European climate leadership : Durban and beyond

2011

En españoll a continuación) "Other News" is a personal initiative seeking to provide information that should be in the media but is not, because of commercial criteria. It welcomes contributions from everybody. Work areas include information on global issues, north-south relations, governance of globalization. Roberto Savio //Reproduction in whole or in part without permission is prohibited, article sent for information purposes.// After Durban: It must be created a Supranational Democratic Climate Authority Josep Xercavins i Valls* One more year, Durban 2011, adds even a bigger failure to the one already accumulated since Copenhagen where, analyzed from the current perspective, it makes clear that more than a battle against the climatic crisis was lost.

2012

Readers are encouraged to quote or reproduce material from ODI Working Papers for their own publications, as long as they are not being sold commercially. For online use, we ask readers to link to the original resource on the ODI website. As copyright holders, ODI and CDKN request due acknowledgement and a copy of the publication. This paper was written for ODI's European Development Cooperation Strengthening Programme (EDCSP) (see: http://internationaldevelopment.eu) funded by the UK Department for International Development (DFID). It was also written for the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) (see: http://cdkn.org/), a project funded by the UK Department for International Development (DFID) and the Netherlands Directorate-General for International Cooperation (DGIS) for the benefit of developing countries. However, the views expressed and information contained in it are not necessarily those of or endorsed by DFID or DGIS, who can accept no responsibility for such views or information or for any reliance placed on them. This publication has been prepared for general guidance on matters of interest only, and does not constitute professional advice. You should not act upon the information contained in this publication without obtaining specific professional advice. No representation or warranty (express or implied) is given as to the accuracy or completeness of the information contained in this publication, and, to the extent permitted by law, the entities managing the delivery of the Climate and Development Knowledge Network do not accept or assume any liability, responsibility or duty of care for any consequences of you or anyone else acting, or refraining to act, in reliance on the information contained in this publication or for any decision based on it. CDKN is led and administered by PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP. Management of the delivery of CDKN is undertaken by PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP, and an alliance of organisations including Fundación Futuro Latinoamericano, INTRAC, LEAD International, the Overseas Development Institute, and SouthSouthNorth. This paper was written for the Climate and Development Knowledge Network (CDKN) and the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) European Development Cooperation Strengthening Programme (EDCSP). It should be considered as a 'think piece' to stimulate further discussion on the relationship between the European Union (EU) and groups representing the poorest and most climate-vulnerable countries (the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS)) and the least-developed country (LDC) group) within international climate negotiations, and on how to strengthen this relationship with a view to furthering meaningful international cooperation on mitigation and adaptation. The author would like to thank Simon Maxwell, Dan Hamza-Goodacre, Siân Herbert and Nicola Cantore for their useful and constructive comments on earlier drafts of this paper, as well as those who provided input through interviews. The responsibility for its contents lies only with her. v vi Contents Acknowledgements iv Contents vi Acronyms vii Executive summary viii 1 Introduction 2 Negotiating the climate: building on insights on international cooperation 2.1 Why cooperate? Rational choice and sociological motives 2.2 Strategic choices for parties in international negotiations 2.2.1 What levers of influence? 2.2.2 Defining and identifying BATNAs and bottom lines 2.2.3 Building workable coalitions 2.2.4 Linking negotiations or seeking agreement on sub-items? 2.2.5 Shopping for the best international forum 2.3 Summing up 3 The EU as an international actor: the challenge of cooperation internally and externally 3.1 Who speaks for Europe? 3.2 Environmental focus 3.3 Levers of influence the EU can bring to bear 3.4 A coalition of shared interests: cooperation with developing countries 3.5 Summary 4 The EU's cooperation with the LDCs and AOSIS in relation to its negotiating performance in Durban 4.1 Strategic and normative elements in the EU's position in Durban 4.2 The Durban negotiations 4.3 The Durban deal: a major achievement? 4.4 Key outstanding challenges 5 Negotiating the climate: improving the atmosphere? 5.1 Realist and idealist options in the EU'

2010

ABBREVIATIONS 1. INTRODUCTION 2. ACTORNESS OF THE EU IN THE INTERNATIONAL CLIMATE REGIME CRITERIA BY JUPILLE/CAPORASO CRITERIA BY VOGLER/BRETHERTON PRELIMINARY CONCLUSION 3. LEADERSHIP IN THE INTERNATIONAL CLIMATE REGIME FORMS OF LEADERSHIP BY LINDENTHAL CONCEPTUALISATION OF LEADERSHIP INDICATORS EU LEADERSHIP IN PAST CLIMATE CHANGE NEGOTIATIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSION 4. COP 15 IN COPENHAGEN ISSUES AND NEGOTIATING PARTIES EU NEGOTIATING MANDATE OUTCOME 5. THE EU AT THE CLIMATE CHANGE CONFERENCE IN COPENHAGEN

This contribution examines the role European Union (EU) leadership played in the outcome of the 2015 COP21 climate summit in Paris. The EU’s attempts to realise its bid for climate change leadership are scrutinised by investigating to what extent the EU is actually recognised as a leader by potential followers and to what extent the EU has succeeded in achieving its negotiation objectives. To address these issues we utilize survey data collected at eight UN climate summits from 2008 to 2015 and evaluate the results of the climate negotiations particularly with respect to the Union’s goal attainment in Copenhagen and Paris. Our findings, which reveal a fragmented leadership landscape in which the EU must adjust its leadership strategies in relation to other powerful actors, such as the United States and China, provide insights into leadership theory and the EU’s prospects for exerting influence as an external actor on the world stage.

