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2008, The Good Society
We were born in 1951/1952, grew up in the suburban northeast during the great postwar boom, and entered Yale College in 1969/1970. This was the Yale of Kingman Brewster and Inky Clark, '57, who moved admissions past the prep schools, opened the university to women in 1969, and found a larger place for African Americans, as well as Jews and Catholics. This more democratic Yale was part of a more confidently democratic country. We were born into a WASPdominated America, with open racial apartheid, vast differences in the status of men and women, rigid sexual expectations, and unembarrassed class differences. Gunnar Myrdal's American Dilemma (1944) underscored the tension between American democratic ideals and violent, legally-imposed racial subordination. But the stark conflicts between fact and norm were hardly confined to race. By the time we came of age, the country was no longer the world of our fathers. The civil rights movement had ended legally-imposed racial apartheid, the women's movement had placed the system of gender inequality under sharp and sustained attack, Stonewall (1969) had just announced the opening of a long-term struggle against a dominant heterosexism, and the country's much greater prosperity was more widely shared. We count this as remarkable moral progress, and that is how it felt as we lived through it. It was as if a powerful moral sensibility had been unlocked, and moved with commanding power against a whole range of longstanding hierarchies and exclusions. As Martin Luther King had often warned, progress did not "roll in on wheels of inevitably." It came through intense political struggle, animated by moral-political conviction, and even claiming ultimate sacrifice-from Medgar Evers; Carol Denise
2016
continuity on the nature of South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy, with its "air of incompletion" (154). That may be. But as Makhulu herself shows so well, Crossroads' residents were able, even under apartheid, to make their own freedom. That is the importance of this book.
Families in society-The journal of contemporary social services, 2005
The author argues that moral values in U.S. politics predate the 2004 presidential election, animate contemporary public policy discussions among people with varying viewpoints within and across political and religious persuasions, and permeate broader issues of social justice and cultural correctness. Liberal institutions, based on moral principles shown to be consistent with J. Dewey's pragmatic philosophy, afford persons of faith protections and opportunities to engage in public debate and thereby shape legitimate policies thought to be in the public interest. On the whole, the author contends that governmental institutions in the United States are highly resilient, enabling coexistence of proponents of competing accounts of excellence (i.e., virtue and character) on terms of mutual respect. Finally, the author addresses how the present political climate might affect policy and clinical practice and what social workers should do about it.
2017
CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk provided by Carolina Digital Repository with changing political-cultural contexts, reshaping strategies for seeking inclusion. These identity shifts reflect a process of racialization of collective identity in which post-9/11 policies and discourses stigmatize Muslims, shaping contexts in which Muslims generate perceptions of social location analogous to African Americans. What results is a new strategic focus on coalition-building with people of color through strategies aimed at establishing common oppression. Through this volume, by examining how a single cultural structure is taken up by a landscape of social movements, I develop a new approach to understanding cultural processes in contentious politics. As groups strategically deploy collective memory in different ways, the proliferation of meanings of memory, over time, changes the collective memory itself and the way we collectively recall our shared history. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful to countless friends, family, colleagues, and mentors for their encouragement along this journey. I am indebted to my chair, Charlie Kurzman, who is an exemplar of outstanding mentorship, pushing, prodding, challenging me to strive for a higher standard of scholarship in lessons that will not soon be forgotten. Through his toughest critiques, Charlie reminds me that good research is always worth fighting for. I am also incredibly grateful to Andy Perrin for much time spent engaging my theoretical extrapolations, constructively debating me toward solid ground. Andy reminds me that enthusiasm (and kindness) are powerful intellectual stimulants. I am grateful to Chris Bail for all his very good advice and helpful critiques, grounded in necessarily pragmatic evaluations of context and audience. I will be reminded of the time Chris took to work with me when I am a time-starved junior faculty member, and I will pay it forward. Many thanks to Andy Andrews and Neal Caren for their invaluable feedback and guidance as well. Their methodical, thoughtful research