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2014, English Studies 95:7
AI
The paper delves into the intellectual landscape of Æthelredian England, arguing against the traditional perception of King Æthelred II as a symbol of misrule. It posits that this period was marked by significant intellectual productivity across various fields, including law, historiography, and poetry, despite the turmoil of the times. By revising the context of Æthelred's reign, the paper aims to highlight the era's rich contributions to Anglo-Saxon scholarship.
English Studies 97:2, 2016
If the origins of the first companion in this two-volume celebration of King AEthelred II's millennial anniversary were "by any measure humbler than similar commemorative projects" (as the present editors admitted in its preface roughly two years ago), then the genesis of the present collection of essays, published on the occasion of AEthelred's second millennial anniversary, emerges from even more plebeian beginnings. 1 In the spirit of full disclosure (lest history deny credit, or censure, from those to whom it belongs most rightfully), publishing a second volume was not at all part of our original plan. That outcome (which is probably now safe to reveal to the authors) was devised instead as an impromptu solution intended to avert a disaster. Here's the story: as it happened, during the waning days of preparing the final drafts of Unraed: Intellectual Thought and Rule in AEthelredian England to hand over to the publisher, we discovered that, due to a misunderstanding about our maximum permitted word count-a mistake Kristen attributes solely to the unraed (if not searuwrencas or outright swicdom) of Sándor, her chief advisor, and for which she herself stands utterly and completely blameless in every sense-we had accepted more articles than could be printed in a single issue. Truth be told, when the final tally came in, we realized that we had accepted about a volume and a half of worthy material, some of which … uh … ummmmm … would have to be somehow otherwise accommodated.
Providing an introduction to a special edition of English Studies, this paper reflects on the relationship of Anglo-Saxon scholarship with the various 1000-year anniversaries of the reign of Aethelred II (978-1016) of the last four decades.
The Court Historian, 2020
Episodes of travel to foreign courts are a feature of Íslendingasögur — Icelandic family sagas. It is a trope particularly ubiquitous of the skáldasögur — poets’ sagas — where a skáld’s reputation as warrior and hero is augmented through interactions with historical figures of the Scandinavian world. The resultant depictions of various cultures and societies are one of the interesting features of the corpus. The late thirteenth-century Gunnlaugs saga provides a notably rich exemplar of the motif of the travelling skáld. The hero, Gunnlaug Illugason, travels widely, visiting the royal courts of England, Viking Dublin and Sweden, alongside various non-royal courts including that of Norway. Of particular interest is the portrayal of Æthelred II (978–1016) and the English court, which is not only at odds with the depictions of other courts within the narrative, but with the historical tradition of Æthelred’s fraught kingship. This article examines the differing portrayals of kingship within Gunnlaugs saga, questioning how Icelanders perceived English rulers in contrast to their Scandinavian counterparts, and whether Æthelred’s characterisation as a good king is authorial invention, or remnant cultural memory of his kingship.
There are few mentions of Aethelflaed of Mercia in modern secondary scholarship, and only tantalizing information on her in the primary sources. 1 Most secondary sources outlined the basics of Aethelflaed's place in history --admittedly a small part in the unification of England from Alfred to Aethelstan. Despite this, I always suspected there was more to Aethelflaed's story than we could get to; another forgotten memory destroyed by the vagaries of time and the chronicler's pen. And then, during a lecture on Alfred's kingdom in my Medieval English History course, a student excitedly raised his hand as I spoke about Edward's role in the destruction of Aethelflaed's realm in Mercia. A native of Ireland, he said he'd heard stories about Aethelflaed from his grandmother, stories that dwelt on English perfidy against rightful rulers. I asked him to write the story down for me, as best he could recall. His tale outlined Aethelflaed and her daughter as the rightful rulers of Mercia, rulers who had close connections and warm relations with Irish kings. This remained true until Aethelflaed's death, when Edward claimed Mercia as
Remembering the Medieval Present: Generative Uses of England's Pre-Conquest Past, 10th to 15th Centuries, 2019
This introduction prefaces a collection of ten essays focusing on how individuals living in the late tenth through fifteenth centuries engaged with the authorizing cultural and political fiction of Anglo-Saxon England.
