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2014, International Review of Law and Economics
Class action lawyers do not merely represent clients, they also make law, an observation explored by Kobayashi and Ribstein in "Class Action Lawyers as Lawmakers." Kobayashi and Ribstein observe that a class action lawyer's inability to internalize all the benefits of her innovation may lead to underinvestment in lawmaking, which they describe as a public good. But privileged groups may produce public goods, and where production of the good also enhances the probability that a supplier of the good will be compensated for her production, as may be the case in the selection of counsel in class action suits, there can even be overproduction. Moreover, if there is underinvestment in class action lawmaking, a more general, and potentially greater, cause is inherent in every contingent-fee lawyer-client relationship, namely that the lawyer bears the full cost of litigation but must share the benefits, if any, with the client.
SSRN Electronic Journal
Unlike ordinary litigation where courts rarely interfere with litigants' contractual relations with their lawyers or intervene in settlement decisions, in class actions courts are required to do both. We focus on one explanation for the court's presumed inability to secure just and fair treatment for class members, namely, the court's inferior information vis-a-vis the class attorney concerning the case's merit or probability of success. Using a mechanism design approach, we identify the maximum expected payoff that a class may obtain when the court cannot observe the case's merit. We demonstrate that when the court can observe the lawyer's effort (the number of hours she spent on the case), the optimal payoff can be realized using the lodestar method-a contingent hourly fee arrangement that is currently practiced in many class actions. When the court cannot observe the lawyer's effort, it can still guarantee the same (optimal) expected payment to the cla...
The restriction of the groups of claimants represented in three recent shareholder class actions — to those aggrieved shareholders who were also the clients of the law firm acting for the class representatives — and the judicial termination of these class proceedings as long as this restriction continued to be employed, both highlight the existence of a number of fundamental problems with the class action regimes that currently operate in the Federal Court of Australia and in the Supreme Court of Victoria. This article provides a critical analysis of this controversial phenomenon.
Columbia Law Review, 1986
Because this Article examines the plaintiff's attorney as an independent monitoring force, a brief review of the development of private enforcement is in order. The term "private attorney general" was coined byJudgeJerome Frank to refer to one who brought an action to "vindicate the public interest." Associated Indus., Inc. v. Ickes, 134 F.2d 694, 704, 705 (2d Cir.), vacated as moot, 320 U.S. 707 (1943). The professional plaintiff's attorney, however, appeared at least several decades earlier. The plaintiff's attorney was probably first able to function as a "bounty-hunter"-that is, as a profit-motivated entrepreneur who is relatively unconstrained by the interests of any specific client-in the context of derivative litigation. For a colorful account of Clarence Venner, the pioneer of the "strike suit" in the first decade of this century, seeJ. Livingston, The American Stockholder 55 (1958) (describing Venner as "a legal Robin Hood," but also noting that this "policeman.. . would sell his nightstick-at a price"). For a representative case, see Venner v. Great N. Ry., 209 U.S. 24 (1908). By the 1930s, the expression "strike suit" was already understood to mean a derivative action whose nuisance value gave it a settlement value independent of its merits. See Note, Extortionate Corporate Litigation: The Strike Suit, 34 Colum. L. Rev. 1308 (1934). The debate over the utility of derivative litigation continues today and shows no signs of abating. See American Law Institute, Principles of Corporate Governance: Analysis and Recommendations 3-14 (Discussion Draft No. 1 1985). The primary locus of "entrepreneurial" private enforcement, however, has shifted away from derivative litigation. During the 1950s and 1960s, skilled plaintiff's attorneys, such as Harold Kohn and David Berger, perfected the antitrust class action. See Bruck, Harold Kohn Against the World, Am. Law., Jan. 1982, at 28. Once again, critics were quick to describe this development as leading to "legalized blackmail." See Handler, The Shift from Substantive to Procedural Innovations in Antitrust Suits-The Twenty-Third Annual Antitrust Review, 71 Colum. L. Rev. 1, 9 (1971). During the 1970s, the recognition of implied causes of action, particularly under Rule lOb-5, resulted in a sudden increase in securities class actions. For a review of the state-of-the-art in this field, see Berton, Auditors' Nemesis: Class-Action Lawyer Beats the CPA Firms 669 COLUMBIA LAW REVIEW the private attorney general a reality in American law today, however, are not substantive but procedural-namely, those rules that establish the fee arrangements under which these plaintiff's attorneys are compensated. 2 Inevitably, these rules create an incentive structure that either encourages or chills private enforcement of law. Over the last decade, as criticism of private enforcement has mounted 3 and the caseload pressure on the federal judiciary has inten-At Their Own Game, Wall St. J., Dec. 4, 1985, at 1, col. I (describing Melvyn Weiss, probably the most successful plaintiff's attorney in the securities class action field). Most recently, there has been a similar explosion of activity in the "mass tort" field, particularly in toxic products class actions that raise complex issues of causation and scientific proof. Considerable publicity has attended litigation concerning Agent Orange, the Dalkon Shield, asbestos, Bendectin, Rely tampons, and, most recently, the Bhopal, India tragedy. For profiles of the "new breed" of plaintiff's attorneys who litigate these actions, see Wagner, The New Elite Plaintiffs' Bar, A.B.AJ., Feb. 1, 1986, at 44. A key characteristic of these attorneys appears to be their ability to make substantial cash investments in an action. For example, in the Agent Orange case, five plaintiff's attorneys each contributed a minimum of $250,000 to a common expense fund, and the plaintiff's management committee spent almost $2,000,000 in expenses over a ninemonth period in preparation for trial. Id. Investments and expenditures at such a level suggest the utility of an economic analysis. 