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2022, South Atlantic Quarterly
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This paper examines the complex relationship between Black culture and its emancipatory potential within the broader socio-political landscape. It discusses the historical context of Black political thought, emphasizing the inherent challenges and limitations in framing Black culture solely as a means of critique or rebellion. Through a lens of abolitionist thought, the work argues for the transformative power of Black joy and cultural expressions witnessed in recent social movements, suggesting a radical vision for a future that may yet emerge from these cultural practices.
American Studies, 2004
By providing the readers with some context in which Black Arts, Black Power Freedom Movements, and Black Aesthetics matured Cedric Robinson’s Black Marxism, juxtaposed with Jodi Melamed’s Represent and Destroy :Rationalizing Violence In the New Racial Capitalism, and Jordan T. Camp’s Incarcerating the Crisis: Freedom Struggles and the Rise of the Neoliberal State we can potentially navigate ourselves out of the muck of the class and/or/vs race but asking a different question: how do the authors identify the relationship of race and capitalism, and how does the expressive culture of the Black Radical Tradition produce alternative epistemologies about different social and economic systems and relations grounded in Black cosmologies ? I will argue in this paper that the Black Radical Tradition needs to become fully conscious of it-self in order frame addressing the race/class nexus (Fanon, 1967, in Welcome, 2007; Robinson, 1983/2000). Nonetheless, we need to pay attention to the modern movements and the practices on how to exposes the contradictions between race and capitalism. First, I will provide a quick historical development of the Black Radical Tradition through Robinson’s Black Marxism, where he traces the Black Radical Tradition from the 16th century to the present. Second, this will take us to the 1960s-1960s of transnationalism, and anti-imperialism of black freedom fighters Claudia Jones, C.L.R. James, Frantz Fanon, Aime Cesaire, Angela Davis, George Jackson, Huey Newton, Malcolm X, MLK Jr, and how this time was an opportune time for both black, natives and the global take advantage of that moment. Thereby producing a mature black radical formation constituted on the multiple crisis of the 50s, 60s, and 70s. I will list what in my view characterizes a modern Black Radical Tradition.
I will argue in this paper that the Black radical tradition needs to become fully conscious of it-self in order frame a radical black studies alterity perspective within the Black radical tradition (King, 2007; Robinson, 1983/2000). First, I will provide a quick historical development of the Black Radical tradition through Robinson’s Black Marxism, where he traces the Black radical tradition from the 16th century to the present. Second, this will take us to the 1960s-1960s of transnationalism, and anti-imperialism of black freedom fighters Claudia Jones, C.L.R. James, Frantz Fanon, Aime Cesaire, Angela Davis, George Jackson, Huey Newton, Malcolm X, MLK Jr, and how this time was an opportune time for both black, natives and the global take advantage of that moment. I will utilize Wynter’s and Weheliye’s work to understand how black studies came to be and the possibilities it presented us and why its essential to a black centric episteme . Third, I will intervene on the debates about Afro-Pessimism and where it stands in the pantheon of black critical thought. Making concessions that the scholarly works of Frank Wilderson III and Jared Sexton rejuvenated younger peoples interest in Africana Studies, Black Studies and Critical social theory, and infused different interpretation of Fanon, nonetheless Afro-Pessimism I argue is a misinterpretation, of Frantz Fanon work in totality, and misrecognition agency and relationality in his writing. Thereby, limiting the truly radical possibility of using a pessimist reading of the universe. We should look to Wynter’s and Gordon’s Fanon, rather than the “political ontology” of Agamben reading of Fanon in Wilkerson’s III, and Sexton work. Last, but not least, and I will attempt to also undo the abuse of the colonial order that by looking at Wynter’s Black studies alterity perspective pedagogy to understand do we as black people along with red, Latino and native people of the world bring a closure to the current episteme? To concertize our discussion of Black studies I will use Joyce E. King’s (2007) work of “Critical Studyin’” which ties together all the critical ideas in this paper into a comprehensive framework from the position of the liminal. How did we get here? Why is fanon and Wynter important to understand the situation we are in currently? Why black studies? These questions and answers are grounded in a black studies perspective. This is grounded in the sociocultural and historical experience of the liminality of African-descent people (King, 2006). As intellectuals, we have a role to play, just as we have done in the past by being on the ground by articulating a order by creating new cultural codes aside of the natural biological ones that exist. Agreeing with Wynter “Black Studies is really in the forefront of the battle against ‘Man’ and for the human, and to begin to put it forward in that re-conception.