The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 2020
2012
This thesis would not have been possible without all the staff at the Medieval Icelandic Studies program at Háskola Íslands, nor without my undergraduate adviser, John Ott, and the head of the MIS program, Torfi Tulinius, who did most of the work of getting me into Iceland and started on the MA program in the first place. I would like to thank my adviser, Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir, for getting me started on this project and guiding me, in particular, through the early stages of research. I likewise owe a great debt to Haraldur Bernharðsson for teaching me Old Norse with amazing skill, passion, and efficiency and guiding me through all the difficult stages of translation in Breta sögur and Merlínusspá. My thanks to Hélène Tétrel, for her excellent advice, her generosity with her knowledge and transcriptions, and her help with the source material. Thanks also to Terry Gunnell, for introducing me to what hamingja and fylgja can represent, which provided one of the earliest inspirations for what this thesis would be about. Much appreciation, finally, to all my fellow students who helped edit and advised me on this work, particularly Magda, James, and Paul. Saxon kings. From the story of the saintly king Oswald in chapter forty-nine, which will be discussed in detail in the next chapter, until the end of the work, Breta sögur appears to put Anglo-Saxon kings on equal footing with the British kings. The work is significantly shortened here, and every detail stands out. For example, when the rather unsympathetic chieftain Peanda is attacking the Saxon king Oswi, Oswi gives a speech added into Breta sögur-despite the great abbreviation of the section-expounding upon his faith; it is also noted that he praised God for his victory. 19 Both details, which enhance the Saxon king's virtuous character, are lacking in the Historia. While Geoffrey must, on some level, confront the saintliness of Oswald, he has no such obligation to his brother Oswi. The Breta sögur translator, on the other hand, uninvolved in the racial and political tensions of Geoffrey's milieu, could expound upon the nobility of Oswi's character. In the translation, then, there is a sort of unity created between the two brothers, in stark contrast to the rather unsympathetic and treacherous, yet Briton-allied, Peanda. From here the death of the great British king Caduallo is told relatively fully, but the great exodus of the British people to Brittany is very short and a key detail is missing. In the Hauksbók Breta sögur, Ivor and Yni, son and nephew of Cadualadrus, do not appear. In the Historia, they are a sort of compromise Cadualadrus makes, before he makes his pilgramage to Rome, giving up his kingly office for a holy life; they continue the line of kings on the island, while he pursues divine virtue. 20 Thus in Breta sögur, the religious sacrifice is more complete, but, more importantly here, the Britons have fully given up their 19 Finnur Jónsson, ed., Hauksbók, 300. "[O]ss mvn þat fyri betra er þeir neita saettvm. [S]kvlv ver þangat saekia til travst sem vrvgt er heitvm a almattkan gvð oss til fvlltings ok mvnv ver í hans travsti fagran sigr vega. Gongvm fram rosklega ok synvm enga raezlv a ors þvi at gott er hvart sem helldr kemr vpp at ver fallim a foðorleifð vaʀi ella sigrimz. siþan tokz harðr bardagi með þeim ok eigi langr aðr Pendan fellr ok með hanvm .xxx. iarla en Vsvið ok hans menn lofvðv gvð fyri fagran sigr." ("That will be better for us, that they deny reconciliation; we would seek for truce, which is negligent. Let us call on Almighty God to help us, and we will win a fair victory in his good faith. We go forth bravely and show no fear in ourselves, because it is good whether it happens that we fall into our patrimony or are victorious." Then a hard battle began between them, and it was not long before Peanda fell, and with him thirty jarls, and Oswi and his men praised God for the fair victory.) 20 "Filiam autem suum Iuor ac Yni nepotem suum ad reliquias Britonum regendas in insulam dirigeret, ne gens antiquo genere illorum edita litertatem barbarica irruptione ammitteret." ".. . but he should send his son Ivor and nephew Yni to the island to rule the surviving Britons, so that the people descended from their ancient race should not lose their freedom because of barbarian invasion." (Geoffrey of Monmouth, History of the Kings of Britain, ed./trans. Reeve and Wright, 280-81)
