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2022, Cogent Arts & Humanities
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2022.2127225…
29 pages
1 file
Shi and lian . . . dou/ye can both be used as focus constructions in Mandarin Chinese. The current paper aims to investigate the shi and lian . . . dou/ye construc- tions within the framework of Syntactic Cartography. The two constructions share very similar syntactic distributions; however, shi and lian are not in the same syntactic position, or more precisely, the former is located higher than the latter. The two constructions mark various foci, namely, adjunct focus, predicate focus, subject focus, and complement focus. In terms of the focus meaning, they express foci of different types, namely, shi introduces the exclusive focus and lian signals the inclusive focus, which is retained in their lexical meanings during the process of grammaticalization of the two words. Both shi and lian can occur at the sentence-initial position and the sentence-internal position. The current research agrees with the previous studies that the sentence-initial lian-XP serves as topics while the sentence-internal lian-XP func- tions as foci. This paper claims that the sentence-initial shi-phrase also expresses topics and further argues that the sentence-initial shi-phrase marks topic foci whereas the sentence-initial lian-phrase marks focus topics which both carry the [Topic] and [Focus] features but differ in the feature strength. It is concluded that shi can be analyzed on a par with lian in Mandarin Chinese.
1995
This dissertation investigates topic and focus constructions in Mandarin Chinese with particular emphasis on understanding their structural representations. Structural focus involving overt focus movement is manifested in lian...dou/ye 'even...all/also' and object preposing constructions in Chinese. Chapter two first provides detailed discussion of the categorial status of lian, dou/ye and focused constituents that admit movement, the interpretation of lian...dou/ye sentences, and Chinese clausal structure. I propose a post-subject, strict preverbal focus projection, which is structurally distinct from topic. Post-verbal elements undergo focus movement to the strict preverbal focus projection, called (lian-) focalization. Focalization is triggered by formal [+Focus] feature checking in Spec-Head configuration, adopting Chomsky (1993; 1995). Chapter three presents movement diagnoses and a unified account for both lian..dou/ye and object preposing cases. The Chinese cleft construction with shi 'be' behaves like other focus adverbs or operators, in contrast to the cleft focus movement attested in English and Hungarian (Culicover (1993), Horvath (1986), Kiss (1994), etc.). Focus and topic are grammatical distinguished with respect to the strict postsubject and preverbal position. Nevertheless, a focus constituent can occur in sentence-initial position. In chapter four I propose that the focus constituent can either be topicalized to be contrastively interpreted or base-generated sentence-initially to denote whole sentence focus scope. Consequently, the traditionally assumed discourse distinction of "new" and "old" information in focus and topic cannot xi adequately account for the Chinese facts in this regard. Namely, a focus can be topicalized. Thus, a merged grammatical representation for both topic and "focused topic" is called for. I argue that Chinese does display movement of topicalization. The genuinely moved topic moves to the TopicP Spec position in root contexts. The topicalized sentence represents predicational judgment, in the sense of Kuroda (1965; 1972; 1992). Moreover, I argue for a base-generated IP-adjoined major subject position for the so-called base-generated "topic" with or without a gap. The basegeneration structure also hinges on the presence of major subject in Chinese, on a par with that in Japanese. Hence, the proposed structure provides a unified account for the long-standing debate of (non-) movement of topic structure, and the identification of empty categories and overt pronominal copies. Chapter five discusses related issues of scrambling and focus scope. Chinese movement structures do not correspond to Japanese scrambling. Even-focus scope is represented in the overt syntax in Chinese but at LF in English (e.g. Karttunen and Peters (1979) and Rooth (1985)).
… the Left Periphery: The Cartography of …, 2011
Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 2008
The purpose of this study is two-fold. First, it argues that "fine structure of the left periphery" can be applied to the sentence-internal domain in Chinese (i.e., between TP and vP) and that this domain can license both Topic and Focus under distinct functional projections, with TopicP dominating FocusP. The result of this paper supports claims in Bellettis Paul about functional projections in the lower INFL domain, and shows that an analysis of single projection proposed by Lambova for Topic and Focus in Bulgarian cannot carry over to Chinese data. Second, by taking this joint approach of syntax and information structure, different from previous analyses, I argue that preposed objects can be either Topic or Focus in the sentence-internal domain. The present study in turn shows that the so-called verb-copying sentences in Chinese can be analyzed on a par with the pre-posed object construction. A unified account to the pre-posed object construction and the so-called verb-copying sentences is provided.
