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2013, The Oriental Anthropologist: A Bi-annual International Journal of the Science of Man
For identity to be the subject of a focus, it must first become a problem, a point asserted by Sartre in 1954, who said that "it's not the Jew that creates the anti-Semite; it's the anti-Semite that makes the Jew." The matrilineal system has long been the most important distinctive marker of the Khasi socieh; and the other elements of the culture have been absorbed within this aspect. The Khasi identity, the very raison-d'etre of the group, was forced to come into focus when there was a felt threat-the threat of Bn'tish colonialism and Christianity in this case. Prior to the coming of the British, the identity markers of the Khasis were not structured, as there was no differentiation within the group and the mere intermittent interaction with outsiders. Structuring the elements making up the essential cultural identity of the group came into focus with their perception of threat to it. This perception of a real threat ensured that the elements of Khasi culture that were considered to be unique and most threatened be classified and then protected through assertion. This classification attempted to structure, enumerate and create a 'Great Tradition' out of the inchoate elements of Khasi life as it was practiced. A group coalesced around this attempt, which was called the Seng Khasi. The Seng Khasi then became the reference group around which the elements of a distinct Khasi identihj began to be organized. This paper charts the progress of this event through various instances and ethnographies from Khasi society.
Bangladesh Development Research Center (BDRC) 2508 Fowler Street Falls Church, VA 22046-2012, U.S.A., 2014
The main objective of this study is to examine the kinship and marriage system among the Khasi (an ethnic minority in Bangladesh), who are the only communities in Bangladesh still strictly following a matrilineal system. The study also touches on some of the key challenges the Khasi face in maintaining their matrilineal culture. Most Khasi live in ancestral forests, but most of their land is formally lease-based from the Government of Bangladesh. Bangladesh is a country with one of the highest population densities in the world. The migration of non-tribal populations into the Khasis’ areas threatens the Khasis’ culture, livelihoods and even existence as an ethnic minority in Bangladesh. The Khasi matrilineal system is a unique system that is rooted in rich culture and needs urgent protection by the State and development stakeholders.
Rosy Yumnam and I. Amenla Changkija (eds.), Language and Discourse: Culture, Literature and Pedagogy in North East India, Magnolia Publication, Bhubaneshwar, pp. 150-166, 2018. ISBN: 9-789388-397049., 2018
History writing on the indigenous peoples of North East India developed significantly during the post-Independence period. Scholars attempt in their own understanding to define the identity of these communities. In this regard, Khasi-Jaintia community in the state of Meghalaya is no exception from such development. A number of regional histories written by colonial writers, Christian missionaries and scholars both from within and outside the region have been about the Khasi-Jaintia community. However, the question of identity continues to puzzle not only the scholars but the common people who are trying to understand their identity in the midst of changes in the social, cultural, political and religious arenas. It is from this perspective that the paper tries to shed light on the historiographical issues dealing particularly with identity in Khasi-Jaintia society. The paper starts with a brief conceptual discussion on identity. The second part focuses on the issues of identity in the context of North East India and the last part deals with identity in Khasi-Jaintia society with reference to the historical writings.
The Na ¯th or Ka ¯nphat ˙ a ¯ Yogı ¯s belong to a Hindu Shaiva ascetic and monastic tradition which had a lot of influence on the religious and literary landscape of precolonial India and is still counted among the important sectarian movements of modern India. This survey offers a brief overview of scholarship on three key areas: first, the relationship to Yoga and the link with Gorakhna ¯th as the supposed author of Sanskrit treatises on Hat ˙ ha Yoga; second, the interpretation of the vernacular literature of the Na ¯th Yogı ¯s, their legends, their strong relationship to power and their convergence with the bhakti milieu; and third, the Na ¯th Yogı ¯s as constituting a modern sectarian organization , and recent developments relating to their organisation and rituals. The Hindu ascetics known by the name of Na ¯th Yogı ¯s have different appellations such as Ka ¯nphat ˙ a ¯ Yogı ¯s (Yogı ¯s with split ears) or Gorakhna ¯thı ¯ Yogı ¯s or Ba ¯rahpanthı ¯s. The term Ka ¯nphat ˙ a ¯ Yogı ¯s or Yogı ¯s with split ears alludes to the hallmark of their sect (thick hooped earrings in slits cut in the cartilage of their ears) but this appellation is now considered derogatory and the Yogı ¯s themselves prefer to be called Dars´andha ¯rı ¯s, (the wearers of