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2000, The Journal of Asian Studies
A great deal of confusion exists on how to discuss, and theoretically characterize, political developments in India during the last decade and a half. There is, of course, a consensus that the Congress party, a towering political colossus between 1920 and 1989, has unambiguously declined. While there are legitimate doubts about whether the decline of the Congress party will continue to be irreversible, it is clear that much of the political space already vacated by the Congress has so far been filled by three different sets of political forces. The first force, Hindu nationalism, has attracted a great deal of scholarly attention (Basu 1997; Hansen and Jaffrelot 1998; Jaffrelot 1993; Varshney 1993). The second force, regionalism, has also spawned considerable research of late (Baruah 1999; Singh forthcoming; Subramanian 1999). A third force, not so extensively analyzed, covers an array of political parties and organizations that encompass groups normally classified under the umbrella...
India's Democracies, 2016
International Journal of Arts Humanities and Social Sciences Studies, 2023
The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) won a clear majority in 2014 general election, and Narendra Modi became the prime minister of India. He brought a new chapter in Indian politics by introducing several new policies and reforms that drastically changed the country's democratic system. BJP's rise to power has prompted hopes for economic development and political reforms, however it also brought about worries of the possible erosion of secularism and the stifling of dissent. This article aims to examine the evolution of India's democratic terrain since the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power in 2014. The article highlights the major social, economic and political evolution that occurred in India after 2014. It also examines the impact of these changes on India's democratic institutions and indicates the ways to preserve a dynamic and inclusive democratic India for the foreseeable future.
Vol.4, No. 1, pp. 1-7, 2016
The party political domain of India is replete with a large number of parties representing the tapestry of Indian society. Many of them are based in specific regions and states, built around social and linguistic identities. While this enhanced the representative character of the parties, it also contributed to varied patterns of political competition and unstable governments. The two major national parties – the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party-becoming coalitionable heralded an era of coalition governments both at the Centre and states, enabling parties to increase their power and their pay-offs. Parties across the political spectrum have tended to converge on macroeconomic policy, but continue to diverge on social policies and larger issues that confront India, such as nation building and secularism. Chronic lack of internal democracy coupled with the rise of political corruption and clientelist practices are matters of serious concern. A broader view of governance, resisting temptations to concentrate power and pursue personal enrichment, would enable parties to deliver policies for a better, more just society. We may deprecate India's political parties, the way they function and the means party leaders adopt to maximize electoral support. We may blame them for the ills we see in Indian society and political practice. Such an attitude is not unjustified. Yet we cannot ignore the role parties have played in bringing about a massive democratic political transformation over the past six decades since independence. This transformation was by no means inevitable: most former colonies went through periods of political instability, military coups and authoritarian regimes, but India has moved towards legally-based democratization. The mediating role political parties have played in bringing about this democratic transformation in a relatively peaceful manner, in a short span of time and under conditions considered not very conducive to democratic development, cannot be underestimated. They have assisted in the consolidation and expansion of democracy, popularized the notions of equality, social justice and freedom, and opened doors for inclusion, voice and empowerment of the weaker sections of society. Superficially political parties may appear to divide people, but parties also attenuate conflict, and show the way for people to come together. Thus, the party domain in India is full of intense struggle over contentious social and policy issues and also the space in which compromise and consensus are hammered out. What is required, therefore, is a critical and balanced assessment of parties that takes into account their strengths and achievements as well their weaknesses and failings in furthering democracy and governance.
