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How might the British parliamentary system thwart the pursuit of personalized constituency strategies? Perhaps M.P.'s do not think that constituency activities make much difference. Donald Stokes (1975), after decomposing the variance of the party votes in Great Britain and the U. S., argues that the local component is.less important in Great Britain than the national one and smaller in magnitude than the local component in America. But then again, Stokes does find a measurable local component, so perhaps the explanation is that M.P.'s are not sufficiently strategic to take advantage of it. An example of this view is P.G. Richards' comment about M.P.'s and constituency work: "There is political benefit to be gained from 'being a good constituency man', but it is quite wrong to suggest that members bestir themselves to deal with problems of electors out of a shrewd calculation of advantage ." (1964, p. 169) M.P.'s it seems, are above scrounging for votes. Similarly, Rose and Kavanagh (1972, p. 27) inform us that "The lack of consistent and compulsive concern with winning elections also implies that it is unrealistic to expect elected officials to make policy decisions in accord with the changing whims of voters, or changing figures in opinion polls." So, perhaps the British system works differently from the American because its members are motivated by nobler goals than electoral ones. Perhaps. A second reason M.P.'s might not actively pursue personal constituency strategies is that such activities are precluded by the resource constraints members face. Without the staff, research facilities, and the independent power base of committees, M.P.'s
American Political Science Review, 1984
Under the guise of the “incumbency advantage,” American research of the past decade has devoted heavy emphasis to what may be termed the “personal vote” in congressional elections. Is this phenomenon purely American, or is it susceptible to comparative treatment? This article contrasts the personal vote in the 1980 U.S. House elections with that in the 1979 British general election. The analysis utilizes data from surveys conducted by the Center for Political Studies and British Gallup in combination with interviews of congressional administrative assistants (AAs) and British MPs and party agents whose constituencies fall in the sampling frames of the mass surveys. The analysis finds an incumbency advantage or personal vote in Britain which is much weaker than that in the United States but of somewhat greater importance than is commonly believed. As in the United States, constituency service appears to be an important component of the personal vote.
Journal of Policy Analysis and Management, 1989
Representation, 2020
In most democratic countries, elected officials must balance the interests of their constituents against the interests of the broader electorate. One factor that is thought to affect this balance is the nature of the political offices that politicians occupy. Is this assumption true? We investigate the effect of one’s elected position on the likelihood of raising local issues in legislative assemblies by examining the Nunatsiavut Assembly, the legislative body of the Nunatsiavut Government in Labrador, Canada. The Assembly is unique because of the diverse range of elected positions that comprise it, which vary significantly in terms of the kinds of representational incentives that they impose upon their office holders. We assess the effect of these different positions on the likelihood of raising local issues by analyzing 48 Nunatsiavut Hansards using computer-assisted dictionary analysis. We also draw upon six elite interviews with current members. On balance, the evidence suggests that one’s position does affect the likelihood of raising local issues in legislative assemblies.
This paper sets out to show whether constituency campaign effects exist, particularly in the context of a preferential electoral system such as Aus-tralia's. Data from the 1993 Australian Election Study suggest that, despite the best efforts of the candidates, local campaigning has a very limited impact on the vote. The paper considers a range of possible explanations for this limited impact: displacement, MPs' perceptions of their role, sources of campaign information, the importance of party labels in Aus-tralia, party discipline. It concludes with an explanation for the apparent paradox of why candidates bother campaigning when it does not make a difference to their vote.
Political Representation in France and Germany, 2018
The Role of PaRTy foR DisTRicT WoRk District work is a complex phenomenon, and there is little room for "the folly of the unitary constituency" (Miler 2010, 16) in deputies' as well as scholars' minds. As pivotal institutions for modern representative democracy, political parties play a crucial role in this respect, too. A special subset of MPs' work on the ground is, therefore, related to their party. Using Fenno's terms, the local party branch can be labeled their "primary constituency", i.e., his or her "strongest supporters" (Fenno 1977, 887). This holds true for a multitude of reasons. First, the local party branch is particularly important as it can have a say in the selection process.