2. Four such legal rules are critical to our current system of private enforcement and are largely unique to the American legal system. First and oldest is the "American rule," under which each side bears its own legal expenses. See Alyeska Pipeline Serv. Co. v. Wilderness Soc'y, 421 U.S. 240 (1975). Economic analysis suggests that the effect of this rule is to increase the incentive to bring an action that has a relatively low prospect of success at trial.
Choice Reviews Online, 2001
The mission of the RAND Institute for Civil Justice is to improve private and public decisionmaking on civil legal issues by supplying policymakers and the public with the results of objective, empirically based, analytic research. The ICJ facilitates change in the civil justice system by analyzing trends and outcomes, identifying and evaluating policy options, and bringing together representatives of different interests to debate alternative solutions to policy problems. The Institute builds on a long tradition of RAND research characterized by an interdisciplinary, empirical approach to public policy issues and rigorous standards of quality, objectivity, and independence. ICJ research is supported by pooled grants from corporations, trade and professional associations, and individuals; by government grants and contracts; and by private foundations. The Institute disseminates its work widely to the legal, business, and research communities, and to the general public. In accordance with RAND policy, all Institute research products are subject to peer review before publication. ICJ publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of the research sponsors or of the ICJ Board of Overseers.
European Journal of Law and Economics, 2011
This article analyzes class actions as a technology that groups may use in their rent-seeking activity, in addition to other rent-seeking methods such as legislative investment within the political market, when they seek to achieve favorable decisions from decision-makers-courts and legislators. It claims that groups may make their choice between various rent-seeking technologies according to their sensitivity to the problem of free riding. Therefore, it analyzes the effect of the legal instruments that facilitate class action lawsuits and collective litigation in most countries upon the rent-seeking strategies of groups, as compared to rentseeking through legislation.
European Journal of Law and Economics, 2011
More than four decades ago in The Logic of Collective Action, provided the evidence that in specific circumstances the uncoordinated action of individuals can be less efficient than coordinated action. He was essentially targeting public goods. Nonetheless, this attitude sometimes extends to different goods even though a large number of individuals have a common interest. The Olson contribution was therefore a meaningful explanation for the formation of groups and, as a by-product, for the emergence of specific institutions devoted to making coordination possible.
Akron L. Rev., 2011
Indiana Law Journal, 1987
The Class Action Effect/ L'effet de l'action collective, Catherine Piché (ed.), 2018
Class actions aim to bring economies of scale to bear on legal proceedings, by joining cases that have a common cause of action against a common defendant into a single lawsuit leading to a judgment or settlement that binds the entire class. Legal procedures, lawyer time, evidence by experts and court resources are thus all used once for all, rather than multiple times during individual lawsuits. Where individuals would not have brought suit because the damage they suffered is too small in relation to the minimal fixed cost of a lawsuit (small claims, but, in a different sense, also mass torts, where the evidentiary problems may be extraordinarily complex and costly), the class action may make it possible to impose on a wrongdoer the full weight of individually small harms inflicted on many persons, that would otherwise go unchallenged. From an economic point of view, this "internalisation" of costs, shoring up the deterrent effect of legal rules, is a desirable development. Where individual victims are facing a large enterprise that is a repeat player in similar matters, with an interest in fighting to prevent any adverse judgment, the class action may (somewhat) level the playing field. Even where the individual interest at stake is large enough to justify a lawsuit, resorting to a class action may still be worthwhile given the more ample resources that can be mobilised, considering the size of the class, to collect evidence and present the case in court. While the class action's potential deterrent effect and the economies of scale in legal proceedings are undisputed, the procedure generates its own transaction costs, in particular as regards the agency problem of supervising the class counsel handling the case, whose interests may diverge from those of the class members. Class actions also create a risk of litigation about trivia, which in ordinary proceedings is controlled by the de minimis judex non curat rule. Furthermore, the size of the class may cause difficulties in contacting some of the members and of distributing the sums collected, such that a leftover amount may have to be paid to an outside entity whose activities favour the class. As the class action makes its deterrent effect felt, it becomes apparent that it is an alternative to direct regulation of potentially wrongful behaviour. This raises the question of the comparative advantages and disadvantages of this procedure.