This paper analyses European climate leadership at the global climate negotiations of Copenhagen and the summits after Copenhagen—culminating in the successful adoption of the Paris Agreement in 2015. An analysis of the Union's conduct on climate issues indicates that, by setting an example, directional leadership has been the most important leadership mode of the European Union (EU). The paper underscores that the EU is an important player shaping global climate policy, but shows that the Union's leadership has come under pressure. Both the failure of the Copenhagen climate summit in 2009 and global and European economic and political crises have weakened EU climate leadership in recent years. At the climate summits following Copenhagen, however, the EU managed to partially revive some of its leadership position. The paper starts by presenting the analytical framework for the analysis of EU climate leadership by identifying three key conditions for the EU to be a successful leader in multilateral negotiations: preference cohesion (speaking with one voice), credibility, and opportunity. The paper then illustrates that EU climate leadership came under duress in Copenhagen but has recovered since then. At the same time, EU leadership is still troubled by a number of challenges, which have to be addressed in order to safeguard and reinforce the European leadership role. For the future of climate policies and the implementation of the Paris Agreement, the EU's role is all-important—especially in light of the position of US President Donald Trump on climate change. Looking ahead, in order to strengthen its leadership, the EU should play a key role in fostering the implementation of the Paris Agreement and in promoting it. Moreover, the EU should integrate pertinent measures to address climate change with the Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) it enshrines.

2011

There is a weakening consensus on how to tackle the climate crisis. Yet, the window to act is closing rapidly. A decisive response is urgently needed. A priority for the upcoming climate summit in Durban is the securing of the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol and reaching agreement to negotiate, by 2015 at the latest, a comprehensive, legally binding instrument – or package of instruments – covering all other countries. A progressive alliance of countries can make Durban a success and deliver this balanced package. This paper offers a broad view of the state of international climate politics as the international community prepares for the 17th Conference of the Parties in Durban, South Africa. The paper has been written for an expert audience of civil society colleagues with the aim to stimulate strategic discussion on possible new approaches to the multilateral climate negotiations at a time when the prospects of a fair, ambitious, and binding global agreement seems further away than ever. It is necessarily limited in its scope and reflects the bias of the author, in that it takes an insider’s view of the international negotiations process, and is written with considerable distance from the harsh realities on the ground. The focus of this paper is the state of play of negotiations. It starts off identifying the key issues and options for action in Durban – all this as input to a debate on how to change the politics of climate change, given that the science cannot be changed. The paper then proceeds to provide a frank – plain-truths – assessment of the condition of the multilateral talks. The paper does not, however, attempt to summarize the current negotiating texts. The paper also does not contain an update on the latest best-available science or of the realities of climate impacts around the world, ranging from the rising food insecurity to environmental refugees. Nevertheless, it is hoped that in its breadth, it enables a comprehensive and in depth discussion on where to next, as it is clear that business as usual – also on the side of civil society – will not prevent dangerous climate change.

This article aims to reflect on the role that the European Union has been playing both within its borders and internationally in the area of climate politics, and especially on its actual capabilities to lead the negotiations in Paris.

Policy Quarterly, 2012

Following a familiar pattern of UN climate change negotiations, the 2011 Durban conference of the parties (COP17) was concluded by sleep-deprived delegates well after its scheduled end, after crises and last-minute drama. Just what it might mean for the future was not immediately obvious to observers. Early reactions ranged from seeing yet another failure by governments to grasp the seriousness and urgency of climate change – ‘a disaster for us all’ – to much more positive assessments. The executive secretary of the UNFCCC (the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change), Christiana Figueres, described Durban as ‘without doubt … the most encompassing and furthest reaching conference in the history of the climate change negotiations’.

International Affairs and Global Strategy, 2016

This essay argues that though the Durban Summit, unlike the Copenhagen Summit, recorded some important achievements, there are inherent challenges which renders the meeting less-important. The essay argues that though the meeting as contented by Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, South Africa’s Minister of International Relations, “has taken crucial steps forward for the common good and the global citizenry”, there are questions which continue to remain a source of challenge among states. InIn making meaning of the materials, the authors utilised critical analysis to explore the issues that dominate the Durban Summit. The article benefits from secondary materials sourced from the database of Coventry University and University of Birmingham, United Kingdom.

2017

This chapter analyses the relationship between the development of domestic climate policy in the Netherlands and the Dutch efforts in this field in the EU and international arena since the 1980s. Traditionally, the Netherlands has enjoyed a reputation as an environmental and climate leader, based on setting ambitious goals, experimenting with new policy concepts and actively pushing others to follow suit. In this chapter we will argue that the Dutch climate leadership has largely faded. We will discuss to what extent problems in achieving domestic climate targets have affected the Netherlands’ declared ambition to act as an international leader in this particular area and identify factors that are important for understanding the current Dutch position. We will first outline the national context of Dutch climate policy, followed by an analysis of the evolution of the policy field and the most important policy instruments and actions. After that, the question of Dutch leadership is ad...