Environment And Planning D: Society And Space, 2004
Indian elections: mandate against religious nationalism and neoliberal reform In what was an entirely unanticipated outcome of the recent general elections in India, the Indian National Congress (INC) and its allies defeated the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led government. The verdict that left the world stunned was not predicted by even one newspaper, exit poll, or psephologist. Even as the final phase of polling came to a close on 11 May the Times of India front-page headline read``NDA [the BJP-led coalition] ahead but short of the 272: exit polls''. The historic verdict is an indictment of BJP's politics of religious nationalism and neoliberal policies of economic reform that predominantly benefited the wealthy. Forming the United Progressive Alliance, the INC and its allies won 216 seats in the 543-member Lok Sabha (house of the people) whereas the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) got a combined 186 seats. Despite securing the most seats, the INC and its allies were still short of a majority. In order to form the government a party needs to demonstrate the support of at least 272 seats or half the total number of seats in the Lok Sabha. In support of the INC forming the government at the centre, political parties allied with the Communist Party of India (Marxist) added their 61 seats to the United Progressive Alliance, bringing their total up to 278. By the afternoon of 13 May, as the unanticipated results of a complicated and mammoth elections process began to unfold, Sonia Gandhi, an Italian-born woman, was to become India's next prime minister. Sonia Gandhi's foreign origin was a source of often vitriolic criticism by the BJP during and after the elections. However, as the Indian constitution does not restrict the position of prime minister to only those who are`natural-born' citizens, the BJP used the discourse of foreign rule among the electorate only 57 years removed from British colonialism, hoping to evoke sentiments of foreign oppression. The foreign-origin issue led to an interesting public debate on who is Indian versus foreign. In response, Sonia Gandhi's`Indianness' was justified by her stay of over 20 years in the country, married into the Nehru-Gandhi family whose involvement in Indian politics dates back to Independence. Additionally, the fact that she and her party were elected by a popular mandate does indicate that her foreign origin was not an issue of contention among the voters. Six days after she was elected, however, Sonia Gandhi declined the post of prime minister and suggested Manmohan Singh in her stead. The drama of the Indian elections represents a complicated verdict involving multiple parties and reflecting differing regional and national affiliations. In examining the election results at multiple scales (constituencies within cities, within states, and at the national level), what emerges is a clear mandate against the sectarian politics of the BJP and against the neoliberal policies of reform. If we understand the mandate at these different scales, there emerges a particular spatial arrangement to the defeat of the BJP. At the national level, BJP and its allies lost in the northern part of the country and in the south. It is only the central states that voted the BJP in. Of the 162 seats in the central states the BJP won 90 and its allies won 23, making a total of 113 seats, almost a two-thirds majority. The central states are Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, and Orissa (Raghuraman, 2004). These central states have historically been a BJP stronghold. At the state level the defeat of key BJP allies in the south significantly contributed to its overall loss. Moreover, the verdict in these Guest editorial
2015
Seminar on Development Studies, University of …, 2002
It might likewise be discovered that a few gatherings lost their particular independence by sinking themselves into the overlap of the decision gathering or gatherings, or they joyfully acknowledged the situation of acting like a subordinate of the immense party for no other explanation than to share the profits of intensity shed by the single overwhelming association of the country. This reality of the Indian stasiological framework contributes particularly to the pluralisation of the character of the overwhelming party. Three is majority inside the overwhelming party which makes it more delegate, gives adaptability and sustains inward rivalry. In the meantime, it is set up to assimilate gatherings and movements from outside the gathering and keep different gatherings from picking up quality
2000
In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.
South Asia-journal of South Asian Studies, 2009
The Round Table, 2001
India's 1998 general elections produced a hung parliament in which the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was the largest party. The government was a minority administration in which a number of individual parties were in a pivotal position. After a confidence vote a year ...
The Journal of Legislative Studies, 2010
Political Studies, 2010
This article examines the effect that the decoupling of state and national elections has had on voter turnout in India's national parliamentary polls since 1971. According to conventional wisdom in the comparative literature on electoral turnout, separate elections to multiple levels and/or branches of government should depress turnout relative to co-temporal polls, ceteris paribus. The evidence from Indian elections provides strong confirmation for this hypothesis. This suggests that political decentralization through separate national and local elections may actually weaken citizens' incentives to participate in the democratic electoral process.
Journal of Asian and African Studies, 2009
... A S ... It figured in the election speeches of Rahul Gandhi and the local leadership ... critical support for the reforms from the 'great Indian middle class' (Varma, 2000), which is arguably the largest in the world, numbering somewhere between 100 and 250 million (Sridharan, 2004) to ...