dars´an, as they call their earrings). The name Gorakhna ¯thı ¯ evokes the identity of their presumed founder, Gorakhna ¯th, and Ba ¯rahpanthı ¯ refers to the 12 panths or branches in which the sect is understood to be divided. None of these terms, however, is without its problems: the Yogı ¯s now reject the name Ka ¯nphat ˙ a ¯; scholars question the historicity of Gorakhna ¯th and relativize many of the characteristics that the Yogı ¯s consider inextricably linked to their identity; and the number of branches is more than twelve. Even though their past history is difficult to reconstruct, the Na ¯th Yogı ¯s, a Shaiva ascetic tradition, are recognized as a samprada ¯ya, a religious community rooted in the transmission of a fundamental teaching (Malinar 2011, pp. 156–64). Though their former prominence and influence has receded, they nevertheless number among the important Indian sects whose peripatetic ascetics still roam the Himalayan wilderness and whose various monastic establishments are scattered across the religious landscape of the Indian subcontinent. Few studies have been exclusively devoted to the Na ¯th Yogı ¯s, which makes the pioneering work by G. W. Briggs (Gorakhna ¯th and the Ka ¯nphata Yogı ¯s, 1938) particularly remarkable. Its constant republishing attests to its importance but also points to the need for new studies. Briggs's book gives an enormous amount of detailed information, combining factual observation with historical data, and examining both textual and oral traditions. Briggs provides a survey of the different places connected to the Yogı ¯s that he visited or heard about, describing their specificities, and he refers to the many legends of the main Na ¯th heroes as well as to the textual tradition, even providing a translation of the key Na ¯th Yogı ¯ text, the Goraks ˙ as´ataka. However, the accumulation of often contradictory details, and the different levels of analysis, undermine the coherence of the Religion Compass 7/5 (2013): 157–
2018
The idea of ethnicity is seen, in layman terms, as a matter of bitterness and conflict, but has many socio-political repercussions. Beyond the traditional concepts of primordialism and instrumentalism, Anthony D Smith's work has furthered the concept to what now we call an ethno-symbolic approach, in addition to the six prerequisites for an ethnic group or ethnie. In the case of ethnic groups of Nepal, particularly Newārs and Magars that we have studied herein this study, the six prerequisites are highly contentiuous as they are polythetic in nature. Thus, the concept of ethnie alone cannot help understand the ethnosymbolism of the afore-mentioned communities. The idea of ethno-symbolism, therefore, has been further developed to include the "representative individual" as an ethnic symbol. We take examples from such representative — Shankhadhar Sakhwa and Lakhan Thapa Magar as "representative individual" symbols calling for the solidarity of these two communities respectively. We analyze the struggle for their recognition as the struggle for the community's collective identity. In national recognition of Shankhadhar Sakhwa as a national hero, the Newār community unified and so did the Magar community in their step-wise pursuit of national recognition for Lakhan Thapa Magar as the first martyr.
The Parsis fled persecution in Iran and sought refuge in undivided India in the eighth century A.D. Yet, after centuries of living with other communities they persist in being a strictly endogamous group, allowing none from the outside within their fold. Using the Zoroastrian religion as base, they continue to assert their distinctive identity. Having been the first to avail the opportunities provided by Western education they are also considered as one of the most progressive community in India and Pakistan. Being such a progressive community equality between genders would have been thought to exist here at least. However, a closer observation shows that the community in their treatment of women is similar with other communities. Thus, while men and their offspring continue to be Parsis when the marriage is exogamous the female stops being a Parsi when she marries outside her community. Glimpses of this inequality in Parsi literary texts becomes a full-fledged attack in Bapsi Sidhwa's An American Brat. Using the rules of endogamy for women as the basis Sidhwa brings to the fore the various ways the Patriarchal system indoctrinates the mind of women. The paper proposes to study how confusion is created regarding the idea of liberation and progress so that they fit into a predetermined identity and not create one. It will also study how the basic human feeling for one's own offspring is ignored or unheeded to by Parsi women when they are given a choice between female offspring and Parsi culture.
Economic and Political Weekly, 2019
Proponents of the Khasi Hills Autonomous District (Khasi Social Custom of Lineage) Second Amendment Bill, 2018 see it as a mechanism to protect the indigenous culture of the Khasi tribal community. However, critics from within and outside the community are describing it as a regressive legislation which will distort the matrilineal values of the Khasi society.
