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2008, Journal of Political Philosophy
I. THE CHALLENGE M ORAL responsibility for an unjust threat, or a threat of wrongful harm, is, I have argued, a basis of liability to attack in war. Uwe Steinhoff correctly observes that many acts of war by those who fight in a just war ("just combatants") threaten innocent people with wrongful harm. This, he claims, makes them morally liable to attack according to the criterion of liability I have defended. But if both just combatants and unjust combatants (those who fight without just cause) are morally liable to attack, so that each is permitted to attack the other, the doctrine of the moral equality of combatants, against which I argued in my earlier essay, is not only true but, embarrassingly, true on the basis of my own claims. This is a perceptive and important challenge that raises a number of issues that are important to understanding the morality of war. I am grateful to Steinhoff for raising them, and for providing me with an occasion to contribute to the discussion, and to defend and refine my position. The criterion of liability to attack in war that I have defended invokes the notion of a "wrongful harm." There are different ways in which harms inflicted by just combatants on innocent people may be wrongful. First, a wrongful harm may be one that is wrongfully inflicted, or inflicted by wrongful action. Just combatants might, for example, attack innocent people intentionally-for example, as a means of coercing their government to surrender-and to attack innocent people intentionally is generally conceded to be wrong, except perhaps in extreme conditions in which such an attack is necessary to avert a greater harm to the same people, or a much greater harm to other innocent people. Or just combatants might harm innocent people unintentionally, but recklessly or negligently-for example, by attacking a military target when this foreseeably causes harm to innocent bystanders that is unnecessary or disproportionate in relation to the importance of destroying the target. Second, a wrongful harm may be inflicted by action that is permissible, or morally justified. In such a case, the action that inflicts the harm is not itself *I am grateful to Christian Barry for illuminating comments on an earlier draft.
Distributing the Harm of Just Wars, 2021
This book argues that the risk of harm in armed conflict should be divided equally between combatants and enemy non-combatants. International law requires that combatants in war take ‘all feasible precautions’ to minimise damage to civilian objects, injury to civilians, and incidental loss of civilian life. However, there is no clear explanation of what ‘feasible precautions’ means in this context, or what would count as sufficiently minimised incidental harm. As a result, it is difficult to judge whether a particular war or offensive actually satisfies this requirement. Just war theorists often consider it common sense that merely not intending to harm innocent civilians is not sufficient, but there is little clarity in the literature regarding what this means. One crucial question that is almost always overlooked is that of what the appropriate baseline distribution of risk should be. This book defends the Minimal Harm Requirement (MHR), which states that combatants should make an effort to reduce merely foreseen harm to enemy non-combatants to the lowest reasonable level. In order to assess which risk impositions are reasonable, and which are not, an egalitarian baseline should be adopted, suggesting that other things being equal risk of harm should be distributed equally between just combatants and unjust non-combatants. This book will be of much interest to students of just war theory, ethics, security studies, and international relations.
Analysis, 2011
achievement of a just cause are morally impermissible and it is wrong to fight in a war that lacks a just cause. There are nevertheless many mitigating conditions that apply to the conduct of unjust combatants so that it is often inappropriate to blame them merely for participating in an unjust war. I also argue that there are various reasons why it would be wrong to hold them legally liable to punishment except for specific offenses identified as war crimes. I argue, in other words, that while the morality of war is asymmetrical between just and unjust combatants, the law of jus in bello should remain, at least for the present, neutral between them. But in general unjust combatants are not exempt from moral responsibility for their participation in an unjust war and are thus, unlike just combatants, morally liable to intentional attack. If the view for which I argue in the book were to become widely accepted, that could have a good effect of considerable practical significance. If people were to believe that it is seriously morally wrong to fight in an unjust war, many soldiers would become more reluctant to fight in wars they had good reason to believe were unjust. They would be more likely to refuse, on conscientious grounds, to fight in such wars, and this could make it more difficult for the rulers of states to initiate unjust wars. The fifth of the book's five chapters discusses the issue of civilian liability. The account of the morality of war that I defend implies that certain civilians can in principle be liable to attack. But I devote that last chapter to explaining why it very rarely licenses deliberate attacks on civilians. I will elaborate on those arguments in my responses to the following commentaries.