The contemporary experiences of racially marginalized people in the West are affected deeply by the hegemonic capitalist Orthodox cultural codes, or episteme, in which blackness operates as the symbol of Chaos. As it relates to people of African descent, these affects are marked by a denial of the black person’s full status as an unproblematic subject, by ontological voids arising from the practice of enslavement over the past centuries, and by problems of representation within the West, where examples and points of reference for black identity are always tied up with conflicting interests. Utilizing Sylvia Wynter's model of the "ceremony" as one means of describing the ways in which blacks in the West maneuver the extant psychological and philosophical perils of race in the Western world, I argue that the history of black responses to the West's ontological violence is alive and well, particularly in art forms like spoken word, where the power to define/name oneself is of paramount importance. Focusing on how art shaped black responses to ontologically debilitating circumstances, I argue that there has always existed a model for liberation within African American culture and tradition. This work takes an approach that is philosophical and theoretical in nature in order to address the wide breadth of the black experience that lies beyond the realm of statistics. The goal of this approach is to continue the work of unraveling hidden or under-discussed aspects of the black experience in order to more clearly find possibilities for addressing problems in the construction of race and marginalized people within the Western episteme. This work attempts to redefine the struggle for a healthier ontology within the framework of a process of liberation that transcends Orthodox limitations on the marginalized subject.
This dissertation seeks to comprehensively refocus the analytical frameworks dealing with black modern subjectivity through an in-depth examination of “Culturalism,” or the regime of meaning-making in which Blackness is culturally specified and abstracted from material, political economic, and structural conditions of dispossession through state technologies of antiradicalism. Cold War liberalism institutionalized the hegemony of cultural politics and Culturalism by foregrounding cultural analyses of African retention and syncretism, cultural continuity, and comparative diasporic cultures. As the Cold War instantiated the bifurcation of the world and influenced the direction of decolonization, the African diaspora as an analytical framework became reduced to its cultural aspects. It essentially framed connections among African descendants in terms of culture; asserted Black modernity and claims to equality on cultural grounds; and constructed culture as the domain of struggle. Culturalism divorced Blackness and the African diaspora from the material realties of governmentalized, transnational state projects that sustain racial and class hierarchies. The hegemony of Culturalism in contemporary theories of the Black condition and the African diaspora diverge significantly from those of the Black radical structure of feeling that conceptualized Diaspora (thought not explicitly named at this time) through a nexus that included political economy, cultural formations, and nationalism. Conditions of Black abjection were seen to permeate both the base and the superstructure such that mobilization on both fronts was necessary to combat white supremacy. The result has been a turn away from the political economy/structural critique that, in the interwar period, provided a theoretical framework to challenge American antiblack statist discourse. The marginalization of Black radicalism and political economy produced the politicization of culture as the dominant mode of organizing for Black equality, and the primary intellectual focus in African diaspora studies. Anticommunism entrenched this move away from structural critique by criminalizing and disciplining critiques that opposed the racialized social order, the spread of empire, and capitalist accumulation. Instead of challenging their exclusion from the state based on economic dispossession and maldistribution of resources, Black people in the United States began to mobilize around cultural specification, for inclusion based on liberal civil rights discourse, and/or to assert international linkages based on mutually recognized cultural enunciations of blackness. In other words, the Cold War curtailed the possibilities of challenging the state in terms of the political economy of exploitation, thus Blackness came to be understood in nationalist and cultural terms of exclusion. At the same time, decolonizing countries that sought equality in the world-system asserted their willingness and ability to adopt the culture of development, modernization, and anticommunism. This was notwithstanding the fact that their insertion into the global political economy as sovereign nations continued relations of unequal exchange, declining terms of trade, and neocolonialism. Culturalism is thus a function of antiradical and antiblack statist pedagogy, and after World War II, it became entangled with anticommunism as an instrumentality of surveillance and violence. Culturalism institutionalized the erasure of radical political economic critique in the theorizing of the black global condition, the disciplining of Black radicalism, and the cultural specification of African diaspora studies examined in the dissertation. The cultural specification of blackness and the forms of Culturalism that it takes are integrally related to statist technologies that facilitate the accommodation of black intellectual and practical challenges to the capitalist state while, at the same time, ensuring their cooptation. These are the bases for the surveillance, disciplining, and punishment of black radical critique.
