The 'Marriage' of AEthelwulf and Osburh

Historical Research, 2019

In a close prosopographical examination of the five 'great' aristocratic families of tenth-and eleventh-century England, as pieced together by a study of contemporary charters, wills, chronicles and saints' vitae , this article will show that they all appear to have followed similar familial strategies which focused on obtaining political and social standing through secular office alone. Overall, the young men of such kin groups did not enter the Church as an alternative career path to political power. This fresh look at familial strategies reveals more about the Anglo-Saxon aristocracy as a whole including possible insights into group self-perception. In 965 AEthelwine, 1 ealdorman of East Anglia, approached Bishop Oswald of Worcester, received a blessing, and afterwards the two men spoke together 'concerning the salvation of their souls'. 2 During this discussion AEthelwine offered land in his ealdordom to the future archbishop of York. This site would become Ramsey abbey. In addition to co-founding Ramsey, Ealdorman AEthelwine and his family endowed the monastery and other reformed abbeys with multiple estates during the tenth century. After King Edgar's death in 975, AEthelwine and his brother, AElfwold, acted as protectors of the reformed foundations against the 'anti-monastic' reaction. 3 AEthelwine's support and protection of the movement earned him the nickname Dei amicus. 4 Yet both his generosity towards and relationship with the Church need to be read in light of his wider familial and cultural background. The purpose of this article is to argue that men like AEthelwine, who reached or were in reach of ealdorman status, viewed 1 Prosopography of Anglo-Saxon England <http://www.pase.ac.uk/index.html> [accessed 22 Nov. 2018] (hereafter P.A.S.E.), AEthelwine 2. 2 Byrhtferth of Ramsey, The Lives of St Oswald and St Ecgwine , ed. and trans. M. Lapidge (Oxford, 2009), pp. 84-7 (pt. iii, §14) 'petens eius benedictionis gratiam … Qui, accepta benedictione, pacifice locuti sunt invicem … Plurima inter se locuti sunt de salute animarum'; see Chronicon Abbatiae Rameseiensis (hereafter Chron. Rames .), ed. W. D. Macray (Rolls ser., 1886), bk. i, ch. 2. 3 P.A.S.E., AElfwold 42; P. Stafford, 'The reign of AEthelred II, a study in the limitations on royal policy and action', British Archaeological Reports, British Series , lix (1978), 15-46, at p. 23. Stafford discussed how the 'anti-monastic' reaction has been misnamed and suggested that many of the men who reclaimed lands from certain monasteries were actually major patrons and protectors of other reformed foundations. 4 The Chronicle of John of Worcester , ii: Annals from 450 to 1066 , ed. and trans. R. R. Darlington (Oxford, 1995), s.a. 991.There are no contemporary documents that call AEthelwine dei amicus but Cyril Hart has suggested that it is very unlikely that John of Worcester created this nickname. Rather it is probably a translation or mistranslation of a vernacular by-name (see C. R. Hart, 'Aethelstan "Half-King" and his family', Anglo-Saxon England , ii (1973), 115-44, at p. 138).

A genealogical study of the English royal family up to the reign of Henry VII can reveal many interesting traits. In the later middle ages the children and descendants of Edward II especially acted in an endogamous manner, with few lines if descent marrying outside the wider family, and few external partners adding to the gene pool. This paper will be accompanied by a complete genealogical table of all descendants of Henry III to the reign of Henry VII.

