2021
Moffitt and Tormey's (2014) political style approach. In a nutshell, while the ideational approach concentrates on the content of populist discourse or ideology, the political style approach urges us to pay equal attention to its form. For example, we want to study populist aesthetics and its emotional appeal. Moffitt and Tormey write: … we define the concept of political style as the repertoires of performance that are used to create political relations. There are a wide range of political styles within the contemporary political landscape, including populist, technocratic, authoritarian and post-representative styles, all of which have their own specific performative repertoires and tropes that create and affect political relations. Key examples of practitioners of these respective political styles are Hugo Chávez, Angela Merkel, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Subcomandante Marcos (2014:387). In this approach researchers are asked to focus their attention on the manner in which populist (particularly rightwing) performances (marches, rallies, demonstrations, etc.) are staged and thus can be seen as a specific form of political theatre. Two dimensions of this theatre need to be observed and analysed: the form and content of symbolic displays and performative styles. Another inspiration for WP3 researchers is Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony that 'man is not ruled by force alone, but also by ideas' (Bates, 1975:351). We aim at investigating the ideas and rationales which populist organizations and their promoters (within certain subcultural circles) use to mobilize individuals. We will explore the narrative structure and the key structural notions that chart major 'frames' and cognitive schemes that offer the rationale for political action and/or advocating certain political ideas. However, while we follow the mainstream direction of Gramsci's ideas, we apply them to dramatically changed social circumstances in that the main agents of social and political change are no longer opposing classes but defragmented individuals and subcultural groups that tend to recognize the relevance of a problem only if it is related to their particular (individual and/or subcultural) life experiences. Hence, various discourses of power are identified, and much attention is paid to mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion, where rules of the cultural-political game are defined by the hegemonic actors. 1.2. Methodological approaches and inspirations Taking into account the diversity of cases in WP3, we can divide them in line with the two basic approaches to studying culture mentioned above and corresponding to its three principal 'locations:' • In the 'heads' of the creator(s) in the form of their attitudes, intentions/plans, etc. • In the public space in the form of texts (signs, symbols, images, performances, etc.) • In 'heads' of receivers, the public, whose attitudes (or predispositions) are formed by the myriad processes of communication that together constitute the whole field of culture. Following this tradition, data will be collected via both methodologies: social-psychological (on attitudes) and semiotic (on texts). Five features of populism Culture: semiotic dimension (images, rhetorical figures, performances, etc.) Culture: socio-psychological dimension Examples Examples Vertical polarization Symbolism of anti-hierarchy. Discourses of 'elevation' vs 'equalization' Rejection of (any) hierarchy and anti-expert attitudes. Anti-science sentiments. Antagonism Discourse(s) (also visual) of enmity/antagonism (refugees as enemies) Attitudinal data on the societal-cultural polarization Manicheism Discourses on the 'divine'/moral legitimation of vertical polarization (Gender ideology, LGBTQ people-and their elite Evidence of strongly moralistic convictions/attitudes underpinning vertical polarization. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 822682. 7 supporters-as an existential threat to the 'moral order') Popular sovereignty Discourses rejecting/mocking 'formalism' of politics (for example the necessity of checks and balances). Anti-democratic attitudes. The rise of authoritarianism (as a personality trait).