Asian Ethnicity
Contributions to Indian Sociology, 2005
... This in-cludes work documenting caste discrimination in school textbooks (Kumar 1989), bullying and exclusion by teachers or peers (see Drèze and Gazdar 1996), and biases built into the iconography of educational institutions (Jeffery et al. 2003). ...
The Journal of Asian Studies, 2008
... 2001, Uttar Pradesh had the lowest ratio of per capita tax revenue to per capita income of all states in India (Shankar 2001 ... government bureaucracies and access to state largesse in the 1990s and 2000s, particularly during the period in which Mulayam Singh Yadav, a member ...
Review of International Political Economy, 2013
ABSTRACT This paper makes the case for a `tipping point' model for understanding economic change in India. This gradual and largely endogenously driven path calls for the simultaneous consideration of ideas and politics. Exogenous shocks affected economic policy, but did not determine the course of economic history in India. India's developmental model evolved out of new ideas Indian technocrats developed based on events they observed in India and other parts of the world. A historical case for the `tipping point' model is made by comparing two severe balance of payments crises India faced in 1966 and 1991. In 1966, when the weight of ideas and politics in India favored state-led import substitution, Washington could not coerce New Delhi to accept deregulation and globalization. In 1991, on the other hand, when Indian technocrats' ideas favoured deregulation and globalization, the executive--technocratic team engineered a silent revolution in the policy paradigm. New Delhi engaged constructively with Washington, making a virtue of the necessity of IMF conditions, and implemented a home-grown reform program that laid the foundations for rapid economic growth in world's most populous and tumultuous democracy.
Journal of Asian and African Studies, 2014
The paper addresses two basic questions in the globalization literature: (1) is globalization a threat or an opportunity? And (2) how far does market deepening actually encourage genuine substantive democracy in the world? Many scholars have argued that globalization has resulted in increasing inequality and marginalization of the poor, which is not conducive for democracy. Drawing on the case of India, this paper, however, argues that the rolling back of the welfare state and the demise of developmentalism led to the mobilization of the masses against the elitist and exploitative agenda of globalization. As a result, a counter-hegemonic vibrant civil society has emerged, which challenges the hegemony of the elites and channels the empowerment agenda of the subaltern groups. This new politics of the subaltern is grounded on the idea of social justice and citizenship rights, which is redefining the nature of the Indian state and democracy.
Journal of Social and Political Psychology, 2014
This paper extends the social dominance perspective to the Indian context by examining the role of belief in Karma (sanchita) in the justification of the Indian caste system. Using social dominance theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999) and the dual process model (Duckitt, 2001) as guiding theoretical frameworks, we tested four related hypotheses within a sample of 385 Indian university students. In particular we expected that social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) would both make relatively strong and independent contributions to participants' endorsement of Karma (H1), as well as their support for antiegalitarian social policies and conventions (H2). We also predicted that endorsement of Karma, itself, would be strongly related to support for these policies, net of the influence of SDO, RWA, as well as generalized prejudice (H3). Finally, and consistent with the notion that Karma functions as a legitimizing ideology, we hypothesized that it would at least partially mediate, net of generalized prejudice, the relationships between SDO and RWA, on the one hand, and antiegalitarian and conventional social policies, on the other (H4). Results of latent variable structural equation modeling provided support for all four hypotheses. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.
Asian Journal of Political Science, 2010
... View all references:54). In the past decade events such as the collapse of Somalia, the Rwandan genocide, endemic civil war in Sudan and brutal internal conflicts in the Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Côte d'Ivoire have given added urgency to the scholarly search for the ...
Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science, 2010
This volume is one of the results of a collaborative project that started in 2003 between a small group of historians working on the history of science in ancient and early modern Asia and sharing a common interest in the issues of the historiography of science. This project began as a collective reflection on the question of the unequal treatment written documents had undergone in the historiography of science in Asia. The financial support provided by the French Ministry of Research (ACI Jeunes Chercheurs: ''Corpus de textes scientifiques: Histoires et perspectives the´oriques'') allowed us to transform our former questions about sources into a more constructed problematics and to widen the contexts in which this problematics could be raised by inviting researchers from different continents. A REHSEIS seminar-Histoire des sciences en Asie (history of Science in Asia)-and two international workshops provided the framework of these debates. The first workshop was held in 2005 and focused on the issue of collections-''Bibliothe`ques, encyclope´dies, muse´es, archives: la constitution des collections qui ont fourni ses sources a`l'histoire des sciences'' (Libraries, encyclopedias, museums, archives: the shaping of the collections that provided the sources for the history of science). The second was held in September 2006 and provided the opportunity to determine the organization and the content of this book. This volume owes its success to different people to whom I would like to express my gratitude. Following the chronological order of the genealogy of this book, my thanks first go to my closest colleagues of REHSEIS, Andre´a Bre´ard, Karine Chemla, Catherine Jami, Agathe Keller, and Christine Proust, who constantly supported this project, generously gave me the benefit of their extensive international network and accepted to help me in the editorial work of the book; my thanks then go to all the contributors of this volume, Andre´a
Growth of the Medical Tourism Industry and Its Impact on Society
This chapter is about understanding the dynamics of medical tourism in a country like India. What drives the whole industry of medical tourism in India? To drive the brand of India as a medical tourism destination, the perspective India presents through its economic and political perspective holistically has been explored. Therefore, the idea of the chapter is to understand medical tourism and its impact on the Indian socio-economy.
The Journal of Asian Studies, 2015
Indonesia stands out as one of the most successful cases of democratic transformation in Asia, a continent that has been, with several notable exceptions, generally resistant to democratic change over the last three decades. Taking its cue from other Asian democracies, this article considers the degree to which economic modernization and ethnic factors might account for Indonesia's relative democratic success. With regard to both, it is proposed that a key factor has been the failure of Indonesia's political cleavage structure to express social conflicts that might undermine democracy. Instead, Indonesia's democratic model has been based on an inclusionary elite settlement in which powerful political and economic actors have gained a stake in the system, largely through access to patronage. This settlement has consolidated Indonesian democracy, but it has also generated costs that have been borne by relatively disempowered groups, reflected in continuing economic and gen...
Journal of Asian and African Studies, 2002
This paper examines the role of democratic practice in contemporary India, going beyond the elementary concern with democratic institutions per se. The foundations of democratic practice are identified as facility (functional democratic institutions), involvement (informed public engagement with these institutions), and equity (a fair distribution of power). The achievements and limitations of Indian democracy are assessed in this light, with special attention to the adverse effects of social inequality on democratic practice. It is argued that while the quality of democracy is often compromised by social inequality and inadequate political participation, democratic practice itself is a powerful tool of elimination of these handicaps.
Theory and Society, 2019
This article argues that democratic deepening is shaped by shifting civil society-state relations that can only be understood by disaggregating democratic deepening into its component parts of participation, representation, and stateness. This frame is used to explore the divergent democratic trajectories of Brazil, India, and South Africa. Through the examples of local government transformation and social movement mobilization, I argue that a Bproject^civil society in Brazil has deepened democracy and transformed the state. In contrast, in South Africa and India civil society is increasingly being subordinated to political society. In South Africa, an active civil society has largely been sidelined as a politically consequential actor (containerization) and in India much of civil society has been fragmented and instrumentalized (involution).
Religion
The Journal of Asian Studies, 2015
The essays in this symposium are longing for completion. A heavy Indian shadow hangs over them. Asian democracy is the overall theme of the symposium, but India, Asia's biggest “democratic behemoth,” to use Edward Aspinall's phrase, is more or less missing. Why is a discussion of Indian democracy necessary for this symposium? What would it add to the arguments made here and the themes discussed?