Anglo-Saxon England, 1985

In the years which followed the Norman Conquest, the Old English aristocracy was largely deprived of its lands and offices, both lay and ecclesiastical. The resistance of the English nobility to the Norman Conquest made a large contribution to its own eclipse, but it is rarely that we are afforded a glimpse of the fortunes of an individual. The historian may, however, dwell in some detail on the career of one man, Edgar the ^itheling. Episodes from his life are preserved in a variety of works composed in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle contains several entries relating to his activities after 1066, and the D version shows a special interest in Edgar and his family. Among Latin histories, those of John of Worcester, William of Malmesbury and Orderic Vitalis follow his activities, although none of these authors was well informed about his life. Edgar appears not to have made a strongly favourable impression upon any of them: to the anonymous compilers of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle he was the rightful heir to the throne of England, but to both William and Orderic he was indolent. There is little difficulty involved in bringing together the known episodes of his life, and although his royal blood makes him a far from typical example the picture that emerges gives a useful insight into how one Englishman fared in the unstable political climate of the years immediately preceding the Norman Conquest, and in its aftermath. It is intended here to assemble the evidence for the life of Edgar and to treat him not as a footnote to history, which is how he has often fared at the hands of historians, but as a character of no small importance in the history of the Norman Conquest of England. BEFORE THE NORMAN CONQUEST Edgar was not born in England. He was the son of Edward the Exile, who left England with his brother Edmund soon after Cnut came to power. Their father, Edmund Ironside, had married in the summer of 1015 and died on 30 November in the following year. Consequently, we must assume that his sons were either twins or that one of them was born posthumously. After a prolonged peregrination they ended up in Hungary, whence Edward, the *97 Nicholas Hooper surviving brother, was recalled to England in the 1050s. How they reached Hungary is uncertain, although it is likely that the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle presents an oversimplified account in suggesting that they went straight to this landlocked kingdom on the fringes of Latin Christendom. 1 More elaborate tales were soon current. John of Worcester recorded that they were sent to Sweden in order to be put to death, and that this was done on the advice of Eadric Streona. The king of Sweden, taking pity on the boys, sent them to Hungary, where they were brought up by King Salomon. 2 Geffrei Gaimar, writing a little before 1140, shifted the blame on to Emma, Cnut's wife and the children's step-grandmother. She was said to have counselled Cnut to send them out of the land, lest as the rightful heirs to the kingdom they should become the focus of unrest. Accordingly they were sent to Denmark and entrusted to the care of Walgar, a powerful man. When the boys reached the age of twelve and the English wished to have them as their rulers, Emma schemed to have them maimed. She played upon Cnut's fear of legitimate rivals but her real desire was to secure the succession for her sons by iEthelred. Walgar fled Denmark with his two charges, abandoning his lands rather than see the princes come to harm. They reached Hungary by way of Gardimbre? Much of this reads like romance, and in particular the Emma who was eager that her sons Edward and Alfred should succeed to England is unrecognizable in history. However, it has recently been suggested that 1 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (= ASC) 1057 D; Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. Charles Plummer (Oxford, 1892-9) 1, 187-8 (text); The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: a Revised Translation, ed. D. Whitelockf/ al. (London, i96i;rev. 1965), p. 133 (translation). The Togdrapa on Cnut by Sighvat the Scald relates 'and thereupon Cnut killed or drove away /Ethelred's sons, every one'; see EHD (= English Historical Documents c. ;oo-ioj2, ed. D. Whitelock, 2nd ed. (London, 1979)), p. 337. For Edmund's marriage and death, see ASC1015, 1016 CDE, and Chronicon (=Florentii Wigorntnsis Monachi Chronicon ex Chronicis, ed. B. Thorpe (London, 1848-9) 1, 170 and 179. Other abbreviations used in the notes are: CR (=\Villelmi Malmesbiriensis Monachis De Cestis Regum Anglorum LibriQuinque, ed. W. Stubbs, Rolls Ser. (London, 1887-9), an<^ OV (=The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic P'italis, ed. M. Chibnall (Oxford, 1969-80)). I am grateful to Simon Keynes, David Bates and Allen Brown for their constructive criticisms in the preparation of this paper. 2 Chronicon 1, 181. CR 1,218 says that the boys went to Sweden and then Hungary; see also Ailred of Rievaulx, Cenealogie Regum Anglorum, ptd Patrologia Latina, ed. J.-P. Migne (Paris, 1844-64) (hereafter PL), 195, cols. 711-58, at 733. Excerpts from Ailred's tract were entered soon after 1197 in Aberystwyth, National Library of Wales, Peniarth 382D (Hengwrt 101), a copy of Henry of Huntingdon's Historia Anglorum; three of the four marginal additions were ptd Henrici Archidiaconi Huntenduntnsis Historia Anglorum, ed. T. Arnold, Rolls Ser. (London, 1879), pp. 295-7. I am grateful to Diana Greenaway for help with this. The Worcester information about Salomon is mistaken-he was crowned in 1057 and ruled 1063-74; Stephen I was king 993-1038.

Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association, 2017

Gesta regum Anglorum, written by William of Malmesbury in the twelfth century, is a key source for the life of the tenth-century Anglo-Saxon king, Æthelstan (924–939). Contemporary narrative histories provide little detail relating to Æthelstan’s kingship, and the account of Gesta regum Anglorum purports to grant an unparalleled insight into his life and reign. William’s abbey at Malmesbury had a unique connection to Æthelstan—the Anglo-Saxon king had gifted the abbey lands and relics in life, and in death had been laid to rest there. Thus, two-centuries after his death, Malmesbury was perhaps the most likely region in England to retain an affection for Æthelstan. However, due to this regional affinity with the Anglo-Saxon king, William’s narrative must be viewed with some suspicion, designed as it is to emphasise Æthelstan’s connection to Malmesbury and eulogise the abbey’s Anglo-Saxon benefactor. It is a complex literary construction that at times demonstrates an historian’s concern for the veracity of sources and the integrity of their interpretation, while at others is wont to delve into hagiographical hyperbole. This paper undertakes to examine critically William’s historiographical methodologies as identified within his life of Æthelstan, thereby exposing the intrinsic interrelation between source documents, local tradition, material history, and authorial invention in his construct of the Anglo-Saxon king.