continues to inspire this aspiring social movement scholar. I am thankful to all the faculty in the UNC Sociology Department for comments, advice, and encouragement, in all their forms. Of course, dissertations are made of much more than blood, sweat, tears, and faculty members. To my colleagues, the kind, brilliant, and inspiring folks who make up so many fond memories of Chapel Hill and Hamilton Hall: thank you, thank you, thank you. I will eagerly await our annual reunions at ASA. Particular thanks to my colleagues in Camp Charlie, the UNC Race Workshop, and the 2011 Cohort (the best one yet, with inter-rater reliability). Beyond vi North Carolina, I am grateful for the continued mentorship of Tamara Mose and Carolina Bank-Muñoz, as well as my former Brooklyn College community (particularly Kim and Jennifer). The academic journey is, perhaps, uniquely challenging in its continuity, without clear parameters on time, with ongoing projects that are never quite "done." These challenges can be felt most acutely by friends and family who must share their loved one with a demanding document, and I am so grateful to mine for the depths of their support and understanding. To my partner, Josh: your steadfast confidence in me and your wholehearted acceptance of whatever possible outcome have carried me through. I could not have asked for a better partner. To my son, JJ: you have turned our world upside-down (one of your favorite ways to look at the world, coincidentally). Seeing the world through your beautiful eyes reminds me of the power of sociology, exposing the lenses through which we understand and relate to one another. And your lens is so bright, so hopeful! To my sister: always a cheerleader, an encouraging text away, inspiring me with your grit and determination. I could not have done this without your positive energy. I am also grateful to my pseudo-brother Brad, my incredible family of in-laws (Ferrells, Marins, Groggs, et al.), and dear friends (Po4+, N9) for their grounding love. Finally, to my parents who taught me to open my eyes a little wider, to listen a little closer, to dig a little deeper: I keep asking questions because of you. You have taught me that there is power in struggle, power in humanity. This work is dedicated to you. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES………………………………………………………………………………..ix LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………………….x CHAPTER 1: Introduction………………………………………………………………………..1 for free market principles was not immediately resonant to the general public, and Beck knew it. Through a series of impassioned monologues, Beck strategized to establish the credibility of a Civil Rights Memory Strategy that linked the largely white, conservative Tea Party activists to the memory of the Civil Rights Movement. In this Civil Rights Memory Strategy, the Civil Rights Movement was a symbol of American individualism, colorblind meritocracy. Critics erupted in protest. Jon Stewart called the rally "I Have a Scheme," satirizing its strategic connection to the "I Have a Dream" speech. Robert Greenwald, an activist and film maker protesting the rally, generated a website and video titled "Glenn Beck is Not Martin Luther King Jr." with a petition receiving over 30,000 signatures. In the video, Greenwald juxtaposed "shock jock"-style sound bites from Beck with King's spiritual oratory in his "Dream" speech to discredit Beck's Civil Rights Memory Strategy. At video's end, a message read, "Don't let Beck distort Martin Luther King Jr.'s legacy. Sign your name to virtually stand with Dr. King's vision on August 28 th " (Greenwald 2010). Al Sharpton called Beck's event an "outright attempt to flip the imagery of Dr. King," (Sisk 2010). The day before the rally, Chris Matthews said on his show, Hardball With Chris Matthews: Can we imagine if King were physically here tomorrow…were he to reappear tomorrow on the very steps of the Lincoln Memorial? I have a nightmare that one day a right wing talk show host will come to this spot, his people's lips dripping with the words interposition and nullification. Little right wing boys and little right wing girls joining hands and singing their praise for Glenn Beck and Sarah Palin. I have a nightmare. On August 28 th , Beck stood, like King, on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial, and gave an impassioned speech that had "everything to do with God…turning our faith back to the values and the principles that made us great." Through a bricolage of religious imagery and historical invocation, from Moses to Lincoln to King, Jr., from the Civil War to World Wars I and II to
Ethics, 2001