The Creative Launcher
This paper analyses the narrative techniques of two Dalit texts; an autobiography called Joothan by Omprakash Valmiki and a novel called Koogai: The Owl by Cho. Dharman. Through this analysis, the paper presents an account of the changing socio-political conditions of the Dalits in India after independence. Using the theoretical framework of narratology, the paper argues that the two very different narrative styles present in these two texts are reflective of the respective conditions within which their writers found themselves in and the larger socio-political questions that the Dalit emancipation movement was dealing with during those periods. Another aspect that the paper covers is how these two texts present the inherent conflicts and contradictions within the Dalit identity. It then asks the question whether these contradictions should be flattened to present a more homogeneous conceptualisation of what it means to be a Dalit or whether the identity should be imagined alongside...
Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 2008
... Religious and class minorities are portrayed in negative and stereotypical ways in textbooks used by these institutions (Kamat, 200431. Kamat, S. 2004. Postcolonial aporias, or what does fundamentalism have to do with globalization? ... Kamat, S. 2004. ...
Contributions to Indian Sociology, 2015
This article is an engagement with the issues of caste and dominance in the light of field data collected from five villages of western Uttar Pradesh. Against the background of some empirical and conceptual studies, the article presents an analysis, in terms of caste, of the ownership of land and agricultural assets, occupational and educational achievement and khap-based solidarity. The analysis shows that the resources available in the villages are highly concentrated in the hands of the Jats. Being the most powerful or dominant caste, the Jats control the village level affairs and use various means such as labour hiring and wage payment arrangement, the provision of natural fodder and lavatory facilities, informal credit arrangement and the institution of panchayat, to control the life of the villagers. The article narrates various acts of dominance of the Jats over the Scheduled Castes or marginalised castes. It ends with the observation that regardless of aggressive political m...
Forum for development studies, 2004
Abstract This article focuses on the rise of Dalit political mobilisation in India and analyses the meanings of caste that emanate through the writings of some contemporary Dalit activists. It is argued that most of the influential anthropological interpretations of caste have had in common a tendency to treat caste first and foremost as a static phenomenon of ‘traditional’ India, and hence that these are insufficient in order to understand caste in India today. Caste has become increasingly important in Indian politics and in the process the meaning of caste has changed radically. It is argued that only a historical and structural perspective is capable of capturing the many manifestations of caste practices and ideologies over time.
Journal of Asian and African Studies, 2009
This article examines the trajectories of democratization in India and South Africa. Both democracies are exemplary cases of democratic consolidation but face critical challenges in deepening democracy. Focusing on the notion of `effective democracy', the article argues that subordinate groups have limited opportunities for meaningful engagement with the State. This problem is explored through an examination of social movements and local government. The article shows that the current crisis of citizenship that both countries face results from the subordination of civil society to political society.
Journalism, 2018
The national elections in India in 2014 that swept the controversial leader Narendra Modi to power have generated a great deal of scholarship on their transformative impact with regard to the Indian polity. This article argues that, in fact, the elections demonstrate a continuity in the media’s relationship with dominant members of the political elite. Favourable, partisan reporting of dominant figures or families has a long history in India since the journalistic field reorients its subservience towards the new power structure. This research examines the similarities and differences in how authoritative and populist leaders like the Gandhis and Modi manipulate media power. While scholars have noted a close correspondence between politics and media in India, there is a research deficit in the analysis of the architecture of the media’s subservience to selected members of national significance, in the world’s largest democracy. This research draws into dialogue two influential theori...
Modern Asian Studies, 2020
The political assertion by subalterns (specifically lower and backward castes) that India witnessed from the s onwards, and the formation of governments by parties representing these groups in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, two electorally critical North Indian states, contributed significantly to the deepening of India's democracy. But these lower caste governments met with vehement resistance from privileged strata, and from a section of state actors themselves, in particular, the bureaucracy. These governments adopted a range of strategies to counter this resistance in turn, which had the effect of bringing the procedural and substantive elements of democracy into sharp conflict. The project of lower and backward caste empowerment was defined by a politics of levelling, which placed great value on instantly visible egalitarian outcomes, even when these could only be achieved by denting the rule of law and weakening public institutions. But it was precisely on account of its ability to deliver instant egalitarian fixes (albeit on an ad-hoc and sporadic basis) that this politics commanded so much legitimacy among subordinate groups. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in Uttar Pradesh, and secondary literature on backward caste politics in Bihar, this article explores the consequences that this prioritizing of right outcomes over proper procedures had on public culture in North India. It argues that this prioritizing of consequences over means bred a widespread impatience with a procedural conception of democracy, which was seen as obstructing the modalities that went to secure justice in real life.
