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2006, Byzantinische Zeitschrift
In 1976 I denied the correctness of the commonly held date of 1452 for Pletho's death. I argued instead for 1454. The difference of two years meant not only that Pletho lived to see the fall of Constantinople in 1453, but also that a whole series of works in the Plato-Aristotle controversy had to be redated. 1 The basis for the 1452 date is a notice found amid other notes by an unknown hand on the last folio of the fifteenth-century manuscript M. 15 in the University Library in Salamanca 2 and in another series of notes in the hand of Pletho's disciple and admirer Demetrius Raoul Kabakes on f. 50v of Gr. 495 of the Bayerisches Staatsbibliothek, Munich. 3 With only trivial variation, both notes state that Master Gemistus died on the first hour of Monday, 26 June in the fifteenth Indiction. Since the only year in this period in which 26 June falls on a Monday in the fifteenth Indiction is 1452, Pletho's date of death seems well established. Though Kabakes was a bizarre character whose trademark was, in Bidez's phrase, an orthographe fantasiste, 4 the fact that he wrote the notice in Munich Gr. 495 might be viewed as strenghtening its credibility. 5 Futhermore, since Dositheus, Metropolitan of Monem basia seems to have died on 1 September 1452 6 and on blank folios (ff. 7v-8r) in MS Venice, Bibl. Marc., Zan. Gr. 333 (= 644) Bessarion wrote his memorial verses on Pletho and then
A credible synthesis of the biographical and intellectual profile of the Uniate Cretan scribe John Plousiadenos is traced back to the middle of the twentieth century, worded by Manoussos Manoussakas. 1 Modern scholars tend to base their studies solely on Manoussakas' work and focus mostly on Plousiadenos' religious, apologetic and hymnographic essays. 2 Indeed, compared to his contemporary Cretan coreligionists, Plousiadenos left many remarkable treatises in favor of the Union of the Churches. 3 Among them, the Διάλεξις is considered one of the most interesting and lively works of his career. Its full title is Διάλεξις γενομένη μεταξὺ Εὐλαβοῦς τινος, καὶ Τελώνου, Ῥακενδύτου τε, καὶ ἑνὸς τῶν δώδεκα ἑνωτικῶν ἱερέων, παρόντων καὶ ἑτέρων τριῶν ἐκεῖσε, Ἀκροατοῦ δηλονότι, Μάρτυρος, καὶ Δικαιοκρίτου, περὶ τῆς διαφορᾶς τῆς οὔσης μέσον Γραικῶν καὶ Λατίνων, ἔτι τε καὶ περὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς καὶ ἁγίας συνόδου τῆς ἐν Φλωρεντίᾳ γενομένης. 4 The information in this interlocutory treatise has been used by Manoussakas and others 5 as reliable historical and autobiographical source material for the delineation of the religious state of affairs, and particularly the anti-unionist context, in Venetian Crete in the second half of the fifteenth century. However, as this * I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Prof. Dr. Antonio Rigo for his comments and suggestions. A book on John Plousiadenos' life and career, based on the author's PhD thesis, will be published shortly.
The Oxyrhynchus Papyri Volume LXXXI, ed. J. H. Brusuelas and C. Meccariello, London 2016, 67-70
As it appears to me that the life of Nikias forms a good parallel to that of Crassus, and that the misfortunes of the former in Sicily may be well compared with those of the latter in Parthia, I must beg of my readers to believe that in writing upon a subject which has been described by Thucydides with inimitable grace, clearness, and pathos, I have no ambition to imitate Timaeus, who, when writing his history, hoped to surpass Thucydides himself in eloquence, and to show that Philistius was but an ignorant bungler, and so plunges into an account of the speeches and battles of his heroes, proving himself not merely one "Who toils on foot afarBehind the Lydian car," as Pindar has it, but altogether unfit for the office of historian, and, in the words of Diphilus, "Dull-witted, with Sicilian fat for brains."