Thomas Sowell, prolific' and provocative author, and senior fellow of the Hoover Institute at Stanford University, has again raised many important and disturbing questions in his most recent book, Civil Rights: Rhetoric Or Reality? Controversy is certain to surround this book; it will not be met with academic nonchalance. Professor Sowell's observations are always incisive, and his works on issues of race, politics, and economics are greeted with acclaim by his admirers and denounced by his critics. There has been regrettably little balanced middle ground in response to his scholarship. Professor Sowell often seems to deliberately exaggerate his points in order to make them with more force, although perhaps thus with less theoretical cogency. Detractors wax apoplectic, and devotees naively accept his work at face value. Either reaction is an unwarranted extreme. Sowell takes pains to predict the former response to Civil Rights: Rhetoric Or Reality? Many contemporary civil rights issues are permeated with rhetoric on all sides. Perhaps it is impossible and ultimately undesirable to advocate an intellectually abstract, purist position on any significant civil rights issue. Civil rights have historically been forged in the furnace of pragmatic politics and economics. In turn, each of these is composed in large measure of rhetoric and manipulation, and are susceptible to obfuscation by special interests and control
Springer International Publishing eBooks, 2022
This chapter presents three interviews with three influential voices in the field of social movement and civil society studies, namely, those of Doug McAdam, Jeffrey Alexander, and Nina Eliasoph. They all share their perspectives on social movements' role in society's moral development, the role of morality internally in social movements, and the role of morality for social science as a practice. In addition, they each discuss the moral foundations and implications of three global contentious struggles: Doug McAdam discusses the background and implications of the 2021 riot at Capitol Hill as related to a global right-wing backlash protest cycle. Jeffrey Alexander discusses the cultural and moral significance of the #MeeToo movement and how it demonstrates the potentials of a global civil sphere. Finally, Nina Eliasoph discusses how the climate crisis presents itself as unimaginable in the sense that it will change everyone's way of life so profoundly that we cannot imagine what the future may be like and suggests that prefigurative communities is one way activists can approach such a political issue.
Perspectives on Politics, 2005
2019
Three demons bedevil American society today. The fi rst is obvious: We suffer levels of economic inequality not witnessed in the hundred years since the Gilded Age, with stagnant or falling wages for the large majority of American families. The second is often misdiagnosed: Political pundits decry the polarization within national political discourse and institutions, but the real problem is not generic "polarization." In the context of such high economic inequality, polarization is to be expected, for its absence would simply represent acquiescence to stagnant wages and the resultant decline in the quality of family life. Rather, the real problem results from strategic polarization from above, that is, from the manipulation of political sentiment and democratic institutions to produce paralysis within national democratic institutions. 1 Thus the second demon is policy paralysis: our national political institutions' inability to foster any shared prosperity or good society in the American future-their failure, in the context of strategic polarization from above, to effectively address a broad variety of crucial realities undermining a shared American future. Those issues include economic inequality and stagnant family wages, the underclass status of a large immigrant sector, the ballooning national debt, the corrosive infl uence of unregulated money on elections, and the unsustainable rise of health care costs despite recent policy reforms. Closely bound up with the fi rst two demons is the recrudescence of a third demon that has forever bedeviled American society: 2 racial inequity, the ways that racial and ethnic minorities-the emerging majority of American society in the near future-disproportionately suffer the consequences of economic inequality and policy paralysis. Indeed, minorities in general and African Americans in particular too often stand at the whipping post some politicians and political commentators use to fl og the issues that Copyright © ${Date}.
This essay argues that black Americans writing from outside or at the margins of the democratic polity shed important light on the nature of human dignity and on the emotion that offers - to oneself and to others - the surest proof of such dignity: indignation. This essay draws on oralhistories of Jim Crow and the Civil Rights movement, as well as work by James Weldon Johnson, Pauli Murray, J ames Baldwin, Frederick Douglass, and J.W.C. Pennington, to develop two four major insights -- among them the paradox that while dignity refers to an "inherent" quality woven into one's personhood, it is a contingent phenomenon insofar as it is also vulnerable to social denial and in need of social affirmation and political protection.
Social Science Journal, 2018
This commentary focuses on the connection between Etzioni's moral dialogues conception and the concepts of social capital, civil society and the ultimate outcome to be anticipated from the election of Donald Trump in 2016. The optimist view that a progressive social movement is in the making is called somewhat into question given the well documented decline in the very institutions and trust-based norms essential for the moral dialogues in question to transpire.