The dawn of 21st has witnessed some new features of Indian politics that seem not to be truly democratic. These features are neither of dictatorship nor of totalitarianism rather they depict declining capacity of welfare state. The effects of globalization on Indian politics has created an imbalance between interests of social classes and corporative interests which compelled the political regimes to adopt certain measures that can be called 'post democracy'. There has been a sea of changes in nature of party-politics, agenda setting, policy priorities, role of media and aspirations of people. The present paper intends to underline the features of Indian politics in context of party politics, growing corporate interventions and role of media in the changed scenario.
India is one of the oldest civilizations and one of the largest countries of the world both in terms of territory and population. After going through several phases of wars and colonization by foreign invaders like the Mughals and the European powers for centuries, India was able to make its democracy only after independence in 1947 which was considered to be the largest democracy by electorate under the leadership of its nationalist movement The Indian National Congress. Since its creation in 1947 India has proved and sustained itself as one of the strongest and successful democratic state in the world. It has become a role model for many countries of the third world. Its a fact that even the developed countries of the world are much interested and surprised with the sustainability of the Indian democratic system. The essay is about the indian political system, its emergence, its infrastructure, the frame and strategies for managing the greatest democratic system. I have also mention the system of political parties their fall and rise and the emergence of new parties and the merging or renaming of certain political parties. I have also thrown light on the ups and downs of the voting percentage, their reasons behind and their maintenance of vote bank. i have made a closer look at five trends that have unfolded over the last six decades illustrates why the election will likely hinge on a confluence of local factors. The most striking trend in Indian electoral politics is the explosion in political competition in recent years. In the 1952 general election , the first held after India won Independence, 55 parties took part; in 2009, 370 parties entered the fray. The surge in political competition began in the 1980s -the number of parties contesting elections jumped from 38 in 1984 to 117 in 1989, a watershed year in Indian politics. It was only the second time since Independence that the Congress Party was ousted from power. The dramatic surge in 1989 is explained by the proliferation of regional parties, which formed in direct response to popular disenchantment with Congress rule and the lack of representation for lower and backward castes, minorities, and regional or sub regional interests. With the 1989 election there was end to the single party rule and brought into practice the new governments formed under multi party coalition. This further gave way to many regional parties whose leader found that they can bring about considerable influence in the government making with even a small number of seats in the parliament. However putting light on such incidents in the party mechanism of india i will throw light on the current status of the indian political system ,the ups and downs in the government formation by differnet political parties . however my focus will be on the elections held in the past two decades and the volatilities and the factors of volatilities in the different election faced by several political parties.
2020
Abstract: Into 62 years of long journey of the largest democracy of the world, India and we still retrospect how better it has performed to the expectation set by the makers of Indian constitution. "Democracy is the government of the people, by the people, for the people" As 16 th American president Abraham Lincoln quoted in appraisal of a political structure which derives its power and authority from the subjects of governance. A structure of governance different from imperial autocracy where people are made aware and responsible through equal participation and representation in the process of governance and development. Thus, this paper analyzes in true sense the essence of Indian Democracy and the status of development in India, even after 60 years of Independence.
“India’s Democratic Heritage and Contemporary Political Realities”, 2023
Is India's democracy a gift of the British? If so, how can we explain India's democratic traditions prevalent in the hoary past , of which the Greeks spoke of glowingly and the Buddhist chronicles recorded ? How can we ignore the democratic practices prevalent in medieval India? Unearthing India's democratic traditions will destroy the myth of 'Oriental Despotism' which the Westerners claimed to have destroyed .The present paper is the outcome of Delivered an Invited Talk entitled India’s Democratic Heritage and Contemporary Political Realities at ICSSR Sponsored Two Day National Seminar on ‘India’s Glorious Cultural Heritage: Continuity and Changes’ (23rd and 24th March, 2023) organized by Kashipur Michael Madhusudan Mahavidyalaya, Purulia. It has been published in Subhrajit Chatterjee ed. 'India’s Glorious Cultural Heritage: Continuity and Changes' (Selected Papers from ICSSR Sponsored Two Day National Seminar , Organized by Department of Sociology, Michael Madhusudan Mahavidyalaya , Kashipur, Purulia, West Bengal, India), Levant Books, India (ISBN: 978-93-91741-40-2)p.1-40.
