Gwangju News 200th Issue Anniversary

Ce mémoire a pour but d’évaluer le rôle de la société civile dans le processus de consolidation démocratique sud-coréen à travers l’exemple de la mobilisation sociale ayant suivi le naufrage du ferry Sewol en avril 2014. La préoccupation principale est de déterminer si la société civile est toujours mobilisée vingt-cinq ans après la transition à un régime démocratique. La mobilisation du Sewol montre que la société civile sud-coréenne s’est remobilisée et participe de la politisation d’enjeux afin de mettre à l’agenda des réformes démocratiques destinées à être entreprises par l’Etat. Néanmoins le gouvernement et plus généralement la société politique sud-coréenne est immobilisée, léthargique et ne prend pas la mesure des aspirations de la société civile. Ainsi le dialogue entre société civile et société politique, crucial dans ce contexte de consolidation démocratique, est miné. En raison du manque de confiance entre les deux parties, les membres de la société civile et plus généralement les citoyens ont tendance à contourner le jeu des partis politiques, ce qui pourrait être dangereux pour le futur de la consolidation démocratique sud-coréenne. Mots-clés : Corée du Sud – Sewol – société civile – société politique – transition démocratique – consolidation démocratique – politisation – mouvements sociaux This thesis is intended to assess the role of civil society in South Korean democratic consolidation process through the example of the social mobilization following the April 2014 Sewol ferry tragedy. The main concern is to determine whether civil society is still mobilized or not twenty five years after the transition to a democratic regime. The Sewol mobilization shows that South Korean civil society re-mobilized and is currently politicizing issues in order to push for democratic reforms to be implemented by the state. However the government and generally speaking South Korean political society is immobilized, lethargic and does not understand civil society’s aspirations. Therefore the dialogue between civil society and political society, crucial in this democratic consolidation context, is undermined. As a consequence of the lack of trust between both parties, civil society members and citizens more generally tend to bypass the political parties arena, which could be dangerous for the future of South Korean democratic consolidation. Key-words: South Korea – Sewol – civil society – political society – democratic transition – democratic consolidation – politicization – social movements

Gwangju News, No. 210, pp. 38-40, August, 2019

The English Connection, 2019

2011

vi her unwavering faith and infectious visions have kept me working through the tough times, focused on my project. Professor Daniel McKee, who graciously agreed to be a reader, opened and engaged in my dissertation in comparative terms by bringing to it his expertise in Japanese studies. His insightful suggestions were very helpful to thinking through my project with more careful, balanced viewpoints. I would like to extend my thanks to Rich Keller, Keeley Boerman, and Jessica Smith for their warmth and administrative support, which made my school life much easier. In addition, I wish to thank my editor, Kristen Ebert-Wagner, for her excellent editing and insightful comments. Her timely and effective collaboration has been invaluable to clarifying my ideas and to crafting my writing. I would like to deeply thank Yu Yeongpyo, the vice chairman of the Permanent Committee of the Korea Democracy Foundation, and Jo Seongwu, the assembly president of the Permanent Committee of the Korean Council for Reconciliation and Cooperation. They have introduced me to people who helped me conduct my research, clarified facts about the dissident movement, and encouraged my project with the utmost enthusiasm. The dissident journalist and ex-vice president of Han'gyeore Daily, Yim Jaegyeong, patiently listened to my rough idea on Korea's modernity and shared his insights. I would very much like to thank the dissident pastors Park Hyeonggyu and Won Gijun for extensively sharing their minjung church mission through interviews. I wish to acknowledge the staff members Yun Hyejun and Yun Sohee at the Archives of Korean Art at the Hoam Art Museum for their support of my research. Kim Yongtae, the ex-president of the National Artists Federation, especially helped me to meet minjung artists in the National Artists Association. Many minjung artists, not all of whom I can acknowledge here, genuinely welcomed and invited me vii to their meetings, for which I cannot thank them enough! I wish to acknowledge the minjung artists Yim Oksang,

Gwangju News, No. 218, pp. 40-43, April, 2020

Interview with Kristy Dolson and Peter Lucarotti

Religions, 2019

The new religious movements (NRMs) initially emerged in the regional societies of East Asia in the middle nineteenth and early twentieth centuries including Joseon (Korea). The socio-political transformation from feudalism to modernisation emaciated the religiosity of the traditional beliefs (Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism, shamanism, and folk religions). Colonial Korea experienced the major turning point in which various syncretic NRMs surfaced with alternative visions and teachings. What is, then, the historical origin of Christian NRMs? Who are their leaders? What is their background? What is the main figure of the teachings? How did they survive? This paper explores the history of Korean Christian new religious movements from the 1920s Wonsan mystical movements to 1990s urban and campus movements. Through the contextual studies of denominational background, birth, founder, membership, key teachings, evangelical strategy, phenomenon, services, sacred rituals, globalisation, and media, the three grassroots groups of Guwonpa (Salvation Sect: Good News Mission), WMSCOG (World Mission Society Church of God), and Shincheonji Church of Jesus the Temple of the Tabernacle of the Testimony (SCJ) are argued as the most controversial yet well-globalised organisations among ethnic Christian NRMs in contemporary Korea.

Kotesol Journal, 2016

Published in The Official Journal of Korea Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages (KOTESOL / Korea TESOL), Volume 12, Number 1.

Gwangju News, No. 229, pp. 52-55, March, 2021

Contributions by Jared Dela Paz, Ju Seong Lee, and Derek Iwanuk

2014

This article addresses the question of what gets transmitted in cross-national diffusion and why. It does so by analyzing the spread of rights-based activism from Japanese to South Korean leprosy (Hansen's disease) survivors in the 2000s. Previous scholarship would predict extensive diffusion of mobilizing frames and tactics, especially since Korean lawyers learned an effective legal mobilization template while working with Japanese lawyers to win compensation for Korean leprosy survivors mistreated by Japanese colonial authorities before 1945. Yet the form of subsequent activism by Korean leprosy survivors for redress from the Korean government differed from the original Japanese model. This case suggests the need for scope conditions on theories about isomorphism and the agency of brokers. In particular, it draws attention to how the structure of a country's public sphere—and especially its legal profession, news media, and activist sector—affects the feasibility of imported innovations related to activism and legal mobilization.