Law & Society Review, 1992
Using case studies and interviews with lawyers and representatives in class actions, this article explores the contribution that class actions make to their ostensible beneficiaries. The article first distinguishes the major types of class actions in terms of the roles of lawyers and class representatives, ranging from very passive representatives to individuals intensively involved with the dispute that gave rise to the litigation. The article next seeks to evaluate the class actions. On the basis of the results of the class actions, the article finds that class actions cannot be proclaimed major contributors to social change. The focus on results, however, is somewhat misleading. The class action plays a much more significant role through its impact on the parties as litigants and as individuals involved with a dispute. To understand this dimension, which has applications beyond the class action, the article suggests that the dispute transformation perspective should be modified to go beyond the metaphor of a dispute that changes form as it goes through different processes. Disputants in the class action can be thought of as an audience that interprets itself-and is empowered or disempowered-in part by what it learns from watching a legal dramatization of the dispute.
Indiana Law Journal, 1982
Indiana Law Journal, 1982
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2000
Access to judicial relief in these contexts therefore requires explicit legislative authorization of fee-shifting from a losing defendant to the lawyer. Id. 23. See Martha Pacold, Attorneys' Fees in Class Actions Governed by Fee Shifting Statutes, 68 U. CHI. L. REV. 1007, 1017-20 (2001) (discussing attorneys' fees in fee shifting class actions). 24. Common fund class actions accounted for about 75% of all class actions reported in judicial opinions, in the general media, and in the business press in 1995-96. HENSLER ET AL., supra note 3, at 52-53.
61 Southern California Law Review 353, 1988
Stephen Wasby quotes the Legal Defense Fund lawyers as saying, "'You don't win one-on-one cases and don't accomplish anything with them,' so the class action device was 'absolutely crucial.'" Wasby, The Multi-Faceted Elephant: Litigator Perspectives on Planned Litigation for Social Change, 15 CAP. U.L. REV. 143, 178 (1986). 4. The primary focus of the empirical study was the process of decisionmaking in class action suits. In particular, the study addressed the role of the lawyer and the named plaintiff(s) in the decision to file, the breadth of the definition of the class, the selection of the named plaintiff(s), decisions to settle, the scope of the legal issue, and the nature of the remedy sought. 5. We took the term "clusters"-meaning cases combined in one form or another for the purposes of pretrial proceedings and trial-from Banoff & Duval, The Class Action as a Mechanism for Enforcing the Federal Securities Laws: An Empirical Study of the Burdens Imposed, 31 WAYNE L. REV. 1, 39 (1984). The clusters comprised the following categories: employment discrimination-21 retirement benefits-1 securities regulation-5 mental health-1 social security-5 auto towing-I antitrust-4 other civil rights-I housing eviction and relocation-2 public employment-i jails and detention-2 Indian rights-] unemployment compensation-I
2001
Colum. L. Rev., 2000
In two recent and highly technical decisions-Amchem Products v. Windsor and Ortiz v. Fibreboard Corp.-the Supreme Court has recog-nized that a serious potential for collusion exists in class actions and has outlined a concept of "class cohesion" as the rationale that legitimizes ...
Law and Contemporary Problems, 2001
Civil Procedure Review, Vol. 2, N° 3 (Brasil) | Herald of Civil Process, N° 5 (Rusia), 2012
In the paper I discuss the prohibition imposed by the US Congress on the Legal Services Corporation regarding the use of class action suits to provide free legal assistance to the poor. I deal with the creation of the Legal Services Corporation in the US, the scope and advantages of class actionssuits (particularly in terms of access to justice), and the role this kind of procedure can play in a context of a deep economic crisis that have deepened the gap in access to the civil justice system. I argue that the aforementioned prohibition to use class actions is unreasonable per se, and that this character is even more remarkable during the current post economic crisis scenario. Therefore, I suggest that the prohibition should be eliminated as soon as possible if there is a real interest in providing free legal services to the poor
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