Democracy Politics and Society in Contemporary India, 2021
Right Wing Politics (RWP) is on the rise globally. India is no exdeption. This paper explores the rise of RWP in India and the manner in which it impacts Indian democracy.
A legacy of the fundamentalist, undemocratic and ugliest partition of the sub-continent, India adopted a parliamentary democracy where the supreme authority is vested in the people .i.e. the parliament. Indian parliament represents and is a repository of people " s power and faith. Notwithstanding the emergency years of the 1970s which has cast a dark image in the history of our democracy, Indian democracy has shown great resilience and grown from strength to strength overcoming the odds that stood on its way. Significant is the participation of the people especially the underprivileged in politics; elections has been held periodically ensuring the legitimacy of the system and at the same time assuring the smooth transfer of power, continuity and stability of the system. The journey of our parliamentary democracy has been a subject of attention and has drawn many to scholars to come up with interesting observations. A one-party show of the Indian National Congress 1 (here forth referred to as the Congress) dictated the electoral demography of Indian democracy during the first two decades of post independence era. But by the mid-sixties, the Congress umbrella had begun to leak – with each exit of a vote bank. The Emergency blunder by Indira Gandhi in the mid 1970s led to the further erosion of the Congress core vote-bank. The general election of 1977 saw the Congress losing its supremacy for the first time. Paralleled with the downward slide of the Congress was the formation of the first coalition government at the Centre led by the Janata Party. The lack of common ideology and vision among the political parties which made up the coalition allowed the congress to recover in the 1980s. Congress suffered a permanent jolt in the 1989 general election and ever since, coalition government has been the hallmark of Indian parliamentary democracy. Hung parliament becomes the order of the day, the political stability of the early decades of the post-independence era faded into the horizon, secular and political ethics vanished as political parties resorts to communal practices and nepotism, the noble democratic principles of the founding fathers lose steam, electoral politics has been redefined in terms of caste interests and minority vote-bank consideration, money power becomes
Hindutva politics in Indian General Elections : A post-Independence Analysis, 2021
Nationalism has been an omnipresent factor in Indian politics. The fervour of Indian independence carried the winds of nationalism from colonial India to an independent India. Yet the most debated form of nationalism in Indian politics has been dominated by a kind of religious nationalism that has put a big question on the non-partisan credentials of the Indian state. The politics of Hindu nationalism rather revivalist Hindu nationalism has been in the fray since the advent of the 20 th century. The proponents of Hindutva and their policies have determined the course of Indian politics in a major way for years now. The present chapter seeks to trace the politics of the very same Hindu nationalism in the electoral spectrum of Indian general elections post Indian independence (1947) to garner a qualitative analysis of its post colonial trajectory in midst of a diversified political arena.
The Book Review, 2020
The volume makes a significant contribution to the study of India’s elections and its strength lies in analyzing elections through consideration of factors that are not only uniform across states and thereby constitute a national narrative but goes deeper to understand the regional subtexts and electoral contexts specific to states. Factors like Modi’s leadership, organizational character of BJP, Hindu nationalism and grass roots works of RSS network may be more helpful to understand the party’s consolidation in its traditional bastion of north and western India. However, its penetration in new social and geographical territories necessitates a nuanced understanding of the social and electoral alliances forged by parties as well as salience of mobilizations, driven either by personalities or identities in state politics. It is in this context that the volume enriches the field of election studies as the state specific authors pay due consideration to the local and regional contexts of elections despite leadership of Modi and Hindutva wave leaving its profound footprint at the national level.
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