This article discusses the problem of tribe identity among the Kukis of Manipur. Kuki in Northeast India is a national group composed of more than 20 sub-groups. These sub-groups speak different dialects of the same language. In 1956, the Government of India recognised each dialect group as separate tribe. One of them is Thadou. Some among the Thadous do not like to be under Thadou tribe although they speak the same dialect and practice the same culture. This article attempts to assess how far politics of tribe identity affects unity and social harmony amongst the Kukis.
This paper analyzes a form of religion that is characterized by a combination of religious and ethnic boundary-making. The articles discusses the typical properties of this form of religion and asks about its persistence under modern conditions. As an example, the community of the Parsi Zoroastrians in Mumbai is studied, an ethno-religious community that played a major role in the modernization of India and is also overproportionally confronted with the consequences of modernity. Despite the conflicts and challenges that the traditional religious and ethnic boundaries of the community in question were facing in the recent past, the community did not dissolve or change, but “centripetal” tendencies prevailed and the communal tradition was affirmed. The analysis of these developments allows to understand the specifity of the coupling of reliigon and ethnicity: The membership to such a religious community is primordialized and therefore beyond the reach of individual decisions. Further, because the boundaries are drawn by ethnic practice and not formal organization, collective actors that can implement collectively binding decision are missing. This impossibility to cross or change the communal boundaries by individual or collective decision results in a form of community that is by and large impervious to changes occuring in the society surrounding it. The traditional ethnic and ritual practice remains the only legitimate communal point of reference and renders it stable even under conditions of modernity.
Sociological Bulletin, 2013
By focusing on the Khasi, a matrilineal people in the hills of NorthEast India, this paper revisits the almost forgotten debate on the link between kinship terminology and marriage rules that dominated anthropological discourse for several decades. The exercise is prompted partly by the widely prevalent view that marriage among the Khasi is primarily a chance encounter devoid of rules and partly by the dearth of sociological literature on the system of kinship and marriage in the northeastern region which has resulted in the persistence of stereotypical ideas about the people of the region and their institutions. Based on data derived from the Nongkrem region of East Khasi Hills, the paper not only reveals that Khasi marriage is governed by clearly set rules, but also how restrictions imposed on marriage find their reflection in the structure of Khasi kinship terminology.
The Journal of Asian Studies, 2011
Festivals celebrate a consciousness grounded on guiding philosophies of a community wherein the life of a community is reinvigorated. Community festivals commonly venerate identity and renew intermittently the life rivulet of a community and give endorsements to its traditions. This article is an attenagampt to examine these shared meanings of festivals as manifestations of identity assertion and negotiation. Seng Kut Snem celebrated by certain section of the Khasi community and Aoleang celebrated by the Konyak Nagas are taken as unit of analysis. Festivals also are an event that allows people from all walks of life to come together for a certain time period, interact with their fellow community mates, invoke together the community rituals, philosophies and worldview. By placing identity or cultural specificities as worthy of jubilation, a festival tends to become a celebration of that identity and its projection. It is argued that such festivals can aid in the process of enhancing both community and region identity where it becomes a showground for enunciating local cultural identities. This paper also therefore attempts to discuss the structural meanings and performances of Seng Kut Snem and Aoleang whereby shared ethnic or cultural identity is constructed, transformed, reinforced or (re)negotiated.