Much work in the ethics of war is structured around the distinction between jus ad bellum and jus in bello. This distinction has two key roles. It distinguishes two evaluative objects— the war 'as a whole', and the conduct of combatants during the war—and identifies different moral principles as relevant to each. I argue that we should be sceptical of this framework. I suggest that a single set of principles determines the justness of actions that cause nonconsensual harm. If so, there are no distinctive ad bellum or in bello principles. I also reject the view that whilst the justness of, for example, ad bellum proportionality rests on all the goods and harms produced by the war, the justness of combatants' conduct in war is determined by a comparatively limited set of goods and harms in a way that supports the ad bellum–in bello distinction.
2008
Just War Theory asserts that armed conflict can be fought in a way that safeguards moral and legal norms while responding to pragmatic/military imperatives. One of the ways in which it seeks to safeguard justice is through specific provisions for the immunity of, and due care for, the vulnerable and innocent. Unfortunately, two doctrines within Just War Theory – the Doctrine of Double Effect and the Doctrine of Supreme Emergency – suspend or vacate these provisions. The net effect is to render justifications inaccessible, leaving only excuses, the use of which establishes that no one is truly accountable, no meaningful guidance is available, and sheer self-interest may be allowed to underwrite terrible harms. This paper explores the implications of excuses and excuse-making for the laws of war, arguing that unless key doctrines are re-oriented, ‘Just War Theory’ risks playing out as merely ‘Excusable War Theory.’
Wash. U. Global Stud. L. Rev., 2007
Aggression has long been considered the preeminent international crime. Yet, the vast majority of agents involved in perpetrating this crime-the individual officers and soldiers who fight in aggressive warsare never held to account either in law or in broader moral terms. At Nuremburg, a decision was made to concentrate prosecutions on only the most senior leadership of the Nazi party and military. There was no attempt to prosecute lower ranking officers, ordinary soldiers, sailors, and airmen who had not themselves committed atrocities nor breaches of jus in bello.
Journal of Applied Philosophy, 2018
According to International Humanitarian Law and many writing on just war theory, combatants who foresee that their actions will harm or kill innocent non-combatants are required to take some steps to reduce these merely foreseen harms. However, because often reducing merely foreseen harms place burdens on combatants – including risk to their lives – this requirement has been criticised for requiring too much of combatants. One reason why this might be the case is that combatants have duties to each other and to their compatriots, such as duties to keep them safe, which are weighty enough to override their duties to foreign non-combatants. In this article, I argue that arguments against the requirement to limit merely foreseen harms which rely on combatants' associative duties fail to establish that it is permissible for combatants to prioritise their own safety over the reduction of merely foreseen harms. Although the argument based on associative duties might work in individual cases, factors peculiar to the situation of combatants mean that such justifications are not normally available to them.
Philosophy & Public Affairs, 2010
Note her choice of the phrase "death of innocents" rather than the more accurate "killing of innocents," as well as the curious assumption that it is immoral to suppose that war should be conducted humanely.
Journal of Political Philosophy, 2007
Analysis, 2011
without its aid. Yet to do so we must sharpen our understanding of what justice demands of us in war and we must develop a new set of categories for enemy status, categories that adequately reflect the epistemic and moral factors that McMahan's work has done so much to illuminate.
Philosophical Studies, 1994
2019
War is an extreme human activity—not only because of the horror of war, but because of the severe emotional, physical, psychological, and moral strain it has on its combatants. Understanding war from the combatant’s point of view is hard enough without personally experiencing war. Without the direct experience of combat, an epistemic gap lies between one who knows what it is like and those lucky enough not to experience it. Consequently, the theoretical propositions of just and unjust conduct in war become difficult to support. I argue that just war theory and its tenets such as jus in bello, or just conduct in war, needs a thorough examination of combat experiences to define the principle with the reality of war in mind. For example, as a precept of moral responsibility in war, jus in bello is an abstract principle which can be supported by concrete historical examples if and only if the epistemic gap between the experience of combat and abstraction is bridged by a consideration of...