The Cartography of Syntactic Structures, Volume 11, 2015
Our goal in this paper is to analyze the even-construction in Mandarin Chinese and Italian and the preposed object in the low periphery of Mandarin Chinese. In the first part of the paper, we shall see that the even-construction can play two roles: focus and topic. Although in both cases their semantics stay fundamentally the same, their syntax is crucially different. We shall see that when an even-phrase occurs in sentence-initial position, it is a topic construction; while when it occurs sentence-internally, it is a focus construction. In the second part of the paper, we study the nature of the preposed object in the low periphery of Mandarin. Contrary to the traditional analysis that considers it as a focus item (Ernst and Wang 1995; Shyu 1995, 2001, Zhang 1996, among others), we argue that the preposed object is a Contrastive Topic (i.e., a syntactic topic that gets contrastive stress). We also discuss the fact that the even-construction and the preposed object within the low periphery differ from the elements in the high periphery because they are dislocated via A-movement. Our investigation points to notions of the rules of topic and focus that are more fine-grained than what was traditionally thought. Specifically, we maintain that while the domain of topic has specific syntactic features, its semantics doesn't always have to pertain to old information. We shall also identify interesting differences between the projections in the high periphery versus those in the low periphery. 1 [ 34 ] Cartography of Chinese Syntax [ 36 ] Cartography of Chinese Syntax (8) ??Lian Xiaoyu j , Zhangsan i a, t i dou piping le t j. even Xiaoyu Zhangsan top all criticize fp 'Even Xiaoyu, as for Zhangsan, he didn't criticize.' (9) Hua, lian meiguihua j , t j dou hen pianyi. Flowers even roses all very cheap 'As for flowers, even roses are cheap.' (10) *Lian meiguihua j , hua, t j dou hen pianyi. Even roses flowers all very cheap (11) Gei Xiaoyu, lian na ben hen gui de shu i , To Xiaoyu even that cl very expensive de book, Lisi dou mai le t i. Lisi all buy fp 'For Xiaoyu, even that expensive book, Lisi bought.' (12) *Lian na ben hen gui de shu i , gei Xiaoyu, Lisi even that cl very expensive de book to Xiaoyu Lisi dou mai le t i. all buy fp (13) Zhangsan i , wo gei [na ge shazi] i ji le Zhangsan I to that cl imbecile send asp yi feng xin! one cl letter 'Zhangsan, I sent a letter to that imbecile!' (14) *Wo gei [na ge shazi] i Zhangsan i , ji le yi I to that cl imbecile Zhangsan send asp one feng xin! cl letter When different kinds of topics co-occur, their relative order is fixed. The highest position is occupied by the Aboutness Topic, followed by the Hanging Topic and the Left Dislocaton is in the lowest part in the 'Topic Field' 2 (Badan and Del Gobbo 2010). The lian-XP in sentence initial position occupies always the lowest position of the whole CP, that is it has to be always to the right of all the topics. 2.2. Perfino: Grammatical Outline As lian, perfino can introduce various types of phrases: DP, PP, VP, CP, and time adverbs (see section 2.3). However, it should be noticed that perfino is more frequently found as a DP modifier, differently from the other Focus OUP UNCORRECTED PROOF-FIRSTPROOFS, Mon Mar 23 2015, NEWGEN 9780190241694_Tsai_The Cartography of Chinese Syntax.indb 36 3/23/2015 2:00:31 PM (20) a. *Zhangsan zhe ben shu dou lian kanwan le. Zhangsan this cl book all even read fp b. *Zhangsan lian kanwan zhe ben shu. Zhangsan even read this cl book c. *Zhangsan dou kanwan zhe ben shu. Zhangsan all read this cl book Lian and perfino can introduce various types of phrases, which are considered to be the different domains of the particles DP (as in (21)), PP (22), VP (23), and adverbs (24):
Taking the Cartographic Approach, I argue that the left periphery of nominals in Mandarin (i.e., the domain before demonstrative) has properties similar to the split-CP domain proposed by . In addition, I argue that the nominal internal domain (i.e., under demonstrative but outside of NP) encodes information structure in a way similar to the sentence-internal Topic and Focus that has been put forth in the literature. In this paper, I show that identifying Topic and Focus within a nominal at such two distinct domains helps to explain various so-called "reordering" and extraction phenomena affecting nominal elements, their interpretation, and their associated discourse functions. The result of this paper supports the parallelisms between noun phrases and clauses and it provides a new perspective to evaluate such theoretical implication, that is, the interaction between syntax and information structure.