Mid-America Medieval Association, 2019
This paper was presented at the 43rd annual Mid-America Medieval Association Conference (14 September 2019), whose theme was "What Lies Beneath." This paper provides a brief overview of post-Norman Conquest interpretations of the life, personality, and activity of Æthelred II "the Unready" of England, comparing them to what contemporary Anglo-Saxon sources say about the king. Numerous unflattering legends surrounding King Æthelred can be traced to the 12th century historian William of Malmesbury, while material from John of Worcester's 12th century chronicle will also be examined. In addition, popular interpretations from the 19th and 20th centuries show how Æthelred's unenviable reputation has progressed into the modern era. These interpretations are then compared to Anglo-Saxon sources for the activity and behavior of Æthelred. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, for example, portrays the king more favorably-as a relatively typical, if unlucky, Anglo-Saxon king-and the Life of Oswald, while not an unbiased source, casts doubt on his supposed personality flaws. By revisiting these earliest sources, this paper argues that many of the commonly-repeated legends about Æthelred the Unready do not comfortably align with the earliest sources for the reign.
English Studies , 2014
The sometimes unfortunate decisions made by King Æthelred II during his reign have cast him in an unsavory light, so much so that his various accomplishments have been overlooked. The negative anecdotes and unflattering legends chronicled about him after his death by medieval historians such as William of Malmesbury have left a lasting negative impression. Although detailing Æthelred’s failings is a familiar subject, he installed a number of important judicial laws and ecclesiastical charters that proved beneficial to the country during and after his reign. Æthelred’s legal implementations might not offer enough support to repair his reputation from the poor position it holds in the eyes of history’s critics; however, some of his legislative decisions deserve critical attention and commendation. This paper examines the extent to which the medieval justice system was shaped by Æthelred’s judicial policies. Additionally, this paper reconsiders the legislative decisions in the third quarter of Æthelred’s reign which contributed to thriving ecclesiastical, and by association artistic, communities. Perhaps it is easier to focus on Æthelred’s failures because there seems to be no shortage of them; however, the persistent focus on his shortcomings misrepresents him and deprives us of gaining a more accurate image of his character. Despite the continued Viking attacks from AD 993 to 1006, Anglo-Saxon England maintained a generally stable period of governance that contributed to a flourish of literature, liturgical texts, manuscripts and art. Therefore, this paper focuses on the rule of Æthelred II during the final decade of the 10th- century until 1006 in order to shed light on a relatively successful period in which implementation of specific legislative and ecclesiastical policies proved beneficial for Anglo-Saxon England and its future.
The English Historical Review
This article explains why Æthelflaed, ruler of Mercia, mattered to writers of history in twelfth-century England. It argues that these writers evaluated and compared rulers based not on sex or bloodline, but on the quality of a ruler’s achievements relative to the set and scale of challenges the ruler faced. They thought Æthelflaed remarkable because her triumphs for Mercia distinguished her from other rulers. The article shows that a new understanding of attitudes in twelfth-century England towards rulers, past and present, is required. It accounts for the absence of gendered comments about rulers, as well as the presence of non-binary concepts of gender, in medieval writing. It also challenges the enduring idea that Latin writers imposed a shared, Wessex-dominated national vision on the English past. They asserted Mercia’s independence under Æthelflaed’s sole rule, which shows that English regional interests persisted in the historical imagination long after the Norman Conquest.