Parliamentary Affairs, 2017
Most previous research examining selection to committees assumes constituency pressuresleading representatives to seek committee assignments dealing with their constituents' particularistic interests that improve their re-election prospects-are incompatible with disciplined parties, which may prevent such personal vote-seeking behaviour in order to preserve the party's brand. In contrast, we argue parties will support committee assignments promoting members' re-election chances because parties benefit from their members' reelection. Analysing two legislatures with highly disciplined parties and electoral systems encouraging personal vote-seeking-the Northern Ireland Assembly and Dáil Éireann-our analysis suggests constituency pressures increase the chances of selection to committees enhancing members' re-election prospects.
Party Politics, 2003
Constituency (local) campaigning in British general elections has been transformed over the last ten years or so. Firstly, national party headquarters have taken an increasingly large role in planning and managing constituency campaigns. Although the pace of change has varied across the major parties, all are heading down the same road. Secondly, campaigning on the ground has also changed. Technological and other changes have led to a decline in the use of traditional campaign techniques and increased use of new methods, especially in 'key' seats. These developments are charted using data derived from a unique set of nationwide surveys of election agents at the last three general elections. Finally, the paper returns (briefly) to the debate about the electoral effects of constituency campaigning, presenting data relating to its impact in each of the three elections concerned.
1991
Numerous scholars have documented a dramatic increase in incumbency advantage in US congressional elections and also state legislative elections over the past four decades. 1 For example, Gelman and King show that incumbents in the House of Representatives now receive about twelve extra percentage points solely as a result of holding congressional office during the campaign; 2 the comparable figure for most of the first half of this century was only 2 per cent.
Electoral Studies, 1997
Johnston and Pattie have consistently argued that constituency campaigning in British general elections has beneficial effects on the performance of challenging parties but not on that of incumbent parties. It is difficult to explain why this should be so, however, and a more satisfactory formulation is that the impact of campaigning will vary according to the pre-existing electoral strength of a party in a constituency. This was the case in the 1992 general election, but the picture is complicated by the fact that the campaigns of the different parties had differential impacts. Furthermore, the differences between the parties in terms of campaign effect appear to be more important than differences arising from previous electoral strength. This suggests that further research in the area should take account of the receptiveness of different kinds of voters to the campaigning efforts of the parties.
Political Behavior, 1980
This paper examines two aspects of congressional representation: the responsiveness of House candidates to constituency opinion and the effect of candidate positions on "House election outcomes. For both Democratic-and Republican-held seats, constituency liberalism (as measured by the constituency's vote for McGovern in 1972) is strongly related to the liberalism of incumbent candidates but less so to the liberalism of challengers. House election outcomes are visibly influenced by the positions of incumbent candidates hut not those of nonineumhent candidates. The paper argues that elections contribute significantly to achieving congressional representation. Candidate positions are measured from a 1974 CBS survey of all major House candidates.
1980
Representation, 2018
In the Introduction to this symposium, we posed three inter-related questions. First, what do Nordic parliamentarians do to serve the needs and represent the interests of their constituents? Second...
Public Opinion Quarterly, 1984
, J. S. Mill, and others have expressed varying views on how a legislator ought to represent his constituency. Theorists have also offered different ideas about how legislators actually behave. Some, including Downsian theorists working with an "economic theory of democracy," expect representatives to act exactly in accord with the policy preferences of their constituents (first section of Downs, 1957). Others argue that legislators are largely free of popular control and are influenced instead by interest groups' wishes, party loyalties, peer pressures, or their own judgments. The pioneering Miller and Stokes study of 1958 made possible for the first time a systematic empirical examination of linkages between sampled public opinion and roll call voting in Congress (Miller and Stokes, Abstract Using congressional districts as primary sampling units, the 1978 National Election Survey provides improved (though still imperfect) measures of district opinion. Together with Census data on district demography, roll call voting scales, and information on congressmen's party and personal characteristics, they permit a new examination of representation in Congress. Using these data we found a high degree of representation of district opinion on social welfare and (surprisingly) on women's issues, nearly as much on racial issues, and much less on law and order or on abortion. District demography and congressmen's party add substantially to the explanation of roll call votes. There is not, however, much "responsible party" representation in Congress. Future representation studies must face questions about the complex interplay among these factors, including reciprocal influences. Benjamin I.