American Quarterly, 2007
During the winter of 2005, rappers 50 Cent and The Game staged a wellpublicized feud replete with verbal sparring, public threats, media outcry, and a shooting outside of New York City's Hot 97-the largest and most influential urban music radio station in the nation. On cue, journalists, media personalities, and black public figures lashed out at hip-hop culture and the music industry in general for promoting negative values. Reminiscent of the activism of C. Delores Tucker with her anti-gangsta rap crusades of the 1990s and in a move that aligned black activists with right-wing values, Reverend Al Sharpton called for the Federal Communications Commission to issue a temporary ban of artists who promote violence. 1 The feud came to a temporary resolution when the two parties organized a press conference at the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture on the anniversary of the death of rapper Notorious B.I.G., who died in a drive-by shooting in Los Angeles in 1997. During the public reconciliation, the two artists made charitable donations to the Boys Choir of Harlem and 50 Cent read the following statement:
Deleuze and Guattari deploy the image of the black hole to describe the grotesque disfigurations – the pores, blackheads and little scars – pockmarking the “semiotic face of capitalism.” It is an apt analogy for the unsettling position of blackness in relation to contemporary thought and political practice. In this special issue of Rhizomes we use the black hole as a conceptual starting point to consider how racial blackness serves as a vortex disrupting the smooth administration of late-capital and our resistance to it. An increasingly precise challenge is on the table that has largely been met with silence by radical theorists and activists alike. This challenge, what is often expediently called, “afro-pessimism,” has targeted the foundations of modern critical thought and declared them ineffective given their inability to engage what Wilderson describes as “the structural relation between Blacks and Humanity as an antagonism (an irreconcilable encounter) as opposed to a conflict.”
Spark: A 4C4Equality Journal (an open-access, online, peer-reviewed journal on activism in writing, rhetoric, and literacy studies), 2020
an open-access, online, peer-re ie ed journal on acti ism in riting, rhetoric, and literac studies
2025
Mapping Afrofuturism: Understanding Black Speculative Practice addresses the multifaceted domain of Afrofuturism—a cultural, political, and intellectual movement that uses African diaspora concerns to reshape how we understand technology and culture. This anthology examines the historical trajectory and impact of Afrofuturism in the United States, providing readers with an understanding of its development and its significance in challenging systemic racism and discriminatory practices. The book outlines the movement's roots and global reach while focusing on the African American experience. This volume is methodically divided into sections reflecting Afrofuturism's pivotal role across different eras and mediums, including literature, art, music, and activism. The book traces how Afrofuturism has questioned and shaped conceptions of knowledge in the Western hemisphere and underscores its profound influence on contemporary issues like the Black Lives Matter movement. It provides a powerful critique of colonial power structures and unapologetically asserts the importance of Black cultural practice and knowledge in modern discourse, emphasizing the contributions of prominent figures from W.E.B Du Bois to Octavia E. Butler. Mapping Afrofuturism is well-suited for undergraduate and graduate courses in African American studies, cultural studies, literary studies, and media studies. It is a foundational text for students interested in examining the intersections of race, art, science, and technology within a historical and cultural framework.
This essay provides a robust introduction to the vexed and generative terrains of Afro-pessimisms and black feminisms. Taken together, the essays reviewed address what each tendency says about the nature of black positionality and the significance of the meanings and histories attached to black female flesh and the slave polity—the “arbiters of blackness itself”—via considerations of deep literacy, psychoanalysis, sound theory, black m/othering, drama, ethnography, material conditions of knowledge production, canon formation, intellectual appropriation, coalition politics, state and vigilante murder and sexualized violence, and the risk of repeating Euro-American Enlightenment through mischaracterizing the relationship between colonialism and slavery.