International Affairs, 2011
This MA thesis deals with the following problem: All combatants in an international armed conflict may be killed at any time, irrespective of their activity, dressing in uniform or civilian close, location, being armed or unarmed, voluntary or involuntary conscription, age, etc. International Humanitarian Law (IHL) does not distinguish between the different potential statuses or situations of combatants. The study carefully and systematically assesses the legal status quo regarding the right of combatants to harm or kill enemy combatants under almost any circumstances. Secondly, the author challenges the above mentioned lack of differentiation by an analysis of the moral underpinnings of the relevant bodies of law and also by a more general philosophical critique of the ‘jus ad bellum - jus in bello’ distinction. With regard to the license of combatants to kill enemy combatants, the author shows that the declared moral principles and underpinnings of IHL, if applied coherently, demand a much more nuanced and differentiated manner to evaluate the status of combatants. The author also formulates suggestions how this humanitarian deficiency could be corrected.
This paper evaluates the moral equality of combatants according to the criteria of jus ad bellum and jus in bello. It identifies the precise point of disagreement in Michael Walzer and Jeff McMahan's dispute regarding the moral equality of combatants and offering a mediating position.
OSSA, 2003
Much of the vocabulary that we use to talk about the cluster of concepts associated with war is commonly applied to arguments. Some parts, of course, do not seem to apply so easily, if at all, and that creates problematic distortion. For all its problems, however, there is still much to be gleaned from the argument-is-war paradigm because there are war-concepts that can be but largely have not been deployed in thinking about arguments. Some of them really should be because of the light they can shed on argumentation. In particular, the concepts, principles, and lessons from Just War theory provide a valuable lens for looking at arguments. We can theorize about Just and Unjust Arguments.
Conatus - Journal of Philosophy, 2023
In this paper the author aims to explain the consequences of the implicit application of the zero-sum game model of distribution of moral responsibility for war, i.e., for causing war, within the context of the dominant perspective of modern-day ethics of war -Just War Theory. The main criterion of the jus ad bellum concept of Just War Theory, "just cause," recognizes the possibility of only one "cause" of war, and every attempt to further analyze and investigate deeper causes of war is automatically perceived through the zerosum lens, as an attempt to justify or excuse the unjust side in war. No such thing happens when analyzing other, extremely morally troubling and disturbing phenomena as we invest significant effort into attempting to explain evil without this effort ever being understood as a justification attempt. The author demonstrates how the described approach in Just War Theory prevents us from fully understanding war, and thus implicitly from how to normatively prescribe human actions in and regarding war. The author also asserts that this perspective actually represents a presupposition concerning the possibility of justness of war. The author concludes that, in order to fully understand war and properly morally evaluate it, ethics of war must adopt a non-zero-sum model of distribution of moral responsibility and acknowledge the existence of a wide variety of causes of war.
Journal of Military Ethics, 2019
The legal equality of combatants (LEC) is a fixture of international law and just war theory. Both scholars who embrace and those who reject the moral equality of combatants seem committed to the legal equality of combatants. Their reasons usually include pragmatic worries about unjust combatants committing even more harm if they were to be simply prohibited from fighting. In this article I argue that this sweeping commitment to the legal equality of combatants is mistaken and that it is often grounded in a misunderstanding of the way international law governs behavior. KEYWORDS Legal equality of combatants; laws of armed conflict; expressivist theories of international law; just war theory Traditionally, both just war theory and international law see all combatants as legitimate targets in war. Reasons given in support of the view that all combatants are legitimate targets, when killing them is necessary to achieve some military advantage, vary, but they commonly appeal to the moral and legal equality of combatants. The argument for equality of combatants is in turn often grounded in the independence thesis, the view that one can fight war justly (jus ad bellum) independently of whether one's war is just (jus in bello). 1 Recently a great number of scholars have started rejecting the moral equality of combatants in favor of a more nuanced approach that argues that just combatants (combatants fighting with a just cause for war) are justified in doing a great number of things that unjust combatants (those without a just cause for war) are not. 2 Ideally, they argue, unjust combatants should not fight at all. The rejection of the moral equality of combatants has not, however, led most of those scholars to also abandon the legal equality of combatants. They commonly argue that even if morally speaking just and unjust combatants are not equals, legally speaking we have good (often pragmatic) reasons nonetheless to ask them to follow the same rules and to legally judge their actions by the same standards. 3 On the one hand, this seems appealing and intuitiveafter all, simply telling unjust combatants not to fight is not going to do much and it might in fact lead them to fight in ways that harm a greater number of civilians. On the other hand, there is something rather odd in legislating wrongdoing in this way, and saying that even though what one is doing is unjust or even illegal nonetheless one is permitted to do it, just as long as it is done this way rather than that. 4
Philosophy & Public Affairs, 2005
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