2006
each of whom was kind enough to share with us some of their knowledge of Parliament and Question Period.
Human Resource Management International Digest 23 (5): 12-15, 2015
Purpose – Argues that the British House of Commons is acutely unrepresentative of the population that it serves. A range of party leadership interventions that have sought to increase the possibilities for women and those from minority groups to become MPs are evaluated, but regulating in this way is found to have largely failed. Alternative policy solutions are proposed that seek to increase the “supply” of candidates from such backgrounds. Design/methodology/approach – Conducts document analysis of political parties’ equality and diversity policies and assesses their impact upon their proportion of MPs or parliamentary candidates from minority backgrounds is assessed. Findings – Argues that the real problem lies in the lack of engagement in the political process and a shortage of candidates from such backgrounds putting themselves forward for nomination in the first place. Thus authentic parliamentary diversity cannot be created through enforcement but needs to be fostered organically through supportive longer-term measures alongside electoral reform. Practical implications – Advances the view that greater diversity is required for parliamentary legitimacy but top-down interventions have been counter-productive; barely improving the proportion of MPs from minority backgrounds and actually presenting threats to party autonomy and quality of democracy. Social implications – Shows how structural problems complicate the ease with which women and those from working-class, ethnic minority and disability backgrounds can engage with the political process and then successfully become parliamentary candidates. Reforming the political culture and targeted policies aimed at reversing the barriers to entry may create a more level playing field by encouraging them to stand. Originality/value – Offers a timely case study of the neglected and longstanding lack of representation in Parliament that is uniquely interrogated from an HRM perspective.
Journal of Politics, 2015
In this essay, I challenge the conceptual and normative arguments of Andrew Rehfeld's The Concept of Constituency. I argue that Rehfeld conflates two distinct concepts of constituency as a result of errors in his normative argument for random, permanent constituencies. In response, I carefully distinguish the two concepts of objective constituency (the grouping of citizens into geographic or other electoral rolls through parametric action) and subjective constituency (the formation of cohesive voting blocs to elect a representative through strategic and communicative action between constituents and candidates). Distinguishing between objective and subjective constituency allows me to identify the shortcomings in the normative analyses of democratic constituencies proffered by Lisa Disch and Thomas Pogge. I then propose the use of random, permanent constituencies, each of which elects five representatives through the single transferable vote. This facilitates the representation of racial and ethnic minorities, while encouraging constituency deliberation aimed at the national interest.
The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 2006
Despite their central role in the electoral process, constituency agents have been largely overlooked by political scientists and this article seeks to rectify the omission. It sketches the origins and development of the role of agent from the late nineteenth century and suggests that a serious re-think of the role took place in the 1990s. Survey-based evidence about the social characteristics of agents is presented confirming that they are largely middle-aged, middle-class, welleducated men. They are also becoming more experienced, offer realistic assessments of the impact of constituency campaigning and, arguably, many take a long-term view of how their party's support can be maximised.
The paper analyses the positional congruence between pre-election statements in the Swiss voting assistance application "smartvote" and post-election behaviour in the Swiss lower house between 2003 and 2009. For this purpose, we selected 34 smartvote questions which subsequently came up in parliament. Unlike previous studies which assessed the program-to-policy linkage of governments or party groups the paper examines the question at the level of individual MPs which seems appropriate for political systems which follow the idea of power dispersion. While the average rate of political congruence is at some 85 percent, a multivariate analysis detects the underlying factors which push or curb a candidate's propensity to change his or her mind once elections are over. The results show that positional changes are more likely if (1) MPs are freshmen, (2) individual voting behaviour is invisible to the public, (3) the vote is not about a party's core issue, (4) the MP b...
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