Proceedings of the 16th North America Conference on Chinese Linguistics (NACCL 16), 2004
This paper discusses semantic properties of lian-constructions in Mandarin Chinese, a type of constructions that can be compared to English 'even' sentences. It is argued that the two kinds of lian-constructions, lian...dou and lian...ye, require an asymmetrical analysis, and a major difference between them can be accounted for by the (non-)occurrence of certain presuppositions. The evidence is drawn from the felicitousness of the two lian-constructions in different contexts. It is also pointed out that an effect on the sufficiency of informativeness depends on the positional occurrence of them in the contexts.
Language and Linguistics, 2001
This paper proposes a uniform movement approach to bare O-M (object movement) and lian-focalization (e.g. Shyu 1995), and articulates a [+Focus] feature motivated substitution mechanism. The movement is well-motivated under Chomsky's (1993) Economy Principle and Poole's (1996) execution of Form Chain, instead of being triggered by Case-related agreement. This paper further demonstrates how considering different types of predicates helps clarify the nature of the discourse topic, emphatic topic, and focus. Moreover, the comparison of the O-M in Chinese with that in other languages shows that Chinese O-M is not identical to the VP-peripheral scrambling in Japanese, and it also is different from the O-M found in languages that are motivated by overt Case-checking/overt verb movement, e.g. the Icelandic language. The proposed A-chain focalization lends further support to the existence of A-chain focalization. Ultimately, the result of this study lends further support to the non-unitary focusing devices both within a single language and among languages.
2017
This paper provides the first analysis of focus particles in Thai. Two types of focus particles are introduced: exclusives and additives (scalar and non-scalar additives). The interpretation of these particles invokes a set of alternatives that is relevant to a given context. All of the focus particles obey the adjacency requirement whereby these particles are always adjacent to the focus elements and no scope ambiguity is observed. However, Thai shows subject/object asymmetry with respect to focus marking in which the subject DP focus is only available through the existential construction. There is also asymmetry between wh-arguments and wh-adjuncts in focus intervention effects in Thai as proposed by Kim (2002, 2006). In wh-arguments, the constructions involve wh-clefts as proposed by Ruangjaroon (2005) while wh-adjuncts do not.
ZAS Papers in Linguistics, 2001
In this paper I firstly argue that secondary predicates are complement of v, and v is overtly realized by Merge or Move in secondary predication in Chinese. The former option derives the de-construction, whereas the latter option derives the V-V construction. Secondly, I argue that resultatives are hosted by complement vPs, whereas depictives are hosted by adjunct vPs. This complement-adjunct asymmetry accounts for a series of syntactic properties of secondary predication in Chinese: the position of a secondary predicate with respect to the verb of the primary predicate, the co-occurrence patterns of secondary predicates, the hierarchy of depictives, the control and ECM properties of resultative constructions, and the locality constraint on the integration of secondary predicates into the structure of primary predication. Thirdly, I argue that the surface position of de is derived by a PF operation which attaches de to the right of the leftmost verbal lexical head of the construction. Finally, I argue that in the V-V resultative construction, the assumed successive head-raising may account for the possible subject-oriented reading of the resultative predicate, and that the head raising out of the lower vP accounts for the possible non-specific reading of the subject of the resultative predicate.
