threats and challenges in the straits and the approaches taken by countries to resolve these challenges and their effectiveness. The approaches would be categorized into three levels: unilateral, trilateral, and multilateral level.
The Japan Institute of International Affairs, 2024
The year 2012 marked a significant shift in Japan-Sri Lanka relations, particularly in maritime security cooperation, driven by both global and domestic changes. While initiatives were taken, including a Memorandum of Understanding signed in 2019, deeper cooperation remains elusive due to constraints such as Sri Lanka's domestic political situation as well as Japan's economic limitations and diplomatic concerns. This study uses a qualitative approach to examine avenues for enhancing maritime security cooperation between the two nations and identify the existing challenges and future opportunities for deeper cooperation. Drawing on the theoretical framework of new levels of cooperation, this paper explores how asymmetric countries can deepen collaboration based on mutual principles and pragmatic approaches. Through interviews with government officials, policymakers, naval personnel, and maritime experts along with analyses of secondary sources, this study identifies challenges and opportunities for Japan and Sri Lanka in maritime cooperation. Despite Japan's proactive stance in promoting its 'Free and Open Indo-Pacific' policy, inherent collaboration has yet to be accomplished. Research contends that enhanced maritime security cooperation would serve the mutual interests of both nations, addressing their maritime security challenges in the Indian Ocean.
The ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM+)³ is an important forum dedicated to strengthening security and defense cooperation for peace, stability, and development in the Asia Pacific region. In this sense, the present study guide is intended to bring information about the first topic that shall be discussed in the ADMM+ of the XIV UFRGSMUN. This topic is "Maritime Security in Southeast Asia" and it addresses issues related to regional and international security in the waters of the region of Southeast Asian, namely the South China Sea.
Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH), 2022
Maritime security cooperation is a strategic approach engaged by the Malaysian government that involves a bilateral agreement with the United States (US), including the various agencies and organizations. The involvement with maritime security is due to the emergence of serious Non-Traditional Security (NTS) threats over the Malaysian waterways (Straits of Malacca, the South China Sea and the Sulu Sea in Eastern Sabah). The bilateral security cooperation aims to overcome the Malaysian government’s gaps and limitations to govern its waterways. A qualitative method was used in this research to explain the implication of the US-Malaysia maritime security cooperation towards Malaysia’s national security, specifically in the maritime domain, from 2010 until 2021. This research has three objectives, namely; 1) to investigate maritime security issues and challenges; 2) to identify the importance of the US Malaysia maritime security cooperation; 3) to analyze the implications of security co...
IJASS JOURNAL, 2024
Bilateral cooperation is carried out to improve relations between two state actors who are cooperating, which results in an achievement for both parties in the fields of economy, politics or security. The cooperation between Japan and Indonesia has been going on for a long time, about 60 years these two countries have cooperated and one of them is the maritime sector. In writing this research, it focuses on maritime cooperation carried out by Indonesia and Japan at the border of Indonesian waters. This study aims to evaluate the effectiveness of the cooperation between the two countries. This effectiveness becomes an important role for the final result of the cooperation undertaken. Qualitative methods are used to describe the collaboration that exists, which collects data from various sources. This method also uses a phenomenological perspective to see the conditions that occur in the phenomenon. The maritime sector is one sector that must be kept tight and loose in its security. The ease of free trade and conducting illicit transactions at sea are two of the various factors why the maritime sector is the most vulnerable in its security. In Indonesia itself, Natuna is a marine area that is entered by many fish thieves from other countries who should have entered Indonesia's sovereign rights to explore biological and non-biological resources in it. Claims against natuna from China have an impact on Japan's participation, which is a friendly country to Indonesia.
China,USA and India have their own national interest in the Straits of Malacca, same like Japan. This paper will attempt to explain what is the significance of China, USA and India toward Japan in the strategic aspect. It has two objectives: namely 1) to describe the China, USA and India policies toward the Straits of Malacca; 2) to discuss the the signification of USA, India and China Presence in the Straits of Malacca toward Japan. This study will use both primary and secondary data. Primary data was collected from structured interviews involving ten informants in various professional fields that are directly involved in maritime security in the Straits of Malacca, China, USA and India. Secondary data was collected from literature reviews based on scientific publications, theses, journal articles, and online material, such as newspaper articles. Primary data was also obtained from professional respondents from abroad through electronic media such as email. The findings of this study show that, to protect its national interests, Japan need to have a strategic partnership with USA and India to counter China if China tried to control the straits.
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