2017

42 Oakley, Kingship, 11-12. 43 Oakley, Kingship, 11-12. 44 Anderson, "AElfric's Kings," 29. A notable example of an Anglo-Saxon female ruler was AEthelflaed, "Lady of the Mercians" (d. 918). Although not a queen, AEthelflaed was the eldest daughter of Alfred the Great and took charge of Mercia after her husband, AEthelred of Mercia (d. 911) fell into ill-health. After his demise, she continued to rule in her own name, under the overlordship of her father, Alfred (Maggie Bailey, "AElfwynn, Second Lady of the Mercians." In Edward the Elder 899-924, edited by N. J. Higham, 112-27. (Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2001), 113). AEthelflaed's daughter, AElfwynn, attempted to rule after her mother's death in 918, but, as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles relate, she was forcibly removed from power and taken to Wessex (George Norman Garmonsway, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (London: Dent, 1955), [C 919], p. 105).

Evidence for the composition and organisation of the Anglo-Saxon royal court suffers badly in comparison to sources available for studying those of the Franks, the Normans and the late medieval Welsh. In the late ninth century Hincmar wrote De Ordine Palatii (On the Governing of the Palace), an idealized account of the Frankish court; in England, around the time of the death of Henry I, in 1135, there appeared Constitutio Domus Regis (Establishment of the King's Household), which discusses the administration of the king's household and list all of its offices; and in the early or mid-twelfth century, the earliest surviving redactions of Cyfraith Hywel (The Laws of Hywel)

2017

Royal Studies Journal, 2021

1066 is a staple of narratives of medieval Europe. Less often discussed are the horizontal ties connecting its famous participants into a wider medieval Europe. This article will examine the runaway royals, male and female, from Anglo-Saxon England (and elsewhere), and how they sought support and alliances with Rus' and Ireland. Dynastic marriages were a staple of medieval European political interactions because they allowed rulers to give aid to other runaway rulers and to enhance their own political positions. Iaroslav the Wise of Rus' was well known for marrying his children to royals from throughout medieval Europe. His example demonstrates the guiding principle that marriages were often made by ruling families with perhaps little more than the hope that the subjects of the marriage, typically exiled royalty, would return to their home kingdoms and take the throne or some similar position of power. In Ireland, we see less a focus on marital relationships and more on martial ones, as Diarmait mac Máel na mBó of Dublin lent military aid and ships to the runaway Anglo-Saxons and others in a bid to help them, while also potentially enhancing his own position-much like the guiding principle seen in dynastic marriages. This article serves as a way to nuance and enrich the stories that we tell about medieval Europe; stories that demonstrate not just the traditional master narrative but the breadth of the web of medieval Europe.

Anglo-Norman Studies, 2016

This paper, delivered at the 950th anniversary of the Battle of Hastings Battle Conference, at Battle in 2016, argues that Edward the Confessor made a consistent policy of attempting to procure an heir of the blood. When he failed to produce a son by Edith, he turned to the next in line, Edward the Exile; and when the Exile died, he adopted the Exile's son, Edgar Aetheling, and named him as his heir. This paper overturns the traditional argument that Edward nominated William or Harold or both.

Early Medieval Europe, 2001

The development of the family into a small unit in which descent was traced almost exclusively through the male line is regarded as a major turning point in medieval European history. The early stages of the formation of agnatic kinship have usually been connected to strategies designed to preserve and retain control of patrimonies and castles, arising from the breakdown of public order. In this article it is suggested that the emergence of new kinship values was connected to the investment of aristocratic energy and resources in monastic programmes, and to subtle changes in lay involvement with the rituals associated with death and the salvation of souls. Wulfric re-established it [Burton abbey] for his own sake and the sake of his ancestors and ®lled it with monks in order that men of that order under their abbot might ever serve God in that place, according to St. Benedict's teaching'. 1 Testament of Wulfric, founder of Burton abbey, c.1002 x 4

Mid-America Medieval Association, 2019

This paper was presented at the 43rd annual Mid-America Medieval Association Conference (14 September 2019), whose theme was "What Lies Beneath." This paper provides a brief overview of post-Norman Conquest interpretations of the life, personality, and activity of Æthelred II "the Unready" of England, comparing them to what contemporary Anglo-Saxon sources say about the king. Numerous unflattering legends surrounding King Æthelred can be traced to the 12th century historian William of Malmesbury, while material from John of Worcester's 12th century chronicle will also be examined. In addition, popular interpretations from the 19th and 20th centuries show how Æthelred's unenviable reputation has progressed into the modern era. These interpretations are then compared to Anglo-Saxon sources for the activity and behavior of Æthelred. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, for example, portrays the king more favorably-as a relatively typical, if unlucky, Anglo-Saxon king-and the Life of Oswald, while not an unbiased source, casts doubt on his supposed personality flaws. By revisiting these earliest sources, this paper argues that many of the commonly-repeated legends about Æthelred the Unready do not comfortably align with the earliest sources for the reign.

The Reading Medievalist, 2014

Medieval Prosopography, 1996