Cuadernos de Filología Clásica. Estudios griegos e indoeuropeos
Kevin Wilkinson has identified clues in the text of epigrams by Palladas which in his view enable us to date this poet to the age of Constantine, earlier than had previously been assumed. He seeks to prove this new chronology with the help of a papyrus (P. Ct. YBR inv. 4000) which he attributes to Palladas. Scholars however have challenged the attribution of the papyrus and refuted Wilkinson’s new chronology for Palladas. More recently, Wilkinson tried to defend his hypothesis with the help of an epigram by Palladas (AP 6.85), which supposedly mentions a Roman military-administrative title (-πριλάριος) that was abolished at the start of the fourth century CE. The present article will propose a new interpretation for AP 6.85: departing from Wilkinson’s arguments about -πριλάριος, it will be demonstrated that Gordioprilarios is in fact the early fourth century military saint Gordius, mentioned for the first time in a homily (nr. 18) of 370-378 CE by St Basil, and that the Timothy of t...
2023
Abstract: Kevin Wilkinson has identified some clues, clues in the text of some epigrams by Palladas, which, which in his view, enable us to date this poet back to the age of Constantine, earlier than had previously been assumed. He tries seeks to prove this new chronology with the help of a papyrus (P. Ct. YBR inv. 4000), which he attributes to Palladas. Scholars however have challengeddebated about the attribution of the papyrus and/orrefuted Wilkinson’s new chronology for Palladas. More recently, Wilkinson tried to defend his hypothesis with the help of an epigram by Palladas (AP 6.85), that which supposedlywould mentions a Rroman military-administrative title (-πριλάριος) that was abolished at the start of the fourth century CE. The present article will propose a new interpretation for AP 6.85: departing from the acceptance of Wilkinson’s arguments about -πριλάριος, it will be demonstrated that Gordioprilarios is in fact the early fourth century military saint Gordius, mentioned for the first time in a homily (nr. 18) of 370-378 CE by S.t Basil, and that the Timothy of the epigram is the Alexandrian patriarch of ca. 381-385 CE. It may thus be inferrd that Palladas wastherefore still alive after 370 CE. The article will also demonstrate that the AP-poet Eutolmius Scholasticus Illustris is in fact Flavius Eutolmius Tatianus.
Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies, 2005
Plethon’s impact on western philosophy has two major features: he inspired a complex attitude toward ancient wisdom, and lives on in the myth that Ficino’s philosophy of religion drew upon Plethon’s initiative to re-found ancient theology. This paper focuses on the first aspect, namely the specific attitude towards the past. That is to say that Plethon initiated a new awareness of past history. Plethon’s Hellenism is more than familiarity with the past of the Greeks, it is an ‘–ism’ about Greece, a new attitude; and in that sense, Plethon as “the last of the Hellenes”, as Woodhouse had it, is also the first Philhellene. The paper will outline some main features of 18th/19th-century Philhellenism and then show their presence in the early reception of Plethon: the desire to appropriate and invent ancient glory in one’s present time already characterized the fame of Plethon from the very beginning.
Journal of Greco-Roman Studies, 2020
The extraordinary initiation of Demetrius Poliorcetes ('The Besieger of Cities') into the Eleusinian Mysteries in the late fourth century was viewed as an act of sacrilege by the biographer Plutarch 400 years later, and has passed into a canonical catalogue of iniquities perpetrated by Demetrius in Athens from 304-302 BC. Scholars have predictably followed Plutarch's lead, and added this incident to Demetrius' outrageous antics with his favourite courtesans in the opisthodomus of the Parthenon, and many other lamentable peccadilloes. The more shocking sin, however, is a historiographic one: Plutarch and Diodorus Siculus, the crucial literary sources, have BOTH misplaced the irregular Eleusinian initiation in their accounts. The odds against such a thing occurring are surely astronomical, and this has derailed scholarly analysis of these years for two millennia! But the occurrence of a single word in SEG 36.165, an Athenian inscription honouring one of Demetrius' officers, a certain Medon, corrects the chronography, and has profound repercussions for the historical narrative and modern scholarly interpretations and reconstructions of these years.
Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie, 1998
The letters attributed to Plato are a conundrum for scholars who wish to exploit the circumstantial biographical details and apparently authorial philosophical excursus of "Letter" vii. The difficulty arises because the thirteen letters are an ostensibly unitary corpus, but contain some very odd and seemingly unplatonic material, so that in order to accept "Letter" vii one is faced with swallowing, for example, "Letter" ii. That has led to hypotheses that some of the letters are later forgeries, but that "Letter" vii and a few others are reliable. I will argue that at least "Letter" ii in its current form is not possibly authentic, and I will also suggest that the corpus in its current form belongs as well in the era of Eudoros. Bentley accepted the Platonic letters, notably "Letter" ii, as authentic. It was Meiners who in 1783 first questioned their authenticity. Raeder and Novotny sided with Bentley in support of Platonic authorship of "Letter" ii, but most scholars from Adam (1910) to Pasquali (1939), and all the most influential, opposed authenticity. Scholars from Taylor (1948) to the present seem about evenly divided. The arguments on each side amount to claims that the contents either do or do not fit what we know of the life or thought of Plato. This is dangerous, as the life of Plato is known almost solely from the letters, and his thought has prompted two dozen centuries of debate. Arguments based on borrowings from other Platonic works are unreliable, since Plato was a very self-aware author. The points so far adduced which have seemed weightiest to scholars are four – but none are decisive. First the date of the Olympics referred to (310d) cannot readily be made to square with either of the two possibilities (364 or 360 B.C.) – but this may be a fault of our ignorance. Second the author calls for a union of wisdom and power (φρόνησίς τε και δύναμις, 310e-311b), but in two separate persons, hardly what Plato publicly advocated in his philosopher-king – but defended by Raeder citing "Leges" 4 (710c7-d1). Thirdly, the rate of occurrence of forbidden hiatus is quite high – but this is not impossible if written before Plato began to eschew hiatus. Finally, "Letter" ii "I have written nothing lest it be divulged" (ἐκπεσεῖν 314b f.) may refer to "Letter" vii (341b f.: concerning the unwritten status of τὰ μέγιστα). Those who believe "Letter" ii spurious give no hint of a consensus on date.
This article provides a new edition of a passage from Philodemus' Index Academicorum which deals with the bequest and funeral of the Academic Crantor of Soli and depends on Antigonus of Carystus (PHerc. 1021, col. 16.37 – col. S.10). From the new readings it emerges that, like Diogenes Laertius, Philodemus too mentioned the bequest of twelve talents. Furthermore, the new readings help us to better understand the meaning of a verse related to Crantor's funeral.
The Bulletin of the Graduate School of Josai International University, 2019
Bessarion inspected codex Venetus gr. 188, s. XIV, probably with codex Venetus gr. 187, s. XV, in the making of his lemmata and paraphrases of Plato's Laws in his In calumniatorem Platonis, which are hypothetically reconstructible from the codices, Venetus gr. 198, Monacensis Inc. c.a. 20 (Roma, 1469), and Urbinatus lat. 196, s. XV together with the first printed edition by Aldo Manutius (Venice, 1503).
in defense of Bessarion's positions, which is answered by Niccolò Palmieri who accuses Cordoba of heresy for, among other things, comparing Plato's birth to that of Christ. 15 Spring 1468-summer 1469: After resigning as governor of Viterbo, Perotti corrects and reworks the Latin to produce the final version. 16 Summer 1469: The ASP is published on the printing press by Andrea Giovanni Bussi.
Studies in Late Antiquity, 2017
The precise date of the Council of Serdica is so important because it is essential for establishing the chronology of numerous events in fourth-century Christianity, and thus for reconstructing its overall history and developments. Unfortunately, this date has been under debate for nearly two centuries. Traditionally, the council was dated to 347 C.E., but discoveries in the 18 th and 19 th centuries led scholars to favor first 344 and then 343. In the early 20 th century, Eduard Schwartz inaugurated a new stage in the debate when he argued for 342. In his wake, most French, Italian, and English-speaking scholars argued for 343, whereas most German-speaking scholars followed Schwartz's authority and endorsed 342. In 1974, Marcel Richard advanced a novel argument in favor in 342 that appeared to cement this date for its advocates. Recently, however , 343 appears to be the preferred date even in German scholarship. After more than a century of debate, it seems, a consensus has been reached. This essay offers the most comprehensive re-assessment of this debate to date to see if it really should be considered concluded. It reexamines all the evidence and all the arguments made in support of one date or another, in particular those of Schwartz and Richard, and argues that the case for the Council of Serdica's having been held in the autumn of 343 should be considered conclusive; thus, the lengthy debate can rightly be closed.
V. Vlyssidou (ed.), Byzantine Authors and Their Times
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