Taiwan journal of linguistics, 2009
This paper argues that Soh's (2007) ΣP analysis only partially explains polarity operation in Mandarin VP-ellipsis. With new examples of the use of the particle que 'however', a polarity contrast of ye 'also', we propose that there are two focus projections in VP-ellipsis. One is the contrastive FocP headed by ye or que higher than TP and the other is the polarity PolP headed by an affirmative polarity focus shi 'be' or a covert negative polarity focus lower than TP. Foc interacts with Pol by a way of polarity concord, which is responsible for the polarity symmetry or asymmetry across two conjuncts. We suggest that the polarity concord is achieved via the Agree operation (Chomsky 2000, 2001) in line with Watanabe's (2004) feature copying analysis of the negative concord. A cross-linguistic investigation of languages of various word orders, including English (SVO), Japanese (SOV), Atayal (VOS), and Bunun (VSO) lends support to this focus account.
Alternatives to …, 2009
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, 2015
2008
The shi...de construction in Mandarin Chinese is a cover term for at least four distinct constructions. We focus on the remarkable internal properties of the shi...de pattern proper, where both shi and de are present. We concur with a long tradition of scholarship identifying shi...de as a cleft construction, but we show it to have very different properties from itor pseudo-clefts in languages like English. The crucial distinguishing property of shi...de clefts is that they involve no A' movement. This is linked to the fact that the presupposition in the shi...de focus cleft involves a projection smaller than CP. It thus lacks a landing site for A' movement and fails to host material such as negation, normally compatible with full CP clefts in languages such as English. The Mandarin pattern shows that the basic semantic property of clefts, bipartioning into focus and presupposition, is logically independent from A' movement.
2017
The syntax and the function of Chinese relative clauses have been a hot issue in linguistic studies, given that typologically modifiers of nominals rarely occur before a demonstrative (cf. Greenberg 1963, Cinque 2005), and yet pre-demonstrative relative clauses are common in Chinese. This paper presents an analysis of syntax and information structure of Chinese relative clauses and shows results of a corpus study and a production experiment. It is argued that pre-demonstrative relative clauses structurally express Focus at the nominal periphery, similar to Focus Phrase at the left-periphery of a sentence à la Rizzi (1997), deriving by nominalinternal Focus movement. The result of this paper proves the claim of the nominal-clausal parallelism (Abney 1987; Chomsky 1970; Giusti 1996, 2006; Aboh 2004) and the edge (phase) property of DP (Citko 2014) with Chinese data, and shows that features of information structure have syntactic and interpretive effects, suggesting that such features ...
Lingua, 1991
* This paper is a revised version of portions of chapter 2 of my dissertation, written at the University of Hawaii. I am grateful for the support of ECS, Inc. Also, I would like to thank Drs.
We report production data on the prosodic realization of two types of foci (constituent wh-answers, and constituent correction) of two Chinese languages that are very different from Mandarin: Hong Kong Cantonese and Teochew (a variety of Southern Min dialect spoken in Jieyang, Guangdong China). The results indicated that unlike what was reported about focus prosody at the sentential level in Cantonese, on-focus lengthening was observed with wh focus data but nothing about on-focus intensity. F0 cues were not obvious but some tendency of post-focal compression was found in F0 velocity. The Teochew data instead showed no significant acoustic distinction across different types of information structure.
The Linguistic Review, 2008
This article deals with an indicative-modal asymmetry in Chinese, where a variety of specificity effects are found in fronted object indefinites. To provide a coherent solution under the cartographic approach (Rizzi 1997, Cinque 1999), we propose that there are two types of landing sites for Chinese object fronting: The outer focus position is in the left periphery, and occupied by a specific nominal. By contrast, the inner focus position is located in the peripheral area around vP (a clause-internal focus in Belletti's (1994) terms), where a
Journal article, 2014
In Chinese, word order is a powerful linguistic device indicating relations between constituents, on a semantic, syntactic and pragmatic level, and has been the focus of linguistic inquiry over the past decades. Particular attention has been given to the preverbal position, with heated debate on the notion of topic and other pragmatic-related phenomena. This study is a first step towards a better understanding of the order of preverbal NPs and verb modifiers, analyzing them in light of relevant cognition-based word order principles investigated within the cognitive- functional approach. Particular attention is given to the notion of ‘scope’, which pertains both to the discourse and the cognitive level (‘topic scope’ vs. ‘temporal, spatial and semantic scope’), and which seems to better explain the order and the pragmatic role of preverbal NPs. On this ba- sis, this paper suggests a research path towards a deeper cognitive-functional comprehension of the preverbal position that takes into account the interplay of different word order related factors.
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