The life and writings of Aelred of Rievaulx (1110-67) provide some of the most important material for the study of Cistercian monasticism in 12th-century England, Cistercian teachings and beliefs, and the relationship of the order with other ecclesiastical and secular bodies. To date, the corpus of surviving works attributed to Aelred includes almost 200 sermons, 13 treatises and seven historical and hagiographical works. Among modern audiences, Aelred is regarded as one of the foremost thinkers of 12th-century England, at times on par with the great Bernard of Clairvaux, with whom Aelred is known to have had regular contact and with whom Aelred's biographer; a link which inspired Knowles' now famous description of Aelred as the 'Bernard of the North'.(1) Aelred provides the subject for the latest addition to the Brill Companions to the Christian Tradition series. This is a book which easily fulfils Brill's brief to produce 'full balanced accounts at an advanced level' and 'synthesis of debate and the state of scholarship', with particularly notable strengths in the latter.(2) This collection has been curated by Marsha Dutton who, as Professor Emerita at Ohio State University, Executive Editor of Cistercian Publications, editor of several of Aelred's works, and author of numerous studies on Aelred's life and themes within his writings, needs little introduction to Aelred specialists.(3) Dutton is author of two chapters, with the remaining eight authors drawn from the ranks of the established academic field of Aelred and Cistercian studies. This companion makes a worthy and timely addition to Brill's series, focusing on one of the most important thinkers in 12th-century English theology and spirituality, and drawing on a number of recent new editions of Aelred's works, many of which have been produced by Dutton. Dutton's introduction is carefully planned, introducing the reader to Aelred's life and works in just enough detail so as to provide sufficient coverage, but without too much content so as to confuse the novice. Dutton expertly outlines the case for Aelred as a subject for attention, describing his treatises on spiritualism as his 'greatest contribution to Western thought', and portraying Aelred as a 'significant contributor' to his three main fields of writing, noted here as spiritual thought; history-writing, and discourse on English conquests abroad, which is here termed 'paracolonialism' (p. 1). Dutton's summary of Aelredian scholarship reflects on the major trends in Aelred studies from Dumont and Squire to more recent developments, recognising debts owed to modern Cistercian scholars, before setting out the agenda for the rest of the volume.
A companion to Ælfric, 2009
The Age of Alfred: Translation, Adaptation, Innovation, ed. A. Faulkner and F. Leneghan. Studies in Old English Literature, 3, Turnhout, Brepols, 2023
The Old English Orosius (OEO) has been recently reassessed as one of the more effective textual representations of the affirmation of Wessex, not only in local matters – as the defender of the Angelcynn from Viking raids (Pezzarossa 2013) or the ultimate expression of anweald in Britain (Kretschmar 1987) – but also, and much more ambitiously, in whole western Europe (Harris 2001; Leneghan 2015). If we agree with the view of OEO as a manifesto of the newly acquired role of the house of Wessex as heir of the Roman Empire, one would expect to find a sheer amount of innovation in the section related to the Roman empire and its leaders. In fact, the last three books of Orosius’ Historiae (OH) have undergone a massive work of reshaping: Bk 5 and Bk 6 were merged together (OEO Bk 5) and heavily abridged, while Bk 7 (OEO BK 6) was reshaped so that almost each emperor corresponded to one specific chapter. Although these innovations have already been observed by critics, they have never gone beyond the point of mere comment. In this view, particularly interesting is the re-elaboration of the section devoted to Cesar, traditionally acknowledged as the first Roman emperor. In this paper I argue that the goal of the translator is not only to transform Cesar into a positive example of ruler, but also – and more importantly – to create a parallelism with King Alfred’s life and deeds which might be functional to the legitimation of him and his offspring as Britain’s legitimate overlords.
This article consists of a detailed study of a series of extraordinary diplomas issued by King Æthelred ‘the Unready’ during the 990s. These diplomas restore lands and rights to churches which had earlier been despoiled by the king and his advisors and their wording indicates that they were intended as a conscious gesture of penitence. As such, these documents were of central political importance and it is argued that they can be fruitfully mined for evidence of Æthelred’s own thoughts and feelings in these years; these diplomas might well be considered to preserve Æthelred’s own ‘voice’.