Ufahamu a Journal of African Studies, 1981
Wake Forest University, 2020
Representation Matters is an utterance that is often evoked to uncover the ways globalized anti-blackness constructs forms of exclusion within media and culture. The phrase acts as a kind of perceptible measure for the assumed racial progress of civil society, as the presence of black bodies in powerful positions attempts to serve as verification that the horrors of slavery and genocide are simply the unfortunate effects of past mistakes rather than an enduring legacy of gratuitous violence. My thesis plans on analyzing how the visibility of racialized and gendered bodies, especially those made visible for entertainment, are intertwined within the ontometaphysically violent process of obliterating the Other, particularly the black nonbeing. My analysis hopes to unveil representation as a fraudulent measure for progress and examine representation as an epistemological tool that employs rhetorical arguments designed to fortify the anti-black logic that maintains civil society.My thesis will focus on how black representation within American popular culture is implicated within the politics of the archive, a collection of historical records, iconography, and documents which provides an assumed public memory and intimate insight on the inner workings of a place, institution, or group of people within an event. In addition, I reflect on critical fabulation as an in(ter)vention of the archive and representation. The practice of reimagining the black social life challenges the Western Canon of the archive which relegates the genealogy of black feminist epistemology into zones of death. My thesis will compare these narratives to demonstrate the ontological violence of the archive then use the process of critical fabulation to explain the radical potential of telling stories of black life in events of social death.
2022
Any reader of black literature — whether African-American or Franco/Afro-Caribbean — will have recognized in this title two major references in this field, two essential authors: Amiri Baraka (LeRoi Jones) and Frantz Fanon. “Let the world be a Black poem” is a verse from his poem Black Art. The scansion of the latter by the activist and poet Baraka is a jazzistical invitation to fight against segregation and the Jim Crow laws that still prevailed in the country. The Wretched of the Earth (Les Damnés de la Terre) is a literal quote of the masterful work of the Martinican psychiatrist, thinker and activist Frantz Fanon, Omar, companion in the fight of independence-seeking Algeria and its people. In terms of literature and sociology, almost everything is said through these two works. Literature is elevated here to the rank of weapons of war and mobilization, of emancipation and community progress. Incidentally, how can we not accept as absolute the inalienability of the unbreakable link, in our view, between literature and sociology? Notwithstanding the fact that sociology is our favorite field, our art (poetry, performance and even choreographic creation) is undeniably engaged! During the conference around Frantz Fanon which I attended and participated in a few years ago at the University of Mostaganem itself, I was shocked by some literary analysis made of the work of Toni Morrison. Questions and analyzes were brought and provoked my indignation somewhat, while I perceived the ineffable deficiency in terms of sociology of black worlds. How can one read or write about these literatures and these communities without considering the contexts that shaped them? Thus, I decided to draw inspiration from it for this keynote that I am invited to deliver to highlight the fundamental usefulness of literature for our black communities. I will sometimes use an inclusive approach (within reason), since I will express myself and analyze the theme at hand from my own perspective: as woman, black (mixed race), Caribbean, Afrodescendent, womanist activist and of a certain Negritude , and committed researcher. My argument will answer the following question: how is literature sociologically emancipatory for oppressed peoples? After having documented the past and contemporary sociological, historical contexts of the Black Diaspora and the rules of literary analysis that it seems essential for us to see applied, we will explore the best-known literary genres to bring to light what makes them sociological keys, since they are testimonials, social chronicles, tools of advancement and evolution, but also of identity and national/ist construction: journal/diary (i.e. The Color Purple by Alice Walker), poetry (Notebook of a Return to the Native Land / Cahier d'un retour au pays natal / Aimé Césaire, Amiri Baraka’s poetry, Cette igname brisée qu’est ma terre natale / This Broken Yam That Is My Native Land by Sonny Rupaire or even Balles d'or / Golden Bullets by Guy Tirolien…), novel (works by Raphaël Confiant, Maryse Condé, Patrick Chamoiseau, etc.), short stories ( Haïti noire, for example) and essay (Peau Noire, Masques Blancs / Black Skin, White Masks or Les Damnés de la Terre / The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon, …). Without being exhaustive here, this overview will allow us a bibliographical approach, as well as an exploration of other questions raised: Can we write in the name of art for art's sake when we write in a dominated country? Keywords Americas — French Overseas – USA — Blackstream — Literature — Postcoloniality— Decolonial — Black Art Movements.
This course is designed to bring together philosophical pessimism and black radical political theory to engage a discussion that considers this intersection across various disciplines: art/aesthetics, literature, film, philosophy, gender and queer theories, and psychology/psychoanalysis. We will consider the writings of black theorists, activists and poets like Toni Morrison, Hortense Spillers, David Marriott, Frank Wilderson, Jared Sexton, James Baldwin, Saidiya Hartman, and Dionne Brand; along with the work of philosophers like Eugene Thacker and Graham Harman. Texts will include academic articles, prose, poetry, fiction and the visual texts will include independent and mainstream films and genre television.
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