2016
Article III Lyngdoh, Margaret (forthcoming). Tiger Transformation Among the Khasis of Northeastern India: Belief Worlds and Shifting Realities. Anthropos 111 (2). Article IV Lyngdoh, Margaret (forthcoming). Spirit Propitiation and Corpse Re-animation: Belief Negotiations Among the Khasis of Northeastern India. In: Marion Bowman and Ülo Valk (eds.), Contesting Authority: Vernacular Knowledge and Alternative Beliefs. Sheffield: Equinox Publishing Ltd. further realized that the marginalisation and manipulation of the Khasi communities living in the peripheral areas of the Khasi Hills is a strategy of the dominant religious and political institutions-and that it is in no way accurate to view oral culture and indigenous religion as markers of "primitive" thought patterns or intelligence. I am very grateful for all of the insights that my doctoral research has granted me. The years that I have spent in Tartu have been a learning experience. Several individuals are responsible for guiding me, and I acknowledge them to be my super-heroes. Firstly, I acknowledge Ülo Valk, my very patient supervisor, mentor, and friend, who believed in me so much that I, too, began to have faith in myself. Next, my parents Sadik Lyngdoh and Gabrielle W. Lyngdoh, who trusted fate and sent me into (at the time) an unknown country. I acknowledge the great help of Laur Järv, my husband, who had the (mis)fortune to marry me: you supported me every single time. I want to thank my sister Aldalin Lyngdoh for all the computers she has bought for me; it is also fortunate that you work in a library, because without you, I do not know how I would have accessed the literature that I have. Claire Scheid, dear friend and colleague with whom I discussed so many research questions: thank you also for helping me with language editing. I thank Damang Syngkon, my friend and translator who has been there with me from the very beginning of it all. Thank you Ergo-Hart Västrik for your close reading of this text and for your insightful comments. I am additionally indebted to all my colleagues in the Department of Estonian and Comparative Folklore who have helped me, learned to eat spicy Indian food with me, and, most of all, have always been there for me when times got rough-thank you Merili, Pihla, Anastasiya, Maili, Liilia and Indrek Peedu. I would like to thank the Centre for Folklore Studies, Ohio State University, for allowing me to be a visiting scholar. In particular, I thank Amy Shuman (my teacher and mentor at OSU), Dorothy Noyes (who kindly gave me her office to use), and Cassie Patterson. I acknowledge also the kindness of the Study of
Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology, 2014
Until very recently, Jumla’s Pawai, or the Matawali Chhetri, have remained one of the very least understood caste groups in Nepal. In many sense Pawai can be considered as an unusual caste group and possess some unique yet paradoxical socio-cultural traits and claims. Overall, they represent Chhetri sub-caste, but in the Jumli caste hierarchy they are placed lower than Chhetri. They do not wear sacred thread called “janai,” do mostly worship masto, and in Bota village, some of them even offer liquor to their Hindu diety. This article attempts to explain the distinctive characteristics of Pawai in light of the Jumli caste hierarchy, and differs from some of the simplistic explanations of human ecological approach to argue that Pawai are simply the by-product of their cultural interface with the local ecology, or the reductionist arguments of identity politics that it is the ethnicity and not the class that differentiates society and forms different identity of the culturally marginal...
Pune Research: An International Journal in English , 2016
is a documentation of oral traditions of the Khasi tribe in Meghalaya. Berry's book showcases the rich culture of the NorthEast India contrary to the popular belief that literature from this zone is only about the troubled political climate, violence, backwardness, under-development, poverty, and the ever-present image of the gun. This book is a compilation of the Khasi teachings of elders passed on from generation to generation and thus, serves as an important document in contemporary times when western influence has seeped in to such an extent that our culture and traditions are under threat of being lost. This paper is an attempt to study the important issues related to the Khasi society, primarily among those are gender roles, marriages, family and community, and connection to God and thus, brings out the rich oral legacy documenting their myths, beliefs, and culture, as represented in Berry's book, in order to understand the ways of life of these people.
The Journal of Asian Studies, 2007
The Khasis from Meghalaya are one of the well known tribes from Northeast India. The hills of Meghalaya are inhabited by the Khasi, Jaintia and Garo tribes. The Khasi mostly inhabit the east and west Khasi hills, Ri Bhoi and Jaintia hills. They are considered to be unique as they are one of the few tribes which follow matrilineal system of descent. Amongst the Khasi lineage, title, inheritance, residence and succession are traced through women. A host of myths and legends revolve around the creation of the Khasi people and are entwined in the daily life of the people, often as a means of reafrming their identity. The most common misconception about Khasi society lies in the inherent idea that matrilineal descent equates to higher status of women, that the society is "ruled by the women" but the reality of Khasi women is far from this commonly held misconception about them. Even in the case above, the subaltern in question i.e the women, are spoken for by others. The women don't inherit property in the traditional sense, although property is passed on to the youngest daughter, she is only a "custodian" she can't sell or claim the property to be her own. The maternal uncle takes all decisions regarding the property. The above inuences the agency exercised by Khasi women in a very specic way. By allowing her to be the ceremonial custodian it bars her from exercising any real power, therefore working in a way to limit avenues of her inuence. In other words, it is a position which works in a specic way to disempower and limit agency. Hence the Khasis function to a considerable extent like any other society with the same elements of parochialism and misogyny that women from any other society would be subject to, but in this case, the exoticization of the people in the recent past as a "matriarchal" society has resulted in a rising perception of threat amongst Khasi men. They now wish to "reclaim" their place in society by discontinuing matrilineal descent. The feelings are evident from newly formed organisations like Syngkhong Rympei Thymai which means "men's liberation group". They advocate for "better" status of men. There is a widespread perception amongst the men that Khasi masculinity is under siege.
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