Perspectives on Politics, 2010
African American poet Langston Hughes wrote “Let America Be America Again” amid the severe economic anxiety, racial tensions, and nationalist fervor of 1930s, and his refrain continues to resonate in today’s calls to “Make America Great Again.” But Hughes’s claim that “(America never was America to me)” invites us to reflect more closely on what exactly “America” is and what it means to be an “American” in the early twenty-first century. Is “America” a land that belongs to certain religious, racial, or ethnic groups? Does being an “American” imply a particular set of ideological commitments or life aspirations? To what extent does being “American” mean performing a certain set of gender roles and identities? What, in short, makes America “America” and a person in America an “American”? This speaking-intensive course explores how rather than serving as a common starting point for American political life, the concepts of “America” and “American” have themselves always been sites of intense political debate and contestation. American Political Thought reflects an ongoing struggle over the meaning of and relationship between liberalism, democracy, race, gender, class, pluralism, violence, and law in what is now the United States. Participants in this struggle have included politicians, scholars, activists, enslaved persons, warriors, spouses, poets, and businesspeople, and their perspectives have shaped a diverse array of concepts of “America” and “American” that we continue to draw on and contribute to today. The course proceeds in three units. The first unit, “America at the Founding,” examines the principles, concepts, and debates that shaped the American system of federal government in the 17th and 18th centuries. The second unit, “Democratizing America?” investigates various 19th century conflicts over democratic citizenship in light of the country’s history of slavery, Native American genocide, and the exclusion of women from public life. The third unit, “20th (and some 21st) Century Questions, Debates, Traditions,” considers some of the most dynamic and influential American political movements of the last century: pragmatism, feminism, black political thought, neoliberalism, neoconservatism, and democratic socialism.
Democracy schools HBCU conference, 2023
This essay, prepared as background for a talk at the "Democracy schools" conference of Historically Black Colleges and Universities in Austin, Texas on Mary 31-April 1, 2023, argues that the Black Freedom Movement -- especially the unknown story of thousands of Rosenwald schools and libraries and the network of black teachers who organized communities to build them - has many lessons in nonviolent politics for today. Here I take up lessons from this history, focusing especially on the little-known movement of Rosenwald schools and libraries created by thousands of black communities a century ago in the midst of segregation, closely connected to HBCUs. I argue that they were practical expressions of constructive nonviolence as a different kind of politics, long before such these practices became named as nonviolence through the brilliant oratory and writings of King and others. I conclude by proposing that we need nonviolent politics and constructive nonviolence today.
The Urban Review, 1991
As a former president of a teacher's union and as a political/educational activist, there is no doubt in my mind that I would have supported most of the changes in the education of administrators that the authors of "Preparing School Administrators for Democratic Authority" describe. I have all too many vivid memories of discussions with principals and "the central office" that ultimately were reduced to the infamous accountant's bottom line or to "authority," not to what was ethically justifiable, socially critical, or even educationally wise. In fact, it is not an unimportant fact in my own intellectual and political development that I spent many years of my life as a teacher in a decaying old industrial city largely teaching children of color whose condition of extreme poverty was even then hard to imagine. These conditions have got worse; so bad, in fact, are they that they place under severe threat the very claim that this society is democratic at anything other than the level of rhetoric. Let me begin my comments here with an all too brief assessment of the current situation, since a positive response to Quantz, Cambron-McCabe, and Dantley's arguments is dependent on one's understanding of the social conditions impacting on schools. What is happening in American society that should give us reason for serious concern? There is a crisis in education and the larger society. Seen from below, it is evidenced in the increase in poverty, in the defunding of the educational and social programs that took many years to win and that are still crucially necessary, in the attempts by rightist groups to impose their beliefs upon others, and in the widespread deskilling of jobs as industries engage in capital flight by moving their plants to other nations, thereby destroying whole corn
The Humanist
In which I interview Rebecca Newberger Goldstein about her book Plato at the Googleplex. (The interview appears in the September/October issue of The Humanist magazine.)
Queen’s Quarterly, Vol. 114/2 (2007), pp. 187-205.
Philosophy of Education Archive, 2003
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